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AUTHOR: 


GOODWIN, WILLIAM 
WATSON 


TITLE: 


SYNTAX OF THE MOODS 


AND TENSES OF THE ... 


PLACE: 


BOSTON 


DATE: 


1890 





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100 Goodwin, William Watson,+d1831-1912. 
245 Syntax of the moods and tenses of the Greek verbth[microforn]. 
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SYNTAX OF THE MOODS AND TENSES 
OF THE GREEK VERB 








SYNTAX 


OF 


THE MOODS AND TENSES 


OF 


THE GREEK VERB 


BY 


WILLIAM WATSON GOODWIN, LL.D. 


ELIOT PROFESSOR OF GREEK LITERATURE IN HARVARD UNIVERSITY 


REWRITTEN AND ENLARGED 


. » BGSFON; U-S.A: : 


PUBLISHED: BY’ GINN ἃ ‘COMPANY. 


138990." 





COPYRIGHT, 1890 


EY W. W 


GOODWIN 


/2-21-F6 Pie 


λας δ 


PREFACE. 


THE present work is the result of an attempt to revise the 
much smaller book which was first published under the 
same title in 1860, and again, somewhat enlarged, in 1865. 
When it falls to the lot of a writer to revise, under the 
greater sense of responsibility which doubled years and more 
than doubled experience have brought him, a book written 
in the enthusiasm of youth as an ephemeral production, 
he is sure to be his own severest critic; and what he 
begins as a revision inevitably becomes, as he proceeds, 
more and more a new and independent work. I cannot 
lorget that this book is addressed in great part to a different 
generation of scholars from that to which the former one 
was offered; and a treatment of the subject which was 
permissible in 1860 would be far from satisfactory now. 
| then attempted chiefly to give “a plain and _ practical 
statement of the principles which govern the relations of 
the Greek Moods and Tenses,” avoiding theoretical discus- 
sions as far as possible. At that time prevailing theories, 
based chiefly on abstract speculations, had obscured some 
of the most important facts in the syntax of the moods, 
and perhaps no better service could be rendered by a new 
writer than the clearing away of some of the clouds. Few 
younger scholars are aware how modern are many of the 
grammatical doctrines which are now taught in all classical 
schools. It is hard to believe that so elementary a principle 
as that by which the aorist infinitive is past in φησὶν ἐλθεῖν 
and future in βούλεται ἐλθεῖν was never distinctly stated 
until 1847, when it appeared simultaneously in the Greek 








vi PREFACE 


Syntax of Professor Madvig at Copenhagen and in the 
Greek Grammar of Professor Sophocles at Harvard Univer- 
sity. Something more than mere statement of facts has 
been attempted in the present work, although nothing has 
been further from my thoughts than a complete theoretical 
discussion of all the principles which govern the use of the 
moods. He who ventures far upon that sea is in great 
danger of being lost in the fog or stranded; for, while 
Comparative Philology has thrown much and most welcome 
light on the early history of the Greek language, it has 
also made us more painfully aware of our ignorance, 
although it is a more enlightened ignorance than that of 
our predecessors. 

Since the publication of the first edition, many most 
important additions have been made to our resources, Of 
these I can undertake to notice only a few. Delbriick’s 
elaborate treatise on the Greek Subjunctive and Optative 
(in his Syntaktische Forschungen, vol. 1.), with a comparison 
of Greek and Sanskrit usages, is familiar to all scholars. 
Whatever may be thought of Delbriick’s main thesis, the 
distinction of the subjunctive as the mood of wil/ from the 
optative as the mood of wish, none can fail to be impressed 
and instructed by his attractive and original treatment of 
the subject, which has made an epoch in grammatical 
science. Lange’s unfinished work on the Particle E¢ in 
Homer is a model of careful and thorough investigation. 
When I think of my deep and continued indebtedness to 
Lange’s learned discussions, which include a treatment of 
all the 200 examples of εἰ with the optative in Homer, 1 
am grieved to dissent so frequently from his most important 
conclusions. His chief argument is discussed in Appendix 
I. Schanz, in his Bettrdége zur Griechischen Syntax, has 
undertaken a work of immense extent, involving an amount 
of labour which it is hard to over-estimate. His plan is 
to give full and accurate statistics of the use of every con- 
struction bearing on the history of Greek syntax, and thus 
to make a true historic syntax of the language a possibility. 
The work of collecting, classifying, and discussing the 
examples of different constructions has been assigned by 


PREFACE Vil 


him to a large number of colleagues, and every year 
testifies to substantial progress. The following treatises 
bearing on the construction of the moods and tenses have 
already been published by Schanz: Weber, Enwickelungs- 
geschichte der Absichtssdtze ; Sturm, Geschichtliche Entwickel- 
ung der Constructionen mit Upiv; Schmitt, Ueber den Ur- 
sprung des Substantivsatzes mit Relativpartikeln im Griech- 
ischen ; Griinewald, Der freie formelhafte Infinitiv der Limita- 
tion im Griechischen ; Birklein, Entwickelungsgeschichte des 
substantivirten Infinitivs. The amount of patient labour 
devoted to these compilations, in which the exact number 
of examples of each construction in each Greek author 
before Aristotle is given, while the most important passages 
are quoted and nearly all are cited, will be most gratefully 
appreciated by those who would be least willing to under- 
take the work themselves. The results of such dry 
enumerations are often interesting and surprising. No one 
knows whether statistics will be dry and barren or not, 
until they are collected and classified; and though it may 
seem a useless task to count the examples of each of the 
final particles in all Greek literature before Aristotle, it is 
interesting to know that in all the Attic prose, except 
Xenophon, ὡς final occurs only five or six times while ἵνα 
occurs 999 times. Some of the results derived from 
Weber's statistics of the use of the final particles are given 
in Appendix III., and an account of Xenophon’s peculiar 
use of ὡς, ὡς ἄν, and ὅπως ἄν in Appendix IV., for the 
benefit of those who have not Weber’s book αὖ hand, or 
want the patience to follow his elaborate historical state- 
ments. Monro’s Homeric Grammar is one of the best 
results of recent English scholarship, and for the study of 
Homeric usages in the moods it is invaluable. I recret 
that the new edition of this book, soon to be published, has 
not come in time to benefit the present work. It seems a 
mere form to acknowledge my obligations to the standard 
Grammars; but I must repeat my former expression of 
thanks to Madvig, Kriiger, and Kiihner, not to mention a 
host of others. To Madvig I am indebted for the first 
conviction that the syntax of the Greek moods belonged 





Vili PREFACE 


to the realm of common sense. To Kriiger I have been 
indebted in the study of every construction; and I have 
still retained most of the remarks on the tenses of the 
indicative which were originally borrowed from him. The 
revised edition of Kiihner’s Griechische Grammatik has 
supplied a large store of examples, to which I have 
frequently had recourse. I am under especial obligation to 
him for many of the examples which illustrate the uses 
of the Supplementary Participle, and the corresponding uses 
of the infinitive with many of the same verbs. Frequent 
references are made in the notes to the authorities which I 
have mentioned, and to many others. 

It is with pride and pleasure that I acknowledge my 
deepest indebtedness to an American scholar, whose writings 
have thrown light upon most of the dark places in Greek 
syntax. I need not say that I refer to my friend, Professor 
Gildersleeve of Baltimore. As editor of the American 
Journal of Philology he has discussed almost every construc- 
tion of the Greek moods, and he has always left his mark. 
His two reviews of Weber’s work on the Final Sentence 
in vols, iii, and iv. of his Journal may well save many 
scholars the trouble of reading the book itself, while they 
contain much new matter which is valuable to every one. 
The acute observation, that the use of ἄν and κέ in final 
constructions depends on the force of ὡς, ὅπως, and ὄφρα 
as conditional relative or temporal adverbs, explains much 
which before seemed inexplicable. His article on πρίν in 
vol. ii. stated important principles of classic usage which 
were confirmed by Sturm’s statistics; and this, with the 
later review of Sturm’s volume, has done much to correct 
current errors and to establish sounder views about πρίν. 
His articles on the Articular Infinitive in the Zransactions 
of the American Philoloyical Association for 1878 and in 
the third volume of his Jowrnal practically anticipated the 
results of Birklein’s statistics. I can mention further only 
his article in vol. vi. of the Journal on the Consecutive 
Sentence, which gives (it seems to me) the clearest state- 
ment ever made of the relations of ὥστε with the infinitive 
to wore with the finite moods. I have expressed my 


é 


Wiad is PAN Se ee) 5... 


PREFACE ix 


indebtedness to these and other writings of Gildersleeve 
as occasion has required; but I have also often referred 
to his articles in his Jowrnal by the simple mention of that 
periodical. I have sometimes omitted a reference where 
one might seem proper, lest I should appear to make him 
responsible for what he might deem some dangerous heresy. 

I am also under the greatest obligation to my friends 
and colleagues in Harvard University, Professors Allen, 
Greenough, Lane, Lanman, White, and Wright, and Dr. 
Morgan, for valuable suggestions, and to most of them for 
important help in revising and proof-reading. I regret 
that I have not had the advantage of their aid in reading 
the proofs of the last two-thirds of the work. To my 
friendship of twenty-one years with Dr. Henry Jackson, 
of Trinity College, Cambridge, I am indebted for some of 
the most important suggestions which I have received since 
the publication of the former editions, 

The Index to the Examples includes all of the more 
than 4800 examples quoted or cited in the main body of 
the work, but not those in the Appendix nor those which 
are given in the classified lists in the footnotes on pp. 92, 
115, 152, 172, and 290. It may seem useless to index 
many examples which merely illustrate a common principle, 
like those of a simple aorist infinitive or present indica- 
tive; but it would be difficult to discriminate here, and 
one seldom knows what may make an example useful to 
another. The same consideration has induced me to give 
as great a variety of examples as possible, from authors of 
different classes, illustrating many constructions which 
apparently need no such aid, 

It is hardly necessary to remark that the work, in its 
present enlarged form, is not intended for use as a gram- 
matical text-book in the class-room, except perhaps the 
portion printed in the largest type. On the other hand, it 
is hoped that the increased fulness and the greater space 
given to discussions will make the work more useful for 
private study and for reference. 

The Dramatists are cited by Dindorf’s lines ; except the 
tragic fragments, which follow Nauck’s edition, and the 





x PREFACE 


comic fragments, which follow Kock. The lyric fragments 
follow Bergk’s Poetae Lyrici. Plato is cited by the pages 
and letters of Stephanus, and the Orators by the numbers 
of the orations and the sections now in universal use. 
The other citations will be easily understood. 

In conclusion, I must express my grateful thanks to the 
University Libraries of Heidelberg and Leyden, and to the 
Royal Library at The Hague, for the hospitality which was 
kindly shown me while I was correcting the proofs. 


W. W. GOODWIN. 


PaLLANZA, LaGo MaaGaIorg, 


24th September 1889. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER I, 


eer GENERAL VIEW OF THE MOODS. 
1. The four Moods, the Infinitive, the Participle, and the 
Verbal in -réos ; 
2-5. I. Uses of the Indicative 
6-11. II. Uses of the Subjunctive 
12-17. III. Uses of the Optative . 
18. IV. Uses of the Imperative 


CHAPTER II. 
THE TENSES. 


The seven Tenses 
Primary and Secondary Tenses . 
» 4 ng Ἢ 
. Relative and absolute time of the Tenses 


I. TENSES OF THE INDICATIVE. 
PRESENT. 
Meaning of the Present 


Various uses of the Present Indicative 
Historic Present 


IMPERFECT. 


Meaning of the Imperfect . ᾿ 
Relations of the Imperfect to other Tenses 
Various uses of the Imperfect 


PERFECT AND PLUPERFECT. 


42. Meaning of the Perfect 
43, Meaning of the Pluperfect . 





xii CONTENTS 
SECTION 
44-52. Uses of Perfect and Pluperfect, and compound forms 


with εἰμί and ἔχω 
AORIST. 


53-55. Meaning of the Aorist 
56, 57. Relation of Aorist to Imperfect 
58-62. Various uses of the Aorist 


FUTURE. 


63. Meaning of the Future . 
2. Various uses of the Future 
. Periphrastic Future with μέλλω 
. Past Future with μέλλω 
Future PERFECT. 


7. Meaning of the Future Perfect 
. Various uses and forms of the Future Perfect. 
1. TENSES OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS. 
85. Distinction of Tenses in the Dependent Moods 
A. NOT IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE, 
86. General Principles 


PRESENT AND AORIST. 


87, 88. Distinction of Present and Aorist here 


SECTION 


116, 

117, 118. 
119, 120. 
121, 

122. 

123. 

124 (1-3), 125. 
126, 127. 
128-134, 
135, 136. 
137. 


138. 
139-141. 
142, 
143. 
144-147. 


148-152. 
153. 


154-158. 
159, 160. 
161. 
162. 
163, 164. 


CONTENTS 


(1-4.) Four uses of Present Optative 
Present Infinitive as Present . 
Present Infinitive as Imperfect 

(1, 2.) Two uses of Perfect Optative 
Perfect Infinitive as Perfect 

Perfect Infinitive as Pluperfect 
Three uses of Aorist Optative 
Aorist Infinitive 

Future Optative . 

Future Infinitive . 

Future Perfect Infinitive 


ΠῚ, TENSES OF THE PARTICIPLE. 


General Principle . ; . : . 

Present Participle as Present and Imperfect . 

Perfect Participle . . . 

Ordinary use of Aorist Participle : ‘ 

Aorist Participle (generally not past in time) with 
λανθάνω, τυγχάνω, and φθάνω. 

Other peculiar uses of Aorist Participle . 

Future Participle . 


GNOMIC AND ITERATIVE TENSES. 


Gnomic AORIST AND PERFECT. 


In the Indicative . , Ξ : : 
Gnomic tenses in Optative, Infinitive, and Participle 
Imperfect not a Gnomic Tense ; 
Iterative Imperfect and Aorist with” Av 
Ionic Iterative Forms in -σκον and -σκόμην 


53-55 
55, 56 
56 
56 
56 


“τ Ww 


89-93. Present and Aorist Subjunctive and Imperative 
94, 95. Present and Aorist Optative . 
96-101. Present and Aorist Infinitive . 


Ὁ 


DEPENDENCE OF MOODS AND TENSES, 


co tr to bo 


—_ 


165-169. General Principles of Dependence . ? = 57 

AGE es 170-173. Tenses of the Indicative as Primary or Secondary . 57, 58 

ΕΌΝΥΝΟΥ, 174, 175. Tenses of the Subjunctive and Imperative . : 58 

102. Use of Perfect in the Dependent Moods . : , ᾿ με ͵ - 176-186, Tenses of the Optative in various Constructions 59-62 

103, 104. Perfect Subjunctive and Optative . ; . ; aya 187-191. Tenses of the Infinitive and Participle . Ξ ‘ 62, 63 
105-108. Perfect Imperative 9 
109, 110. Perfect Infinitive . 


FuTURE CHAPTER III. 


111, 112. Future seldom used except in Indirect Discourse 
113 Exceptional uses of Future Infinitive elsewhere 
114. Future Perfect Infinitive used only in Indirect 


THE PARTICLE “AN. 


᾿ Ξ 192, 193. Two uses and meaning of ἄν, 
ι - 194, Distinctions of ἄν and κέ 


course 


INDICATIVE WITH ἄν. 


195. “Ay not used with the Present and Perfect Indicative 


B. OPTATIVE AND INFINITIVE OF INDIRECT DISCOURSE, 


115. General Principles of this Construction . 





XIV 

SECTION 
196. 
197. 

198, 199. 


CONTENTS 
"Ἂν with Future Indicative in early Poets. ; 
“Av with Future Indicative in Attic Greek (rare) . 


“Av with Secondary Tenses of the Indicative . - 


SuBJUNCTIVE AND OPTATIVE WITH ἄν. 


. "Av with the Subjunctive in Conditional and Final 


Clauses . Ξ ἷ ε 66 


. Ἂν with the Subjunctive in Potential sense and in 


other uses (Epic) . ° : : : : : 66, 67 


. "Av with the Optative . ° : ; 5 5 67 


INFINITIVE WITH ἄν. 


. General Principle of ἄν with the Infinitive. ‘ 67 


Present Infinitive with ἄν . Ξ : : ' 67, 68 
Perfect Infinitive with ἄν , ; : ; 68 


. Aorist Infinitive with ἄν , , : ‘ Ξ 68 
. Future Infinitive with ἄν ‘ ; . , : 68, 69 
. Various uses of the Infinitive with ἄν. : ; 69, 70 


. General Principle of ἄν with the Participle 
4, Present Participle with ἄν 
15. Aorist Participle with ἄν 
. Future Participle with ἄν 
. Participle with ἄν never forms a Protasis 


230, 231. 


PARTICIPLE WITH ἄν. 


Ι 


~J 
S 
I 


Position of ἄν : 
Repetition of ἄν 
Elliptical uses of ἄν 


~ 
ce 
~ 
or OK μὶ μ͵ὶ ὦ 


-. 
-- 
Φ.}7 «7 ..}7 *7] ..ΥἹ =] = 


CHAPTER IV. 
USE OF THE MOODS. 


Classification of Constructions (1.—X.) 


SECTION 1. 


The Potential Optative and Indicative with ἄν and xe. 


282. 


233-235. 
236. 
237. 


238. 


Meaning of Potential Forms . ‘ ‘ : : Ξ 


I. PorENTIAL OPTATIVE. 


Origin and Relations of the Potential Optative 

Examples of pure Potential Optative with ἄν. 

Potential Optative in Commands and Exhortations 

Potential Optative expressing what may prove to be 
true. : . . ; . : 


CONTENTS 

SECTION 
239. Potential Optative with definite condition implied or 
expressed (as Apodosis) . . : . . 5 
240-242, Potential Optative without ἄν or κέ 


II. Porentrat INDICATIVE. 


Meaning and Relation of Potential Indicative . 

. Pure Potential Indicative, with no unfulfilled condition 

implied , . . : . 

5. Potential Indicative with indefinite unfulfilled condition 
implied , ° . . ° . Α 

. Time of Potential Indicative . , ‘ Ξ ; ‘ 

Potential Indicative with definite unfulfilled condition 

implied or expressed . . 

. Iterative Indicative with ἄν 


SECTION II. 


Imperative and Subjunctive in Commands, Exhortations, and 


Prohibitions.—Subjunetive and Indicative with 
μὴ ov in Cautious Assertions.—’Orws 


μή and 


and ὅπως μή with 


the Independent Future Indicative or Subjunctive. 


250. Imperative in Commands ete. 
"Aye, φέρε, etc. with Imperative 
- Πᾶς with second person of Imperative 
13. Οἷσθ᾽ ὅ etc. with Imperative 
Imperative in Assumptions . . : 
. First person of Subjunctive as Imperative ‘ ; 
0. Present Imperative or Aorist Subjunctive with μή in 
Prohibitions ., 


. . . . » 


2. Independent Subjunctive with μή (Homeric) expressing 
object of Fear to be averted πῃ 
- Μὴ οὐ with the Subjunctive . . 
Independent μή and μὴ οὐ after Homer : ; 
8. Μή and μὴ οὐ with Subjunctive in cautious sinieiitlanis 
and negations (chiefly in Plato) 
Μή and μὴ οὐ with Indicative (as above) 
Μὴ οὐ in dependent clauses . . . ; : 
2. Ὅπως and ὅπως μή generally with Future Indicative 
(independent) , ν : Ξ ; 
. Subjunctive rarely used with ὅπως μή 


SECTION III. 


286. Independent Subjunctive in Homer 


0. Interrogative Subjunctive (with or without βούλει or 
θέλεις) 


86 
86, 87 
87 
87 
87 


92, 93 
93 
93 


94-96 
96, 97 


Subjunctive, like Future Indicative, in Independent Sentences 
in Homer.—Interrogative Subjunctive. 


97, 98 


98-100 





xvi 


SECTION 
291. Negative μή of Interrogative Subjunctive 


292. Future Indicative and Potential Optative with μή in 
sense of Interrogative Subjunctive . 
293. Μή with Subjunctive in Affirmative Questions 


CONTENTS 


SECTION IV. 


Οὐ μή with Subjunetive and Future Indicative. 


294, 
295. 


Double negative οὐ μή in Denials and Prohibitions. 
Οὐ μή with Subjunctive or Future Indicative in Denials. 


. Same construction in dependent sentences 
. Οὐ μή with Future Indicative ee with Sub- 


junctive) in Prohibitions . ; 


. Οὐ μή followed by μηδέ, by ἀλλά or δέ, or εἶν = 
. Οὐ and μή in separate questions 

. Interrogative theory of Elmsley 

. Subjunctive in Prohibitions with οὐ μή. 


Final 


302. 
303, 304. 
305, 306. 


SECTION V. 


PAGE 


100 


100, 101 
101 


101, 102 
102, 103 
103 


103, 104 
104 
104 
105 
105 


and Object Clauses after iva, ὡς, ὅπως, ὄφρα, and μή. 


The Final Particles 
Classification . ᾿ i : ; 4 ‘ ᾿ 
Negative μή, and μὴ οὐ. 


105 
106, 107 
107 


DEVELOPMENT OF CLAUSES WITH iva, ὡς, ὅπως, ὄφρα, AND μή. 


307-310. 

311-314. 
315. 
316. 


317. 


318-821. 
322, 323. 

824. 
325-328. 
329, 330. 
331, 332. 
333-337. 

338. 


History of Final Constructions 

Use of ἵνα, ws, ὅπως, and ὄφρα 

Negative Final Clauses . : ; 

Attic final use of Past Tenses of tndicative 


A. Pure ΕἾΝΑΙ, CLAUSES. 


Subjunctive and Optative after ἵνα, ws, ὅπως, ὄφρα, and 
= . Ξ . . : 

Subjunctive after Secondary Tenses 

Optative after Primary Tenses 

Future Indicative in Final Clauses 

“Av or κέ in Final Clauses with Subjunctive 

“Av or κέ in Final Clauses with Optative 

“Iva τί ;—Omission of leading Verb 

Secondary Tenses of Indicative with ἵνα etc. . 

Other expressions of Purpose . : 


107-109 
109-112 
112 
112 


113, 114 
114, 115 

115 
115, 116 
116, 117 
117-119 

120 
120-122 


122 


B. Ossect CLAUSES WITH ὅπως AFTER VERBS OF STRIVING ETC. 


339, 340. Future Indicative etc. after ὅπως and ὅπως μή 


122-124 





CONTENTS 


SECTION 


341-347. Homeric construction after φράζομαι, and other early 


uses , 
348, Ὅπως ἄν with Subjunetive 1 in Attic Greek 
349, 350. Ὅπως ἄν and ὅκως ἄν with Optative (rare) 
351. Ὥς, ws dv, and ὅπως ἄν in Xenophon 
352, 353. Negative Object Clauses . 
354. Μή for ὅπως μή in Object Clauses . ° 
355-360, Ὅπως after Verbs of Asking, Commanding, ete. 
361. Object Infinitive for Clause with ὅπως 
362. Indirect Questions , Ξ 
363. Ὅπως with sigmatic Aorist Subjane tive . 
364, Dawes’s Canon 


XVil 


PAGE 


124, 125 
125 
126 
126, 127 
127 
127 
128, 129 
129 
129 
129 
129, 130 


Y Ὶ Ὑ ΤΥ , T 
C, CLAUSES WITH μή AFTER VERBS OF FEARING ETC. 


365, 366. Subjunctive and Optative after μή. 
367. Future Indicative after μή 
368. Μή with Optative and ἄν 
369. Μή with Present and Past Tenses of iidieative 
370. Ὅπως μή for μή with Verbs of Fearing 
371. Indirect Discourse with ὡς or ὅπως 
372-375. Infinitive after Verbs of Fearing ete. 
376. Indirect Questions 
377. Causal ὅτι , 


SECTION VI. 
Conditional Sentences. 


378-380. Protasis and Apodosis.—Conditional Particles 
381, 382. “Av or κέ in Protasis and Apodosis . 
383-387. Negative Particles. : 
988-997, Classification of Conditional Rent nces 
398. Origin of the Conditional Sentence 
399-401. Early combinations of εἰ with κέ or ἄν 


131, 132 
132 
133 
133, 134 
134 
134, 135 
135, 136 
136 
136, 137 


137 
137, 138 
138, 139 
139-142 
142, 143 
143-145 


I. FOUR FORMS OF ORDINARY CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


(a) PRESENT AND Past Conpirions. 


| # Simple Suppositions (ch iefly Particular). 


402-404. Simple Present and Past Suppositions ‘ 
405, 406. General Suppositions sometimes with Indicative 
407, 408. Future Indicative expressing Present Intention 


409. Potential Optative and Indicative in these conditions 


2. With Supposition contrary to Fact. 
410, 411. Secondary Tenses of Indicative with ἄν in Apodosis 


412. Apodosis not always denied here , ἃ - 
413. Relations of Tenses in unreal Conditions 
414. Aorist Indicative of Present Time . 


b 


145, 146 
146 
146, 147 
147 


147-149 
149, 150 
151 
151 





XVlll CONTENTS 


SECTION es 
415-422. "Ἔδει, χρῆν, etc. with Infinitive (without ἄν) 
423. Ἔδει ἄν. : ; ‘ : - Εἰ τὸ ἢ 
424-432. "Ὥφελον, ἐβουλόμην, ἔμελλον, etc. with Infinitive 
433. Protasis for Infinitive in construction of § 419 
434-442. Homeric Peculiarities . : = : 
443, Homeric usages in Herodotus and Attic Greek 


(Ὁ) FururE CONDITIONS. 


PAGE 
151-156 
156, 157 
157-160 
160 
160-163 
163 


) } , } icative in Protasis wi . Future A podosis. 
1. Subjunctive or Future Indicative in Protasis with a ἢ e Aj 


444-446. Subjunctive with ἤν, ἐάν, or ἄν in Protasis 
447-449. Future Indicative in Protasis. ; 
450-454. Homeric Peculiarities . 

2. Optative in Protasis and Apodosis. 


455-459. Optative with εἰ in Protasis, with ἄν in Apodosis 
460, 461. Homeric Peculiarities . 


ll. PRESENT AND PAST GENERAL SUPPOSITIONS. 


Subjunctive and Optative in Protasis 
Indicative for Subjunctive or Optative 
Homeric and other Poetic Peculiarities 


PECULIAR ForRMS OF CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


163-165 
1 65, 166 
166, 167 


168, 169 
169, 170 


. . ΝΣ ee a Yn 4 ο ) ws unthe Z h, 
Substitution and Ellipsis 17) Protasis—TI rotasis without a ] éTo 


472. Protasis contained in Participle, Adverb, or other word 
473. Future Participle representing Future Indicative (407) 
474. Homeric εἰ δ᾽ ἄγε. ‘ , 
475. ‘Qs εἰ or ws ef τε in Comparisons 

476, 477. Ei μή without a Verb.—II\ip εἰ 
478. Ei δὲ μή, otherwise . : : 


Substitution and Ellipsis in A podosis. 


479-481. Apodosis contained in Infinitive, Participle, Noun, etc. 
482. Apodosis omitted for effect 

483, 484. Apodosis represented by ἄν 
485, Ὥς ef and ὥσπερ εἰ in Similes . 


Apodosis contained in Protasis. 


486. General statement of Princip‘e 


487. El xe or ἤν with Subjunctive in Homer, expressing Hope 


or Desire . ; ‘ , 

488. Ei (or εἴ xe) with Optative in Homer, in same sense 

; . . . , " : ἡ “αν F } = ῷ 

489, 490. Similar constructions in Attic Greek and Herodotus 


od 
~! 
co 
- 


σι ν»- 


γι 


- 


,..ὁ ..».δὁ “ὁ ,» . «ὁ .».. 
-,- ἊΨ 
-- 


-.} “.}Ἱ͵.“. ..}ὺϑ ™ ™ 


-.1:-- 


180 


180-182 


182 
182-184 


ἜΣ Glico 


CONTENTS 

SECTION 
491. Subjunctive and Optative with ef xe, εἰ, etc. after olda, 
εἶδον, etc. . 


Comparison of the Protases of § 491 with Clauses with 

μή (366) Ξ ἢ . . 
Relation of the Protases of § 491 to Indirect Questions 
Ei after expressions of Wonder etc. 


MIxED CONSTRUCTIONS. 


Protasis and Apodosis differing in Form 


ΧΙΧ 


PAGE 


185, 186 
186 


186 
186, 187 


188 


I. Optative in Protasis, with Future or Present Indicative etc, in 


A podosis. 


99. Optative in Protasis with Future Indicative ete. in 
Apodosis (chiefly in Homer) . : ° 

500, 501. Optative in Protasis with Present Indicative in Apodosis 
502. Optative in Protasis depending on Present like δεῖ or 

νε΄ . : 


188 
188, 189 


189, 190 


Il. Indicative or Subjunctive in Protasis, with Potential Optative or 


Indicative in A podosis, 


503, . Present or Past Indicative with Potential Optative or 
Indicative ᾿ 


. Subjunctive or Future Indicative with Potential Opta- 
tive . . 


ο . . . . . 


ΠῚ. Potential Optative or Indicative (with ἄν) in Protasis. 


906, 507. Potential Optative or Indicative with ἄν in present or 
past Conditions with εἰ 


192 


ΓΝ. Irregular Combinations.—Present or Past with Future Conditions 


in one Protasis. 
508. Cases of Anacoluthon 


509. Protases of different times combined in one 


V. Several Protases in one Sentence. 


Several Protases (not co-ordinate) with one Apodosis 
Relation of leading and subordinate Conditions 


Ac, ἀλλά, AND αὐτάρ In Apoposis. 


Apodosis introduced by word meaning but 
᾿Αλλὰ νῦν or ἀλλά (elliptical) . 


SECTION VII. 
Relative and Temporal Sentences. 


Relative and Temporal Words 


192, 193 
193 


193, 194 
194, 195 


195, 196 





ΧΧ CONTENTS CONTENTS 
SECTION ; " SECTION 
515-517. Definite and Indefinite Antecedent 556. Indicative or Subjunctive depending on Potential Op- 


518. Negative Particles in Relative Sentences Ξ : tative . . . . . . . . . 
Potential Optative or Indicative in Conditional Relative 


A. RELATIVE with DEFINITE ANTECEDENT. Clause 


Indicative and other constructions after Relative with Assimilation in Conditional Relative Clauses. 
Definite Antecedent . ; Ξ : - > ς 196, 197 
Assimilation by Subjunctive or Optative 


Assimilation by Secondary Tenses of Indicative 
Conditional Relat; Principles of Assimilation . ; ᾿ ; 
ondltiona elative exnlaine ~ 2 . ᾿ : i. ὃ 
εν, vase exp! ined. ‘ ° . - 197, 198 Assimilation after General Conditions (variable) 
Conditional Relative Clauses and forms of Protasis com- 
are Ὁ We. Vy. 
. ἢ ured i Ae . . ee . - 198, 199 Δε in the Antecedent Clause. 
2. “Av or κέ with Conditional Relatives and Subjunctive , 199 
Classification (same as in Conditional Sentences) , 199 . Antecedent Clause introduced by δέ 


B. RELATIVE WITH INDEFINITE ANTECEDENT. 


es ΕἾΝΑΙ, RELATIVE CLAUSES EXPRESSING PURPOSE. 
I. FOUR FORMS OF ORDINARY CONDITIONAL RELATIVE CLAUSES. 
Future Indicative in Attic Greek 


Ko Tl... Oe Pi : be P : > Ὺ ᾿ μέ 
524. Two forms of Present and Past, and two of Future Past Purpose expressed by Imperfect of μέλλω 
Conditions ‘ ; ° ‘ : ; , Ξ 199 


τ 
I 


δῷ μὲ 
; ΗΜ 


Subjunctive and Optative in Homer 
Subjunctive not used in Attic Greek 
Optative rare in Attic Greek . 

Future Optative occasionally used . 


σι ὦ 


(α) PRESENT AND Past Conprrions, 


- 
ad 
Ἢ 


or 
~J “s] ~~ 


e 
- 


525, 526. With Simple Indicative (like Protasis of § 402) : . 199, 200 
27. With Future Indicative to express Present Intention : 200 | 
With Secondary Tenses of Indicative (like § 410). 200-209 : CONSECUTIVE RELATIVE CLAUSES EXPRESSING RESULT. 


Yo 


575. Indicative (with negative οὐ). 


6) Future ‘DITIONS ι 77. }ἙῈ icati 
(0) URE ConDITIONS, 3 076, 577. Future Indicative (with μή). ; ; ; : . 218, 


With Subjunctive (like § 444) : : : . £02, 203 ; 578. Ὅπως as Relative thus used 
With Optative (like § 455) . . 203, 204 . 579. Occasional use of the Optative 


II. GENERAL CONDITIONAL RELATIVE SENTENCES ΘΑΥΒΑΝ BENE h CURUEES. 


(PRESENT AND PAST). ἢ 580. Causal Relative with Indicative ‘ 


032, 533. Subjunctive and Optative in general Conditions . . 204-206 581. Causal and Conditional Forces united (with μή) 


534-537. Indicative in general Conditions . ; Ξ : . 206, 207 
CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH ὥστε OR ws AND ἐφ᾽ ᾧ OR ἐφ᾽ Gre. 


Homeric and other Poetic Peculiarities, 

See : 082, 583. General Distinction of Infinitive and Indicative with 

Subjunctive without κέ or ἄν, ; ‘ . 207-209 

Relative with κέ or ἄν and the Optative . ; 209 584 

Homeric Similes with ὡς ete. . : : : A - 209-211 E Ke 
ε So 


- Ὅ τι μή and ὅσον μή without a Verb (Homeric) ᾿ 211 : 586 


ὥστε . . . . . . . . 
Meaning of ὥστε and principles of its use 
. Ὥστε in Homer and the early Poets 
. Ὡς for ὥςτε. ‘ ; : ; 


Snecie Yor 4 4 nero Ὕ "Φ q ¢ 
Special Forms of Antecedent Clause. 4 Ὥστε with INFINITIVE. 


Infinitive, Participle, Noun, etc. in Antecedent Clause 587 1 


" ϑκόν af ες Vecke of Salt H ᾿ Expressing a Result to which an act tends 
Ἔ ΤΌΤΕ alter pas erDs ὁ rpectine ric ‘ 3 » > : a 55 Ξ 
- pecting (Homeric) ' ' : 2. Expressing a Condition or Limitation 


3. Expressing a Purpose (like Final Clause) 
͵ After Verbs of Wishing, Commanding, ete. 

Optative depending on Present or Future ; ' , 212 ] 589. Two examples only in Homer ; P 

Optative depending on dei, χρή, ete. ; : ' . 212 213 : 590. Tenses of Infinitive after ὥστε ὗ Ξ 


Mixed Conditional Constructions, 





Xxii CONTENTS | CONTENTS Xxill 
SECTION 
591. Future Infinitive rare (except in Indirect Discourse) : 2 
ee eS ies: - Πρίν wrrn INDICATIVE. 
593. Οὕτω ὥστε in Herodotus : 2 ; ; Ds — : a —— 
594-599. Infinitive in Indirect Discourse and other constructions ne Ὁ" pepe, Soca 245 re 
ὥστε οὐ). ᾿ ἷ Ξ ‘ 633. In Attic Foets . 5 Ξ ° : : 
600. «-ὖ " eee : “ Ἵ : " a 634. In Prose: chiefly after Negatives . ᾿ ; 246 
: ἱ : 635. In Prose: exceptional use after Affirmatives . 246, 247 
ces wen δ Micon 636. Πρίν γ᾽ ὅτε with Indicative in Homer . 247 
637. Indicative with πρίν in unreal Conditions 247 
601-603. Ὥστε with Indicative and other constructions 
604. Optative by Assimilation 
605. Optative of Indirect Discourse 
3. Ὥστε μή with Finite Moods (rare) 


΄ 
- 

— 

- 


Πρίν wira SuBJUNCTIVE AND ΟΡΤΑΤΙΨΕ, 


ie OY OW 


ι b> bt 
ΕΞ ΕΣ 


a | 


IIpiv with Subjunctive only after Negatives 
Without ἄν or κέ in Homer and Hesiod . 
Πρίν γ᾽ ὅτ᾽ ἄν with Subjunctive in Odyssey : 
Πρὶν ἄν with Subjunctive after Homer and Hesiod . 
. Πρίν with Optative only after Negatives 
. Optative with πρίν in Indirect Discourse ‘ 
}. Πρίν with Subjunctive in General Conditions . : . 
. Chiefly in Aeschylus, Sophocles, Herodotus, Xenophon . 232, 23: ; . Apparent Affirmatives followed by πρίν and Subjunc- 
. Rarely in other Authors ; : : 35 : tive . : Ξ : Ξ P 
i . Πρίν without ἄν followed by Subjunctive 
Ἔφ᾽ ᾧ AND ἐφ᾽ OTE. i 349. Doubtful cases of πρὶν ἄν with Optative ‘ 
. Πρίν with Subjunctive depending on Optative with ἄν 


Qo 
ὥστε witH PARTICIPLE. 


. Participle (by Assimilation) after ὥστε 


ε [2 
Qs USED LIKE ὥστε. 


. With Infinitive and Future Indicative 


Πρὶν 1, πρότερον 4, AND πάρος. 

Temporal Particles signifying Until and Before. 3 | 
en Ξ ἢ sie ἑ : : 652. Πρὶν ἤ in sense of Πρίν. . ° ° 

A. Kus, odpa, εἰσόκε, ἐς 6, εστε, ἄχρι, μεχρι, UNTIL. 1 } 654. Πρότερον ἢ . ° ; . . . . 

4 655. “ὕστερον ἤ with Infinitive, once in Thucydides 


656. Πάρος with Infinitive in Homer 


612. Meaning of a clause with Until 
613. 1-5. Five constructions with ἕως (as Relative) 
614. Final use of ἕως (especially in Odyssey) . 

615. "Ὄφρα in Epic poetry ; ; 
616. Eis ὅ κε in Homer; ἐς ὅ and ἐς οὗ in Herodctus 
617. “Eore (after Homer) ‘ : 

618, “Axpe and μέχρι (chiefly in Prose) 

619. “Axpe of and μέχρι οὗ ; Ξ : 

620. Omission of ἄν with ἕως etc. and Subjunctive 


- 
~ 


“τοι 


rrr 
+ 2 


IIpiv, πάρος, ETC. IN LEADING CLAUSE. 


9. ὃ 
Ν᾿ 


to 


Πρίν (as adverb) ete. in leading Clause in Homer 
Πρότερον, πρόσθεν, etc. after Homer 
31. Φθάνω as correlative to following πρίν or 4 


Wwe ᾧὡὐ ὡὐ Οὐ ww ὧν 
oa ἐξ 
.. ον OO 


ΝΘ τῷ 


bo 
wae 
Oo © 


B. Πρίν, BEFORE, UNTIL. q SECTION VIIL. 


ΝΜ Ν Ὁ i ρος ; Ts se F [ 4 4 4 
feaning and general use of πρίν. Ξ ; : ; Indirect Discourse. 
Development of constructions with πρίν. Ἶ 
᾿ Direct and Indirect Quotations distinguished . . : 
Πρίν ΨΙΤΗ INFINITIVE ; . Manner of introducing Indirect Quotations Ξ 
: Relation of Indirect Discourse to other substantive 
626. IIpiv used regularly with Infinitive in Homer. ; Ξ 1 Clauses 
627. Later than Homer: chiefly after Affirmatives : - 38,5 j . Indirect Questions. ; 
628-630. Infinitive with πρίν after Negatives ; : . ὸ 4 24: Γ . Extent of term Jndirect Discourse 
-  ὧἱὦ ree 4 . εν ᾿ Α 
631. Ἢ πρίν with Infinitive . . . . . . . 7 . General Principles of Indirect Discourse 


ws) 
σι 
a) 
σι σι σι ty 
“I ὦ ὦν Or 





CONTENTS 4 CONTENTS 


: = ca Ὅπως, 6, οὕνεκα. AND 600%, 
ΞΕ ΒΟῸΣ S, 0, » AND oGovvexa. 


SECTION = SECTION PAGE 


. (1, 2.) Indicative and Optative with ὅτι and ws, and in 2 706. loge like ws εν Indirect Quotations : , " : 283 
Indirect Questions . ‘ ; . , ; Ξ : ἐμέ 708, Οὐχ ὅσων, οὐχ SF, ae. : : ‘ ; . - 388, 284 
- Indicative and Optative in same Sentence, , Z ΤΌΝ ᾿ =? nf (for ὅ τε) in Homer for ὅτι : ᾿ + So 
- Indirect Questions and Quotations in Homer . . : : sam Ofens, ootvera, and διότι " : : : Ἵ ; 285 
- Imperfect and Pluperfect retained . 11, Ὅτι before Direct Quotations. ; ; Ξ : 285, 286 
. Present Optative as Imperfect : : : ‘ 
- Imperfect and Pluperfect for Present and Imperfect 
- Independent Optative, generally with ydp ; 
(6. Optative with ὅτε or ὡς after Present Tense implying 
Past. ° ὃ ᾿ : , : Α 
. Subjunctive or Optative representing Interrogative Sub- - Causal Sentences and Causal Particles 
junctive . : Ξ ‘ . 265 ἢ - Indicative in Causal Sentences : ’ , , 
. Indicative or Optative with ἄν : : Ξ ᾿ : : “10, Optative, to express cause assigned by another, after 
- Secondary Tense of Indicative without ἄν (Potential) 26 : Past Tenses - : : ; : ; 
3. Infinitive in Indirect Discourse. 96 + : . Cause expressed by Potential Optative or Indicative 
- When Infinitive stands in Indirect Discourse . ‘ . Interrogative Causal Sentences ete. ὶ . ; 
685, 686. Μή with Infinitive in Indirect Discourse : . 1, Cause implied (not expressed) in leading Sentence 
687. Participle in Indirect Discourse ; 975 i 2. "Emel, although, referring to something implied 
688. Negative μή with Participle . 


a Cn τι 


SECTION IX. 


Causal Sentences. 


ἐν τες τ 


fe 


ee Ty 


SECTION Χ, 


INDIRECT QUOTATION OF COMI LEX SENTENCES, Expression of a Wish. 


. General Principles and Examples 
- Mixture of Moods in Quotations , ; ‘ : 
- Imperfect and Pluperfect representing dependent Present 
and Perfect Indicative ; ‘ ‘ : : 
692. “Av irregularly retained with Optative from the direct 
form ° : ‘ . : . : 
- Aorist Indicative in dependent Clause rarely changed 
to Optative ‘ ; ; : . . 417}, ἅ 


. Two classes of Wishes : ‘ = 


FUTURE WISHES, 


T 
bo 
— 


- Two forms in Future Wishes . 

. I. Pure Optative , : . : 

- IL. Optative with εἴθε, εἰ γάρ, or εἰ : 
. Present Optative in Homer in Present Wishes 
. Optative in Commands and Exhortations 

‘Qs with Optative in Wishes . ; . 
Οὕτως with Optative in Protestations 

- Wish expressed by Potential Optative 
Infinitive in Wishes (see 785 and 786) 

Wish in Homer followed by Apodosis 


ἊΣ J “7 
NS tw τῷ 
m CO τῷ 


“I 
to 
or 


SINGLE DEPENDENT CLAUSES IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 


hm τὸ 
“I o> 


694. General Principles of these Clauses. 
695-700. Six classes of these Clauses :— 

I. After Infinitive following Verbs of Wishing, Com- 
manding, etc. . ° ; : : ; ; 
II. Protases with Apodosis implied in leading Verb 

ITI. Protases after past Verbs of Emotion Ξ ; : 731. Two forms in Present or Past Wishes : . . 
IV. Temporal Sentences expressing Past Intention, 4 733. I, Past Tenses of Indicative with ete or εἰ yap, ‘ 
Purpose, οἷο, ‘ Ξ ‘ ‘ . : Ξ 4 734, 11. "Ὥφελον and (Hom.) ὥφελλον with Infinitive Ξ 
V. Past Causal Sentences with assigned cause, : 735. Form with ὥφελον or the Optative in Present Wishes in 
VI. Relative Clauses containing another’s thought . 38 [ Homer (739) . ‘ . Ξ ‘ Ξ : ‘ 

- Imperfect and Pluperfect for Present and Imperfect . ἢ 786. Εἴθε, εἰ γάρ, and μή before @perov , Ξ Ξ 

2. “Av irregularly retained with Optative . ° ‘ : 737. ‘Qs before Sedov (poetic) Ξ ° ° Ξ Ξ 
- Same principle applied to Final Clauses ete. : , - 28: Ἷ 738. Simple εἰ not used with Sedov or Indicative in Wishes , 

- O65’ ὅτε without a Verb . ° Ξ ; : , 1 739, Present Optative in Present Wishes in Homer Ξ 


» 


Sw ss] .) =) 
do wht 
oO 


co 
ad 


PRESENT OR PAST WISHES (NOT ATTAINED). 





xxvl CONTENTS 
SECTION PAGE 
740. Greek and Latin expressions of Wish compared.—Opta- 
tive and Indicative in Wishes distinguished by Time 295, 296 


CONTENTS XXVli 


Infinitive of Purpose. 


SECTION 


CHAPTER V. 


THE INFINITIVE. 


nd 


741. Infinitive as a Verbal Noun . Ἶ : : 


742-744, Origin of Infinitive and development of its use 


A. INFINITIVE WITHOUT THE ARTICLE. 


745. Infinitive as Subject, Predicate or Appositive 


759, 


765 


Infinitive as Object. 


746. Two classes of Object Infinitive 


Object Infinitive not in Indirect Discourse. 


747. Ordinary Object Infinitive after Verbs . ; 
748. Peculiar Object Infinitives in Homer . : 
749. Infinitive after Nouns with Verbs (as Object) 
750. Infinitive in Laws, Treaties, ete. . ᾿ 


Infinitive in Indirect Discourse. 


Infinitive after Verbs of Saying, Thinking, ete. 
. Infinitive after Verbs of Hoping, Promising, etc. (See 
136). , . Ξ - ‘ , 
3. Constructions after φημί, εἶπον, and λέγω : ‘ Ξ 
Personal and Impersonal Constructions with λέγεται 
etc. . . : : . . . ; : ; 
56. Infinitive with Relatives etc. (by Assimilation) 


5 
57. Infinitive in Narration (like Indicative). : 


Infinitive after Adjectives, Adverbs, and Nouns. 


758. Infinitive with Adjectives denoting Ability, Fitness, 
etc. . . ° . : Ὃ . . : : 

760. Infinitive with τοιοῦτος οἷος etc., and (in Homer) witl 
τοῖος ete. . ‘ . ‘ : e ‘ , 

761. Infinitive with ἐνόντα, προσήκοντα, etc. used personally 

762. Infinitive with δίκαιος etc. used personally . ᾽ 

763. Adjectives with limiting Infinitive ; ‘ . 

764. Infinitive with Comparative and ἤ. : . 

-768. Similar use with Adverbs, Verbs, and Nouns. 

769. Infinitive with duotosin Homer . ‘ 


299, 300 


300, 301 
301 
301, 302 


302 


302, 303 


303 


303 
303, 304 
304, 305 


305 


305, 306 
306 
306 
306, 307 
307 
307, 308 
308 


770. Chiefly used with Verbs of Choosing, riving, or Taking. 
771. Infinitive Active or Middle (rather than Passive) 

772. In poetry with Verbs of Motion, and with εἰμί ete. 

774. Elva: denoting Purpose (chiefly Ionic) . : 

775. Infinitive expressing Result (in Homer). 


Absolute Infinitive. 


Infinitive expressing Limitation (parenthetical) 
‘Qs ἔπος εἰπεῖν, ὡς εἰπεῖν, or εἰπεῖν, ete. 


cont ὦν 


Ὡς δοκεῖν, ὡς εἰκάσαι, ὡς ἰδεῖν, ἀκοῦσαι, ete. . 
Ὀλίγου δεῖν, μικροῦ δεῖν, or ὀλίγου, μικροῦ 
Absolute εἶναι (as in ἑκὼν εἷναι) 
Absolute Infinitive in Herodotus . ‘ : 


Absolute Infinitive as Accusative of Linitation 


oni si J =] 


ht} (ὦ 


oo 
bt 


“.γ...γ =] ~J *=7 ..γ ~~! 


0 
al 


Infinitive in sense of Imperative . ; : : 
Infinitive like Optative in Wishes . ° Ξ . 
Infinitive with at γάρ in Wishes (twice in Odyssey) 
Infinitive Subject Accusative in Exclamations 


7 7 s7 “7 


B. INFINITIVE WITH THE ARTICLE. 


General use of Articular Infinitive . 


Articular Infinitive as Subject or Object. 


Article makes the Infinitive more distinctly a Noun 
Infinitive with τό as Subject . . 
Infinitive with τό as Object . ; 
Infinitive with τοῦ as Object . ; : 
Infinitive with τό in Indirect Discourse (rare) 


Infinitive with τό after Adjectives and Nouns. 


“ we 


5-797. Infinitive as Accusative after Adjectives and Nouns. 


ae . = ~ | ὦ . . 
Infinitive with τοῦ. τῷ, and τό in various Constructions. 


798. Constructions of Infinitive as Genitive with τοῦ 


799. Constructions of Infinitive as Dative with τῷ. 
800-803. Infinitive with τοῦ, τῷ, and τό with Prepositions 
804. Articular Infinitive as Appositive . 
805. Infinitive with τό in Exclamations. 
806. Infinitive with dependent Clauses with τό as Noun 


PAGE 
308, 309 
809. 
809 
309, 310 
310 


310 
310, 311 
311 
311, 312 
312 
312, 313 
313 


Infinitive in Commands, Prohibitions, 1 Vishes, and Exclamations. 


313 
313, 314 
314 
314 


814, 315 


319 
319, 320 
320, 321 
321 
321 


321, 322 





᾿ SECTION PAGE 
: 841 VI. Condition (Participle in Protasis) 335, 336 

; ie δῶ al ὃ » Verbs indrance ete, PY a εἰ τὰ Bee 4s Sey i ‘ 
Simple Infinitive and Infinitive with τοῦ after Verbs of Hindr - 842. VII. Opposition, Limitation, or Concession . 336 


SECTION ὌΝ ΕἾ 843, 844. VIII. Any attendant circumstance ; ; . 336, 337 


807-810. Four expressions after Verbs implying Hindr a i 3 845. IX. That ix which an action consists ; : 337 
- κ᾿ - Ἔ ‘ a ) τοῦ Nie > > Yr ᾿ . . . . * « 
(a) ποιεῖν, (ὁ) τοῦ ποιεῖν, (c) μὴ ον; (< ) ΜΗ 846. No exact distinction of all circumstantial Participles 
“ 4 ᾽ . . > : δῶν» ‘ Ι ΟΣ re : . 
ποιεῖν.---Μὴ οὐ when leading Verb has Negative possible , : . Ξ . . Ξ 337 





> Se 9 . ‘ > *,* 
Infinitive with τὸ μή or τὸ μὴ ov. Genitive Absolute, 


811-813. After expressions implying Hindrance or Denial 
814. Infinitive with τὸ μὴ οὐ (or τὸ μή) in negative sense 


Genitive Absolute independent. of main construction 
Participle alone used absolutely Ξ . ° . 
Passive Participle in Genitive Absolute with Clause Α 
Genitive Absolute rare with subject already belonging 
to the sentence : ἐ . . ‘ ᾽ 


᾿εδε ερωι πϑραπειβαξτλι ἀρολ τέρα ᾿ς: 


ἐξ 


Μὴ οὐ ΜΊΤΗ InFinitive, ῬΑΒΤΙΟΙΡΙΕΒ, AND Nouns, 


815-817. Μή and μὴ οὐ with Infinitive . . 
818, 819. Μὴ οὐ with Participles and Nouns. 
820. Μὴ οὐ forming one Syllable . 


Accusative Absolute. 


Impersonal Participles in Accusative Absolute . 3838, 339 

Rarely with Infinitive and τό ; : ‘ ; Ξ 899 

Personal Participles sometimes in Accusative Absolute 
(generally with ὡς or ὥσπερ) , : Ξ : . 339, 340 


fic iene yagi ie ohn νον. 


CHAPTER JVI. 
Adverbs with Circumstantial Participle, 
THE PARTICIPLE. 


2 Τότε, ἤδη, ἐνταῦθα, εἶτα, ἔπειτα, οὕτως, οἷο. 940 

821. Participle as Verbal Adjective ; ‘ : ; ; 7 8. “Aua, μεταξύ, εὐθύς, αὐτίκα, ete, ; : . 9840, 341 
823. Three uses of Participle distinguished " : . 599-801, Καίπερ (καὶ. , περ), οὐδέ, μηδέ, ὅμως, οἷο. ; 341, 342 
3 62. “Are, ola or οἷον. ᾿ . ᾿ Ξ . 342 

A. ATTRIBUTIVE PARTICIPLE. 2 33. Ὥστε in Herodotus, like &re . : ‘ : : 842 

: Ὥς, when thought of leading subject is expressed . . 342, 343 

. Ὥσπερ and ὥσπερ εἰ Ξ : : , ; 343, 344 
Remarks on ὥσπερ and ὡς with Participle 344-346 


Participle as Adjective . ‘ ; ᾿ 

Participle with Article used substantively 

Future Participle in these uses ; 

Participles (generally plural) used substantively without 
Article . ‘ : : : 3 

Participles (as Substantives) with adnominal Genitive. 33 q Wi. thisi aha ee 

(a) Neuter singular of Participle with Article in sens 1. After ἅτε, ola, ὡς, or καίπερ : Ξ ᾿ 5348 
οἱ — βε Infinitive " . τ biel . ey 9 Rarely without these Particles (poetic) 4 346 

(6) Similar constructions without Article , ; . wr 4 ἃς With dude and tee ε ͵ : : : : ἶ oe 

Participle as Predicate Adjective 4 μ᾿ 


Omission of wv. 


When another Participle precedes, ‘ . . 846, 347 


Participle with εἰμί or ἔχω as periphrastic Perfect, 
Pluperfect, or Future Perfect . ; , 


Combinations of Circumstantial Participles, 


CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTICIPLE. i 876. Participles belonging to main construction combined 
| a with those in Genitive or Accusative Absolute in one 
832. Participle defining circumstances of acticn, expressing | 3 Ὡῶν ὦ 
various relations Ϊ 
ae . 33: 3 C, SUPPLEMENTARY PARTICIPLE. 
835. II. Means . ‘ : : Ξ ᾿ : ᾿ : 33: | 3 sisi 
836, 837. III. Manner, including manner of Employment . Ξ 3: 4 . Nature of Supplementary Participle = . 847, 348 


838, 839. IV. Cause or ground of Action. : : , 06, 89 4 378. Two uses, corresponding to those of the Object Infinitive 
840, V. Purpose, Object, or Intention ᾿ . : δὸς 3 (8. 746) . . , ν : ‘ ’ ᾿ ᾽ 348 


Β, 


. 6 . . 





cease aes art ee 





ae 


ἔρυσον 


Se re 2S 


iS 


Ce --.-- Ὁ 


a a 
Ges tras 


ten 


a Θ.." 


SECTION 


879, 880, 
881, 882. 


883. 
884-886. 
887-894. 

895. 

896. 

897. 

898. 

899. 

900. 


901. 


906. 
907. 
908. 
909. 
910. 
911. 


CONTENTS 


I. Nor ΙΝ InprreEct DISCOURSE. 


I. With Verbs =e to begin, endure, cease, 
stop, permit, ete. . 
II. With Verbs denoting ie of fling (to repent 
etc.). ° . . . ° . . . 
III. With Verbs denoting to find, detect, represent 
IV. With Verbs of Perception (hearing, seeing, etc.) 
V. With λανθάνω, τυγχάνω, φθάνω, etc. . : 
VI. With οἴχομαι, ἥκω, ἔρχομαι, ete. . ° 
VII. With πειρῶμαι, πολλός εἰμι, etc. in eeediies 
With πειρῶμαι etc. in Attic Greek 
VILL. With ἀποδείκνυμι, καθίζω, and παρασκευάζομαι 
IX. With dpxéw, ἱκανός εἰμι, ete. . ; i : : 
X. Dative οἵ βουλόμενος, ἡδόμενος, etc. with Dative 
after εἰμί etc. . ᾿ i : ‘ ᾿ ; 
XI. Dative of Partici ‘iple with Impersonal Expres- 
sions (it is fitting, pleasant, etc.) 


. . - we 
Omission of wv. 


Ὧν occasionally omitted in constructions of 88 879-901 


Infinite with Verbs of 8 879-901. 


Infinitive sometimes used with Verbs which take Supple 
mentary Participle : 

. With αἰσχύνομαι and αἰδοῦμαι 

. With ἀνέχομαι, ὑπομένω, τλάω, τολμῶ 

. With ἀποκάμνω. . ‘ 
4. With ἄρχομαι 

. With παύω ‘ ; ᾿ . 

. With περιορῶ, nie. permit, ete. . Ξ 

. With the Impersonal Expressions of § 901. 

. Probably never with λανθάνω, τυγχάνω, and φθάνω 


II. PARTICIPLE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 


. Participle with Verbs of seeing, hearing, knowing, show- 
ing, ete., and with ἀγγέλλω, like Infinitive of Indirect 


Discourse . : : : . . 
Participle agreeing with Acenaative of Reflexive 
Participle of Impersonals in Accusative 
Participle with δῆλος and φανερός εἰμι 
With σύνοιδα and συγγιγνώσκω and Dative of Re flex *xive 
With Infinitive depending on Verb with Dative 
Occasionally with Verbs like vouitw 
Ὧν sometimes omitted in Indirect Discourse 


348, 349 


349 
350 

Ore 
“oe 
4 9-35 

2 

} 

2 

, 


€) F, 
oe 


) 
ΟΥ̓ 
Dee 

2 

} 


a 
Vdd 


org 
3060 


356 


- 
~ 


Ἢ ὦ ὦ “ἰ “1 “ὦ 


en ¢ 


» δι #5 44 "» @5 @e @ 
on on ee 
nm “ . 


_— ' — 
Ὁ 


- 


, 900 
360 
360 
360 
361 
361 
361 
361 


CONTENTS 


SECTION 


Ι, 


912, Clause with ὅτι or ὡς for Participle . 
913. Μέμνημαι ὅτε for Participial Construction 


Infinitive with the Verbs of § 904. 


. Infinitive of Indirect Discourse with some of the Verbs 
of ὃ 904 :— 
1. With ἀκούω, πυνθάνομαι, and αἰσθάνομαι 
2. With ὁρῶ. , 
3. With ἀγγέλλω 
4. With duoroyéw . 
5. With φαίνομαι Ξ . . : . : 
Infinitive in various uses and senses with other Verbs 
of § 904 :— 
1. With μανθάνω, μέμνημαι, and ἐπιλανθάνομαι 
2. With οἷδα and ἐπίσταμαι (two uses with Infinitive) 
3. With γιγνώσκω (three uses with Infinitive) 
. With δείκνυμι 
. With δηλῶ 


. . . . 


. 5 © . 


. With εὑρίσκω (three uses with Infinitiv e) . . 9864, 365 


‘Qs with Participle in Indirect Discourse. 


‘Qs showing that Participle expresses thought of leading 
subject 


8. ‘Qs with Circumstantial Ρ articiple, svdvalend to Indirect 


ΧΧΧῚ 


968 
363 
364 
364 
364 


065 


Discourse . Ξ , . 9865, 366 


Participle with ὡς (peculiarly weed) alter oettide Verbs 


of saying and thinking ᾿ . : . 3866, 367 


CHAPTER VIL 
VERBAL ADJECTIVES IN -τέος. 


20. Two Constructions of the Verbal in -réos 

21. Personal Construction : ν : : : , 

. Agent expressed by Dative in Personal Construction, 
—Omission of εἰμί 


Impersonal Construction with ἐστί. : : . 068, 369 


Comparison with Latin Participle in -dus : 
Verbal in -τέον and Infinitive (sc. δεῖ) in same Construc- 
tion . . . . 


. Agent expressed by Dative or haaiaiiites in ἔποικοι 
Construction 


APPENDIX. 


The Relation of the Optative to the Subjunctive and other Moods 


368 
368 


368 


369 


369 


369 


371 





ape 


a See NAPE Bette 


Ce a 


See. ad 


ΧΧΧΙ CONTENTS 


II. The Origin of the Construction of οὐ μή with the Subjunctive and 
the Future Indicative . , ‘ ; ; ° : ; 


III. Statistics of the use of the Final Particles . ‘ ‘ 


IV. Xenophon’s peculiar use of ὡς, ws ἄν, and ὅπως ἄν in Final and 
Object Clauses . : . , ‘ . 


V. On some disputed points in the Construction of ἔδει etc. with the 
Infinitive (Supplement to §§ 415-423) ‘ ‘ : : ; 
INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES. 


GREEK INDEX . 


ENGLISH INDEX 


CHAPTER I. 
GENERAL VIEW OF THE MOODS. 


1. THE Mood of a verb shows the manner in which the 
assertion of the verb is made. 

The Greek verb has four moods, properly so called,—the 
indicative, the subjunctive, the optative, and the imperative. 
The infinitive, which is a verbal noun, and the participle 
and the verbal in -réos, which are verbal adjectives, are so 
closely connected with the moods in many constructions, 
that they are discussed with them in Syntax. 

The four proper moods, as opposed to the infinitive, are sometimes 
called the finite moods, The subjunctive, optative, imperative, and 


infinitive, as opposed to the indicative, are sometimes called the 
dependent moods. 


I. INDICATIVE. 


2. The indicative, in its most primitive use, makes a 
simple, absolute assertion, or asks a question which includes 
or concerns such an assertion. 2.7. 

Dpadet, he is writing ; ἔγραφεν, he was writing ; ἔγραψεν, he wrote ; 
γράψει, he will write. Ιράφει; is he writing ? ἐγράψατε; did you write ? 
γράψετε ; will you write? ri ἔγραψεν ; what did he write? 

3. The indicative may also express 

(a) A dependent statement (or quotation) of such an 
absolute assertion or question. Lg. 


Λέγει ὅτι γράφει, he says that he ἐς writing (he says ypadw) ; 
λέγει ὅτι γράψει, he says that he will write (he says γράψω) ; ἐρωτᾷ τί 
ἐγράψαμεν, he asks what we wrote: ἐρωτᾷ εἰ ἔγραψα. he asks whether I 

γράψαμεν,  ἐβώτς γί : 
wrote. 


6 Β 








σῶν 


SIC «ὦ TF 


— 


gees 


ee 


GENERAL VIEW OF THE MOODS [4 


(ὁ) A distinct statement of an object aimed at or feared. Ey. 

᾿Επιμελεῖται ὅπως τοῦτο γενήσεται, he takes care that this shall be done 

(339); φοβούμεθα μὴ ἀμφοτέρων ἡμαρτήκαμεν, we fear that we have 
missed both (369, 2). 

(c) A distinct supposition of an absolute statement, that 
is, @ supposition that such a statement is, was, or will be 
true. Ly. 

Et γράφει, if he is writing; εἰ ἔγραψεν, tf he wrote; εἰ γέγραφε, 
if he has written ; εἰ γράψει, if he shall write or if he is te write. What 
is supposed in each case could be expressed by γράφει, ἔγραψεν, 
γέγραφε, or γράψει. 

4. The past tenses of the indicative may, further, express 
a supposition that some statement either had been or were 
now true, while it is implied that really it was not or is not 
true. Lg. 

Ki ἔγραψα, if I had written; εἰ ἔγραφον, if I were now writing or 
if I had been writing ; the context indicating that really 1 did not write 
or am not writing (410). These expressions originally always referred 
to the past, as they do in Homer. 

5. Out of the form of unreal supposition (4) were 
developed after Homer the use of the past tenses of the 
indicative with εἴθε or εἰ γάρ in wishes (732); and also 
the Attic construction of the past tenses of the indicative 
to express an unaccomplished purpose (333), where there is 
an assimilation of the final clause to a preceding indicative. 
Eg. 

it yap τοῦτο ἐποίησα, O if I had only done this! EiOe τοῦτο εἶχες, 
O of you only had this ! 

Εἴθε τότ᾽ ἀπέθανον, ἵνα μὴ τοῦτο ἔπαθον, would that I had then 
perished, that I might not have suffered this. 

For the indicative with ἄν or κέ, the potential indicative, see 243. 


Il. SUBJUNCTIVE. 


6. (a) The subjunctive, in its simplest and apparently 
most primitive use, seen in Homer (284), expresses futurity, 
like the future indicative, and has οὐ for its negative. Ey. 

Ov yap πω τοίους ἴδον ἀνέρας οὐδὲ ἴδωμαι, for never did I see such 
men nor shall I ever see them, 1]. 1. 262; καί ποτέ τις εἴπῃσιν, and 
some one will some time say, 1]. vi. 459. 


(2) Though this primitive use disappears in the later language, 


11] SUBJUNCTIVE 3 


the subjunctive still remains closely related in sense to the 
future indicative, and in most of its constructions can be inter- 
changed with it. 

7. The subjunctive in questions of appeal as to the 
future (287) has, even in Homer, developed the idea of 
propriety or expediency. EZ. 

Αὖθι μένω He θέω ; shall I remain here or run ? Il. x. 62. So πῇ 
ἴω ; whither shall I go? Od. xv. 509. But the future indicative can 
be used in the same sense ; as τί δῆτα δρῶμεν; μητέρ᾽ ἦ hovedoo- 
μεν; what are we to do? shall we slay our mother? Eur. ΕἸ. 967. 
(See 68.) 

8. (a) In exhortations and in prohibitions with μή (250- 
259) the subjunctive has an imperative force, and is always 
future; as in ἔωμεν, let us go; μὴ θαυμάσητε, do not wonder. 

The future indicative occasionally occurs in prohibitions with μή 
(70). 

(Ὁ) The subjunctive with μή, especially in Homer, may 
express a future object of fear with a desire to avert it ; 
as In μὴ νῆας ἕλωσι, may they not seize the ships (as I Sear 
they will). (See 261.) From such expressions combined 
with verbs of fearing arose the dependent use of μή with 
the subjunctive expressing a future object of fear; as φοβοῦ- 

\ > / . 
μαι μὴ ἀπόληταυ, L fear that he may perish. 


9. In the constructions with od μή (294) the subjunctive 
and the future indicative are used, without apparent distinc- 


tion, in a future sense; as οὐ μὴ γένηται and οὐ μὴ γενή- 
σεται, τέ will not happen. 


10. The subjunctive may express a future purpose or a 
future object of care or exertion. Lg. 

Ἔρχεται ὅπως τοῦτο ἴδῃ, he comes that he may see this (317); 
ἐπιμελεῖται ὅπως τοῦτο γένηται (or γενήσεται), he takes care that this 
shall be done (339). In clauses of purpose the future indicative is 
sometimes used (324), and in the construction of 339 it became the 
regular Attic form. 

11. In conditional clauses the subjunctive expresses 
either a future supposition (444), or a general supposition 
which is indefinite (never strictly present) in its time (462). 

(a) In the former it supposes such a future case as the Homeric sub- 
Junctive (6) states ; as ἐάν τις εἴπῃ, if one shall say (the thing supposed 
being εἴπῃ τις, one will say); here the future indicative may be used 





ehh tate ἡπεεσδκσνς 


ς.........ὕ.. eet eta og ate 


ΠΌΡΝΗΝ 





4 GENERAL VIEW OF THE MOODS [12 


in essentially the same sense (447). In the general condition it 
supposes an event to occur at any time, as we say if any one ever goes 
or whoever goes, with an apodosis expressing repetition or a general 
truth ; as ἐάν τις κλέψῃ (or Os ἂν κλέψῃ), κολάζεται, Uf any one steals 
(or whoever steals), he is always punished. 

(b) The subjunctive in general suppositions is the only subjunctive 
which does not refer to future time, and here the future indicative can 
never be used. In most other languages (as in English and generally 
in Latin), and sometimes in Greek, such a condition is expressed by 
the present indicative, like an ordinary present supposition ; but the 
Greek, in its desire to avoid a form denoting present time, generally 
fell into one which it uses elsewhere only for future time. The con- 
struction, however, appears in Homer imperfectly established, except 
in relative clauses (468): this indicates that it does not belong to 
the primitive uses of the subjunctive. (See 17.) 

For the Homeric subjunctive with κέ or ἄν in independent 
sentences, which does not differ perceptibly in meaning from the future 
with κέ or av, see 201, 1. 


111. ΟΡΤΑΤΙΨΕ. 


12, The optative is commonly a less distinct and direct 
form of expression than the subjunctive, imperative, or 
indicative, in constructions of the same general character as 
those in which these moods are used. 

13. This is seen especially in independent sentences, 
where the optative either expresses a wish or exhortation, 

Φ . ¥ ; . 9 
or is used (regularly with ἄν or κέ) in a potential sense. 

Thus ἴοεμεν, may we go, corresponds as a weaker form to twpev, let 
us go. Corresponding to ἐξελθών τις ἰδέτω, let some one go out and see, 
we have ἐξελθών TL ἴδοι, may some one go out and see, Od, XXIV. 491. 
Ελοιτο ἄν, he would take or he might take, corresponds to the Homeric 
ἕληται or ἕληταί κε, he will take or he may take (201, 1). 

We find in Homer a few optatives expressing concession or per- 
mission, which have a neutral sense and can hardly be classed as 
either potential or wishing. See Il. iv. 17, εἰ δ᾽ αὖ πως τόδε πᾶσι 
φίλον καὶ ἡδὺ πέλοιτο, ἢ τοι μὲν οἰκέοιτο πόλις Πριάμοιο ἄνακτος, 
αὖτις δ᾽ ᾿Αργείην Ἑλένην MeveAaos ἃ γοιτο, where we may translate 
the apodosis either let the city still he a habitation and let M. carry away 
Helen, or the city may still he a habitation and M. may carry away 
Helen. In iil, 72 we have γυναῖκά TE οἴκαδ᾽ ἀγέσθω, and in ill, 255 
τῷ δέ KE νικήσαντι γυνὴ καὶ κτήμαθ᾽ ἕποιτο, where ἀγέσθω and 
Ph , > . . . w . . 
ἕποιτό κε refer to essentially the same thing with ayorto in lv, 19. 
Following II. iii, 255 (above) we have of δ᾽ ἄλλοι ναΐίοιμεν Τροίην, 
τοὶ δὲ νέονται, ie. the rest of us may remain dwellers in Troy, while 


Smee Ἢ ἘΜ ΉΗΣΞ ον Aa ἰδ: ve ὦ i dirt’ Reg 


Ee Sale 


16] OPTATIVE 5 


they will retur Yreece. Fr 

y - return to Greece. From such neutral future expressions were 
- ably developed the two distinct uses of the optative. In its 
1ortatory sense as a for rishi we 
" ᾿ y " as ἃ form of wishing, the optative was distinguished 
Ὑ the use ἢ as a negative ; while in i i ἡ 
yt ise Of μὴ as a negative ; while in its potential sense it had οὐ 
as 15 negative (as i ἣν ya KOT | 

| gi 18. IN OV μὴν yap τι κακώτερον ἄλλο πάθοιμι, for really 
I can suffer nothing worse, 1], xix. 321), and i as 
eyes were 4 worse, 11. xix. 321), and it was soon further marked 
y the addition of ke or ἄν. (See Appendix I.) 


14 Tn dependent clauses expressing purpose or the 
object of exertion or of fear, the optative is never an original 
form ; but it always represents a dependent subjunctive or 
future indicative (8,6; 10) in the changed relation in 
which either of them is placed when its leading verb is 
changed from present or future to past time. ~ 

We represent this change in Englis r a change fr 
m ght, or from shall or will to ee Bethea ον eg hae Ἐν 
he comes that he may see, ἦλθεν iva ἴδοι, he came ie he ti pis 
ἐπιμελεῖται ὅπως τοῦτο γενήσεται, he takes care that this ἀμ te 
done, ἐπεμελεῖτο ὅπως τοῦτο γενήσοιτο, he took care that this doula 
be done ; φοβεῖται μὴ τοῦτο πάθῃ, he fears that he mar ὦν t} cs 
ἐφοβήθη μὴ τοῦτο πάθοι. he feared that he might suffer thie, | Here the 
original subjunctive or future indicative (especially the latt or εν ᾿ 
often used in place of the optative. es , ghee 


15. In all forms of indirect discourse the same principle 
(14) holds, that the optative after past tenses represents (in 
a changed relation) an indicative or a subjunctive of the 
direct form, which original mood is always used after 


present and future tenses, and may be retained after past 
tenses (667, 1). 


Here again we s ; 

εἰς ς > SCC what the ni o ω gos See ας z 

ωμ ως Wee: est? ὦ — ον for we represent it by our 
< o~ ‘ ( 8, uve oO har sha an will ᾿ . ; 

ete.; as λέγει ὅτι ἀληθές ἐ ς , to should and would, 

: ats Υ δὴν αλῆσες εἐστιν, he says that dt as true: ἔλεξεν | ee 

- ” / ᾿ ’ δ ς . r 

άληθες εἰὴ (or ἐστίν), he said that it was true : λέγει ΓΝ τρίβει he 

says that he will write; ἔλεξεν ὅτι yodd / ee ly WE 

ὧν ld πιὰ 3 <d κα —" die γράψοι or γράψει), he said that he 

would write. HO οὐκ Ola TI €L7T, TI know not what T shall sayy Ὲ ait 

: 7 


wa 


‘ , μὲ ” 
yoerv Te εἰποιμι (or εἰπω), 1 knew not what I should say 


16. In future conditions the optative expresses the sup- 
position in a weakened future form, as compared with the 
stronger future of the subjunctive and the future indicative 

ampere ἐὰν ἔλθω, if I (shall) go (444), with εἰ ἔλθοιμι, if I should 
a, ace the form of the leading sentence (the apodosis) decides 
whether a given supposition shall be expressed by a subjunctive ai “si 
an optative ; thus in Dem. iv. 11 we have ἂν οὗτός τι πάθῃ, if pc 





6 GENERAL VIEW OF THE MOODS [17 


thing happens (shall happen) to him (Philip), depending on ποιήσετε; 
and in the next sentence, referring to precisely the same contingency, 
we have εἴ τι πάθοι, depending on two optatives with ἄν. 

17. The only remaining form of dependent optative is 
that found in past general suppositions, as εἴ τις κλέψειεν 
(or ὃς κλέψειεν), ἐκολάζετο, if ever any one stole (or whoever 
stole), he was (always) punished (462; 531). 

Here the optative after a past tense represents an original subjunc- 
tive after a present tense (11), differing in this from the optative in 
future conditions (16), which is in an original construction, The late 
development of this optative appears from its almost total absence in 
protasis with εἰ in Homer (468), where the corresponding subjunctive 
in protasis is also infrequent. It may therefore be disregarded in con- 
sidering the primitive uses of the optative. (See 11, b.) 

For a more full discussion of the relations of the optative to the 
other moods, see Appendix I. 


IV. IMPERATIVE. 


18. The imperative expresses a command, exhortation, 
entreaty, or prohibition (250 and 259). 2}... 


Φεῦγε, begone! ᾿Ἐλθέτω, let him come. Ads μοι τοῦτο, give me 
this. Μὴ ποίει ἄδικα, do not do what is unjust. 


po eee ee 
“ee tee 


τ a ge ὙΕῚ 
tegiia ον εθ ἢ 1 


Se Se eninge tl MS as 


CHAPTER II. 
THE TENSES. 


19, THERE are seven Tenses,—the present, imperfect, 
perfect, pluperfect, aorist, future, and future perfect. The 
imperfect and pluperfect occur only in the indicative; the 
futures are wanting in the subjunctive and imperative. 

20. These tenses may express two relations. They may 
designate the time of an action as present, past, or future ; and 
also its character as going on, jinished, or simply taking place. 
The latter relation is expressed by the tenses in all the moods 
and in the infinitive and the participle ; the former is always 
expressed in the indicative, and to a certain extent (to be 
explained below) in the dependent moods and the participle. 

21, The tenses are divided into primary tenses, which 
denote present or future time, and secondary or historical 
tenses, which denote past time. This distinction applies 
properly only to the tenses of the indicative; but it may 
be extended to any forms of the dependent moods which 
have the same distinction of time as the tenses of the 
indicative. 

The primary tenses of the indicative are the present (in 
its ordinary uses), perfect, future, and future perfect. The 
secondary tenses are the imperfect, pluperfect, and aorist (in 
its ordinary uses). 

This distinction will be more fully explained at the end of this 


chapter (165-191). It must be noted that the historic present (33) is 
ἃ secondary tense, and the gnomic aorist (154) is a primary tense, 


22. In speaking of the time denoted by any verb, we must 
distinguish between time which is present, past, or future with 





= al +a - 


fen ath sonatas 


erat 


8 THE TENSES [23 


reference to the time of speaking or writing (that 1s, time 
absolutely present, etc.), and time which is present, past, or 
future with reference to the time of some verb with which 
the verbal form in question is connected (that is, time relutively 
present, ete. ) Thus, when we say τοῦτο ἀληθές ἐστιν, this ts 
true, ἐστίν is present with reference to the time of speaking ; 
but when we say ἔφη τοῦτο ἀληθὲς εἶναι or εἶπεν ὅτι τοῦτο 
ἀληθές ἐστιν (or εἴη), he said that this was true, (i.e. he said “this ts 
true”), the present tense which we use denotes time present to 
the time of the leading verb, i.e. time absolutely past and only 
relatively present. The same distinction is seen between the 
future 1 in τοῦτο γενήσεται, this will happe ny, and that in ἔφη τοῦτο 
γενήσεσθαι ΟΥ εἶπεν ὅτι γενήσεται (γενήσοιτο), he said that this would 
happen ; where the future in the first case is absolutely future, but in 
the other cases is only relatively future and may be even absolutely 
past. Again, in τοῦτο ἐγένετο, this happened, the aorist is absolutely 
past; but in ἔφη τοῦτο γενέσθαι, Or εἶπεν ὅτι τοῦτο ἐγένετο (OF 
γένοιτο), he said that this had happened, it denotes time past to 
the time of the past leading verb, and so is doubly past. But in 
connection with a future expression an aorist, though relatively 
past, may be absolutely future; as in PLat. Rep. 478 D, τὸ 
φανέν as subject of ἔσεσθαι means that which will hereafter have 
appeared. So διαπραξάμενος in 496 E. (See 143.) 

It is a special distinction between the Greek and the English 
idioms, that the Greek uses its verbal forms much more freely 
to denote merely relative time. Thus, we translate the Greek 
presents εἶναι and ἐστί after ἔφη or εἶπεν (ahove) by our Wds ; 
the futures γενήσεσθαι and γενήσεται by would happen; and the 
aorists γενέσθαι and ἐγένετο by had happened. This distinction 
appears especially in the indicative, optative, and infinitive of 
indirect discourse ; in future forms after past tenses in final and 
object clauses with iva, ὅπως, etc, ; and usually in the participle ; 
but not in protasis, 


IL. TENSES OF THE INDICATIVE. 
PRESENT. 


23. The present indicative represents an action as going 
on at the time of speaking or writing; as γράφω, J write, 
or [ am writing. 

An important exception occurs when the present indicative in in- 
direct discourse denotes time which is present relatively to the leading 
verb. See above, 22; 669, 2; 674, 1. 


PRESENT INDICATIVE 9 


24, As the limits of such an action on either side of the 
present moment are not defined, the present may express a 
customary or repeated action or a ge neral truth. Κ᾿. 

Ἢ πρύμνα τοῦ πλοίου ὃ εἰς Δῆλον ᾿Αθηναῖοι πέμπουσιν, the 
stern of the ship which the Athenians send to Delos (every year). PLAT. 
Phaed. 58 A. Tixret τοι κόρος ὕβριν, ὅταν κακῷ ὄλβος ἕπηται, 
satiety laste tnsolence, whenever prosperity follows the wicked, THrOG. 


153. Ἔν χρόνῳ ἀπ μέ Giver τὸ τάρβος ἀνθρώποισιν, in time tumidity 
dies out in men. AESCH. Ag. 857. 


25. The present denotes merely the continuance or progress 
of an action, without reference to its completion. It may, how- 
ever, be implied by the context that the action is not to be 
completed, so that the present denotes an attempted or intended 
action. Especially δίδωμι, in the sense of offer, and πείθω, try to 
persuade, are thus used. E. q. 


Ἂν 5 


Nov ὃ ἅμα τ΄ αὐτίκα πολλὰ διδοῖ he offers many things. Tl. 
519. ΠΕίέθουσι ὑμᾶς ἐναντία καὶ τοῖς νόμοις καὶ τῷ δικαίῳ Wy dice 
σθαι, they are trying to persuade you to vote contrary both to the laws and 
to justice. ISAE, 1. 26. 


This conative signification is much more common in the imperfect. 
See 36 and the example 8. 


26. The present is often used with expressions denoting past 


time, especially πάλαι, in the sense of a perfect and a present 
sombined. Eq. 


Κεῖνον ἰχνεύω πάλαι, I have been tracking him a long time (and 
still continue it). Sopu. Aj. 20. Οὐ πάλαι σοι λέγω ὅτι ταὐτόν 
φημι εἶναι; ie. have I not long ago told you (and do I not still repeat) 
that I call it the same thing? Puar. Gorg. 489 C. Θεοὺς αἰτῶ. .. 
φρουρᾶς ἐτείας μῆκος. Auscu. Ag. 1. So πολὺν χρόνον τοῦτο ποιῶ. 
So in Latin, iam dudum loquor. 

27. The presents ἥκω, 1 am come, and οἴχομαι, J am gone, are 
used in the sense of the perfect. An approach to the perfect 
sense is sometimes found in such presents as φεύ yw, in the sense 
1 am banished, ἁλώσομαι, I am cuptured, νικῷ and κρατῶ, 1 am 
victorious, ἡ ἡττῶμαι, I am conquered, ἀδικῶ, 1 have been unjust (I am 
ἄδικος . So the Epic ikw and ἱκάνω, with ὄλλυμαι and some- 
times τίκτω in tragedy. 1.2. 

Οἴχεται εἰς ἅλα δῖαν, he ws gone to the divine sea. Il. xv. 223. 
Θεμιστοκλῆς ἥκω παρὰ σέ, I, Themistocles, am come to you. THUC. i. 
137. Tots ἀδίκως her yovTas δικαίως κατήγαγον, they justly ve- 
stored those who were unjustly banished, Puat. Menex. 242 B. Ἰλώυ 
ἁλισκομένου, after the capture of Ilium. Tuuc. vi. 2. So dA 
σκομένου τοῦ τείχεος. ΡΥ. i. 85. Ὄπισθε τῆς ἀνοιγομένης θύρης, 
behind the open door, Hor. i. 9. Ei πάντα ταῦτα ἐλυμαίνετο τοῖς 
ὅλοις, ἕως ἀνέτρεψε, τί Δημοσθένης ἀδικεῖ; how ἐς Demosthenes to 





10 THE TENSES [28 


blame? Dem. xviii. 303. Πύργων ὀλλυμένων ἐν ναυσὶν ἔβαν, 1] 
embarked after the towers had been destroyed, Eur. 1. T. 1108, Ἥδε 
τίκτει oe, this woman is thy mother, Id. Ion. 1560. 

Present participles are given in some examples here where they 
illustrate the meaning of the tense. 


28. The Greek, like other languages, often uses such presents 
as I hear, I learn, I say, even when their action is finished before 
the time to which they strictly refer. Lg. 


> S& ” , . Ρ ge ee 

Ki στασιάζουσιν, ὥσπερ πυνθανόμεθα, if they (the Sicilians) are 

. . rn . > 570 Ἁ mY 7 ε » \ > = 

in discord, as we learn. Tuuc. vi. 16. “Ext πόλεις, ὡς ἐγὼ axon 

> i , ΄ >7 ’ . » ᾿ 
αἰσθάνομαι, μέλλομεν ἱέναι μεγάλας. Id. vi. 90. 


(Εἶμι as Future.) 29, The present εἶμι, J am going, and its 
compounds, have a future sense. Εἦμι thus became a future of 
ἔρχομαι, the future ἐλεύσομαι not being in good use in Attic 
prose. δ... 

Lev ὕστερος εἶμ᾽ ὑπὸ γαῖαν, I shall go. Il. xviii. 338, Ele 
πάλιν ἐπ᾽ ἐκεῖνα, I shall recur to that. Puat. Phaed. 100 B. Ὦ φίλ᾽, 
ἐγὼ μὲν ἄπειμι, σύας καὶ κεῖνα φυλάξων. Od. xvii. 593. ᾿Αλλ’ 
εἴσειμι, σοῦ δ᾽ οὐ φροντιῶ, but I’ll go wn and not mind you, Ar, 
Nub. 125. Ei δ᾽ οὗτοι ἀπίασιν, ἡμεῖς μόνοι μενοῦμεν, but if they 
(shall) depart, we alone shall remain. XeEN, Cyr. iv. 5, 24. 

In Homer εἶμι is used also as a present; as οἷος δ᾽ ἀστὴρ εἶσι 


or 
1S 


᾽ , ἐν Ζ oe . aa + a ne ° 
μετ᾽ ἀστράσι, 1]. xxii. 317. So ii. 87, xi. 415; Od. iv. 401; and 
often in similes. This is doubtful in Attic; as in πρύσειμι δῶμα 


Ἁ , \ , - , , 
καὶ βρέτας τὸ σόν, AESCH. Eum. 242, where πρόσειμε may be πρός + 
> *£ ‘ - Ὶ : ᾽ , ry πὰ . » 
εἰμί. See Kriiger and Classen on ἐπίασιν, Tuuc, iv. 61. 


30. The future sense of εἶμε and its compounds extends to the 
optative, infinitive, and participle in indirect discourse, and often to 
the participle in other uses (especially when it expresses purpose with 
ε 7 
ws). ΖΚ. 

ω ao > 4 7 , 5 5 , 

Προεῖπον OTL, ει μὴ παρεσόμεθα συστρατευσόμενοι, εκεινοι ἐφ 
ε ΄“ ” . . " 
ἡμὰς ἰοιεν, Le. that they would come against us. Xen. Hell. v. 2, 13. 
See also v. 1, 34, where εἰ μὴ ἀπίοιεν corresponds to εἰ μὴ ἐκπέμψοιεν. 

yw . . . . . . " ᾿ 
As tout in this use is equivalent to a future optative, it is naturally 
rare (128). ᾿Απιέναι ἐνόμιζεν ὅταν βούληται, he believed he could depart 
” » ‘ > ” ” . x” 
(ἄπειμι) whenever he pleased. THuc. v. 7. So οὐκ ἔφασαν (ἔφη) ἰέναι, 
XEN. An. i. 3, 1 and 8; i. 4, 12: ef. ii. 1, 3, ii. 6,10. Kai τὸ rip 

> , ~ - ~ ” . "ὦ " ᾽ - 
γε av προσιόντος Tov ψυχροὺ αὐτῷ 1) ὑπεξίεναι 1) ἀπολεῖσθαι. 
Puat. Phaed. 103 D. (Π]ροσιόντος is an ordinary present participle : 
» ‘ wv . 
see 31.) Ov yap ἤδειν ἐξιών, for he did not know that he was to go. 
ε a a , »λᾺ - ΄ a 
Ar. Pac. 1182. Ὃ δ᾽ eis Πέρσας ἰὼν παρῆν συνεσκευασμένος. XEN. 
a ry’ “a > > \ f , ε f ! / f 
Cyr. iv. 5,26. Tavr εἰπὼν ἀνιστάμην ws ἀπιών. PLat. Prot. 335 Ὁ 
this might come under 31). So ἀνεστήκη ws ἐξιών, ib. 335 D. 
a8 gt A / oF 8 ’ 
Ilapeokevatero ws ἀπιοῦσα. XEN, Cyr. i. 3, 13. So Tuc, vi, 63. 


᾽ 


31. In the optative and infinitive not in indirect discourse, and 


85] IMPERFECT 11 


often in the participle, the same forms οἵ εἶμε are used as ordinary 
presents. L.9. 


Οὐδὲν ἂν διάφορον ποιοῖ, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ ταὐτὸν ἴοιεν. Par. Rep. 360 
C. Εἰ πολέμιος tou. 10. 415 E. See ἴοι in Rep. 490 B, ina peculiar 
indirect quotation, “Ore ἴοι. Id. Tim. 78 C. In Xen. An. i. 3, 1, 
after ἰέναι as future (30), we have ἐβιάζετο ἰέναι and ἤρξατο προιέναι. 
᾿Εξὸν αὐτῷ εἰσιόντι εἰς τὰς οἰκίας συγγίγνεσθαι ὅτῳ βούλοιτο. 
Puat. Rep. 360 Ὁ. ᾿Αποτρεπόμενος ὁ ἀὴρ καὶ διὰ τοῦ σώματος 
ἔξω ἰών. Id. Tim. 79 C. So Anv. v. 78, vi. 45. 

In the subjunctive and imperative there can of course be no special 
future sense in these verbs. 

32. In animated language the present often refers to the 
future, to express likelihood, intention, or danger. £9. 

Lt αὕτη ἡ πόλις ληφθήσεται, ἔχεται ἡ πᾶσα Σικελία, if this city 
shall be captured, all Sicily is (at once) in their possession. THuc. vi. 91. 
Μένομεν ἕως ἂν ἕκαστοι κατὰ πόλεις ληφθῶμεν ; shall we wait until we 
are each captured, city by city? Id. vi. 77. Εἰ δέ φησιν οὗτος, 
δειξάτω καὶ παρασχέσθω, κἀγὼ καταβαίνω, and I will take my seat. 
Dem. xix. 32. So ἀπόλλυμαι, I am to perish, Lys. xii. 14. For a 
similar use of the perfect, see 51. (See also 61.) 

33. (Historic Present.) The present is often used in 
narration for the aorist, sometimes for the imperfect, to give 
a more animated statement of past events. This is called 
the historic present. 272. 

Βουλὴν ἐπιτεχνᾶται ὅπως μὴ ἁλισθεῖεν ᾿Αθηναῖοι, he contrives a 
plan to prevent the Athenians from assembling. στ. i. 63. Κελεύει 
πέμψαι ἄνδρας" ἀποστέλλουσιν οὖν. καὶ περὶ αὐτῶν ὃ Θεμιστοκλῆς 
κρύφα πέμπει. 'ΤῊῦυσ, 1.91. Δαρείου καὶ Παρυσάτιδος γίγνονται 
παῖδες δύο. XEN, ΑΝ. i. 1,1. Τοιαῦτα τοῦ παρόντος ἡνίκ᾽ ἡλίῳ 
δείκνυσι τοὔναρ ἔκλυον ἐξηγουμένου. Sop, El, 494. 

The historic present is not found in Homer. 


IMPERFECT. 


34. The imperfect represents an action as going on in 
past time; as ἔγραφον, I was writing. 

35. The imperfect is thus a present transferred to the 
past, retaining all the peculiarities of the present which are 
consistent with the change. Thus it may denote a customary 
or repeated action, or a series of actions; or, if it refers to 
a single action (as it very frequently does), it represents it in 
its progress rather than as a simple past occurrence (like the 





12 THE TENSES ! 44] PERFECT AND PLUPERFECT INDICATIVE 13 


aorist). In narration it dwells on the course of an event 38. The imperfect sometimes denotes likelihood, intention, or 
instead of merely stating its occurrence. Ey. 3 danger in past “me (see 92). ἔν. 
Ἐπὶ Κέκροπος ἡ ᾿Αττικὴ κατὰ πόλεις WKECTO, Kat ov ξυνήεσα Vv Ἐπειδὴ μὲ ψεύδεσθαι ages λλυτο, when me oe = ins point Ψ rue 
through his deceit. ANT. v.37. Καὶ ταμ, ἔθνῃσκε τεκν᾽, ἀπωλλύμη ν 
δ᾽ ἐγώ, and my children were about to die, and I was about to perish. Eur. 
H. F. 538. “Exawvopny ξίφει, I was to be slain, 1d. I. T. 27. 


. cy . » 

39. The imperfect ἦν (generally with apa) may express a fact 
which is just recognised as such by the speaker or writer, having 
previously been denied, overlooked, or not understood. Eg. 

ἫΝ - ” , > , ” , > , "ἢ Ss ; > ” ’ ‘ as > 
δ᾽ ἐγελᾶτε, καὶ οὔτ᾽ ἀκούειν ἠθέλετε οὔτε πιστεύειν ἐθούλεσθε 3 22 πόποι, οὐκ ἄρα πάντα νοήμονες οὐδὲ δίκαιοι ἦσαν Φαιήκων ἡγή- 

} ᾿ / . ’ ' ΟΝ a . it 5 it / . iy) 

they kept on shouting, οἷο and you laughed, ete. DEM. xix. 23. TOPES 10€ PEOOVTES, 1.2, they are not, as I once emagined, Od. xiii. 209. 
» βούλην ἀπήγγειλα. Ibid : Οὐκ & ὕνον ἔην ἐρίδων γένος, GAN ἐπὶ γαῖαν εἰσὶ δύω. there is 
jv βούλην ἀπήγγειλα. Ibid, Ξ vK apa μοῦνον Env ἐρίδων γένος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ γαῖαν εἰσὶ δύω, there is 
a“ a“ > , ὟΝ 4 ΥΣ ad . 

not after all merely one race of discords, but there are two on earth. Hers. 


ον ΘΟ ὙΝΝ 
Sa Bee ee κι Ἂ 


ov gg 


ee ee 


, > o ΠῚ , ‘ 5 , 
βουλευσόμενοι, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοὶ ἕκαστοι ἐπολιτεύοντο καὶ ἐβουλεύ- 
᾽ν as ΟΝ Ν » ’; » κ ΄“ ᾿ > 
οντο. ᾿Ἐπειδὴ δὲ Θησεὺς ἐβασίλευσεν, és τὴν νὺν πόλιν οὖσαν 
, , ry ee P . + " 
ξυνῴκισε πάντας. THuc. ii. 15. (Here the imperfects refer to the 
. > ) , 
state of the country or to customs ; the aorists state events, ἐβασίλευσε, 
. . , . . » 4 4 - ‘ » 
became king, ξυνῴκισε, collected into one state.) Καὶ παραστὰς ὃ μεν ἔνθεν 


ε > sg? 7 


¢ ) > ’ Ξ a > , - ε “~ 
ὁ δ᾽ ἔνθεν, ἐβόων, ἐξέκρουόν pe, τελευτῶντες ἐχλεύαζον" ὑμεῖς 


πο -π ς-ἔἜε 


4 


Ὺ / 7 - 5 
‘Erecpopy V Tb λέγειν TOUTWV WV εἰς ΤΊ 


AEP er TOO 
ee Fs 


Foe 


, , \s 4 ” 
Iléorepov TAUTQA TAVTA TOLWWV yOLKEL και παρεσπονόει και ἐλυε 


A > ” ” . . . . . 
τὴν εἰρήνην ἢ ov; τη doing all these things was he acting unjustly and 


breaking the peace, οἷο. Id. xviii. 71: see also ib, 69. (Compare τὴν 
{ 1 , \ / 

> , ” \ A , > ° =—_ Ἢ 
εἰρήνην ἐλυσε τὰ πλοῖα λαβών, of the event, ib. 73. ΠΠαρελθὼν 


> 9 κα ~ > om {Ὰ “ ‘ 
ἐπὶ Θράκης Βυζαντίους 1) ξ Lov συμπολεμεῖν. Ib, 8 i. Ύ μέεις γὰρ 
a 3 > , A . 
L 


TOUT ἐπράττετε, καὶ ταῦτα πᾶσιν ὑμῖν ἤρεσκεν (of a course of 
action). Id. xix. 189. ᾿Ἐπειδὴ γὰρ εἷλεν Ὄλυνθον Φίλιππος. ’¢ )λύμπια 
ἐποίει. εἰς δὲ τὴν θυσίαν πάντας τοὺς τεχνίτας συνήγαγεν. Ib. 199. 
Kita τότ᾽ οὐκ ἔλε γες παραχρῆμα ταῦτα οὐδ᾽ ἐδίδασκες ἡμᾶς ; did 
you then not tell this at once on the spot, or instruct us? Ib, 25. 

The same action (as in the last two examples) could easily have 
been mentioned, without reference to its continuance, as a mere event. 
For the relations of the imperfect to the aorist, see 56, 


36. The imperfect, like the present (25), sometimes denotes 

altempted action, being here strictly an imperfect tense, So especi- 
IAZA Ν i ’ ν 
ally €OLOOUV and ἔπειθον. £4. 

(Φίλιππος) ᾿“Αλόννησον ἐδ δου. Philip off red Halonnesus (lit. tried 
to give it), AESCHIN. iii. 83. Ἕκαστος ἔπειθεν αὐτὸν ὑποστῆναι τὴν 
ἀρχήν, each one tried to persuade him to undertake the command. XEN. 
An. vi. 1, 19. 


rn [7 5 > , 4 ‘3 e , } 
Κῦμα tOTaT QELPOLLEVOV, Κατα ὁ 1) Pee ΠΠηλείωνα, and was about 


, 


> 


to overpower the son of Peleus. Il. xxi. 327. ‘Kio Ootro Tap OUK 
ἐκδιδόντος τὴν αὐλήν, he tried to hire the yard of one who refused to let 
it. Hot. i. 68. TlenWavres és La pr 
Sardis and wanted to buy gold. Hor. i. 69. ᾿Επεθύμησε τῆς χλανίδος, 


= 


‘\ , , 
4S χρυσὸν ὠνέοντο, they sent to 


καὶ αὐτὴν προσελθὼν ὠνέετο. he took a fancy (aor.) to the cloak, and 
tried to buy it. Hpv. iii. 139. “A ἐπράσσετο οὐκ ἐγένετο. what was 
attempted did not happen. Tuuc. vi. 74. So προσετίθει, she wanted to 
add, Ar. Nub. 63. 


37. When the present has the force of the perfect (27), the 
imperfect has regularly the force of a pluperfect. Eg. 
‘O ὄχλος κατὰ θέαν ἧ κεν, the crowd had come to look on, TuHuc. vil. 


31. ᾿Επεὶ ᾧχεο νηὶ Πύλονδε, after thou wast gone by ship to Pylos, 
Od. xvi. 24. 


Ἷ EAR μέρεα Mar) κυ γνινη κι τέο serra ie i 


ieee ron peer pie ea i" 


Op.11. Ὅδ᾽ ἦν apa ὁ ξυλλαβών με, this is then the one who seized me. 
SopH. Ph. 978. Ov σὺ μόνος ap’ ἦσθ᾽ ἔποψ; are you not then the 
only epops (as I thought)? Ar. Av. 280. "Ap οὐ τόδε ἣν τὸ δένδρον, 
ep ὅπερ yes ἡμᾶς ; ts not this then the tree to which you were bringing 
us? Prat. Phaedr. 230 A. 

Other imperfects are rare ; as ἠπίστω, XEN. Hell. iii. 4, 9. 

40. In like manner the imperfect may express something which is 
the result of a previous discussion, with reference to which the past 
form is used. This is sometimes called the philosophic imperfect. Eg. 

Ἦν ἡ μουσικὴ ἀντίστροφος τῆς γυμναστικῆς, εἰ μέμνησαι, nrusic 
then (as we proved) corresponds, uf you reme mber, to gymnastics. PLAT. Rep. 
522 A. Kai δέκαιον δὴ φήσομεν ἄνδρα εἶναι τῷ αὐτῷ τρόπῳ, ᾧπερ 
καὶ πόλις ἣν δικαία, and now we shall say that a man ts just in the 
same way in which also a state was (shown to be) just. Ib. 441 Ὁ. Ac 
αφθεροῦμεν ἐκεῖνο, ὃ τῷ μὲν δικαίῳ βέλτιον ἐγίγνετο, τῷ δὲ ἀδίκῳ 
ἀπώ λλύυτο, we shall di stroy that which (as we proved) becomes better by 
justice and is ruined by injustice. Pua. Crit. 47 1). 

41. The Greek sometimes uses an idiom like the English he was 
the one who did it for he is the One who did ut ς as ἣν ὃ τὴν γνώμην 
ταύτην εἰπὼν Πείσανδρος, Tuuc. viii. 68: rés ἣν ὁ βοηθήσας τοῖς 
Βυώαντίοις καὶ σώσας αὐτούς ; DEM. xviii. 88, 


PERFECT AND PLUPERFECT. 


42. The perfect represents an action as already finished 
at the prese nt time: as γέγραφα, I have written (that is, my 
writing 18 NOW jin ished). 

43. The pluperfect represents an action as already finished 
at a given past time; as éyeypadew, I had written (that is, 


> 


my writing was finished at some specified past time). 


44. The perfect, although it implies the performance of the action 





ν. παν ee 
ΕΞ ee ee ae eee 


ee et i oe 


14 THE TENSES [45 


in past time, yet states only that it stands completed at the present time. 
This explains why the perfect is classed with the present as a primary 
tense, that is, as a tense of present time. 


45. The perfect and the pluperfect may be expressed by the 
perfect participle with the present and imperfect of εἰμί, Here, 
however, each part of the compound generally retains its own 
signification, so that this form expresses more fully the con- 
tinuance of the reswé of the action of the perfect to the present 


time, and of that of the pluperfect to the past time referred to. 
£.g. 


Πεποιηκώς ἐστιν (or ἦν), he is (or was) in the condition of having 
dome,—he has done (or had done). ᾿Ἐμοῦ οἱ νόμοι οὐ μόνον ἀπεγνω- 
κότες εἰσὶ μὴ ἀδικεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ κεκελευκότες ταύτην τὴν δίκην 
λαμβάνειν, it is the laws which not only have acquitted me of injustice, 
but have commanded me to inflict this punishment. Lys. i. 34, τόλμα 
λέγειν ὡς ἐγὼ τὸ πρᾶγμ᾽ εἰμὶ τοῦτο δεδρακώς, he dared to say that I 
was the one who had done this deed. Dem. xxi. 104, In Dew, Xvi. 23, 
οὔτε yap ἦν πρεσβεία πρὸς οὐδένα ἀπεστα λμένη τότε τῶν ‘EX- 
λήνων means for there was no embassy then out on a mission to any 
of the Greeks; whereas ἀπέσταλτο would have given the meaning no 
embassy had ever been sent out (see 831). 

This of course does not apply to cases where the compound form 
is the only one in use, as in the third person plural of the perfect and 
pluperfect passive and middle of mute and liquid verbs. 


46. On the other hand, although the simple form very often implies 
the continuance of the result of the action down to the present time 
. . , . . J 
or to a specified past time, it does so less distinctly than the com- 
pound form, and not necessarily (see the last two examples below). ΚΕ. 

co rl A ε \ 8 εν ἊΨ» , Ἶ - 

Ἐπιμελῶς οἱ θεοὶ ὧν οἱ ἄνθρωποι δέονται κατεσκε υάκασιν, the 
Gods have carefully provided what men need. XEN. Mem. iv. 3, 3. Tov 
ποιητῶν τινες ὑποθήκας ὡς χρὴ (nv καταλελοίπασι v, some of the puets 

. + ** > , Ἁ ν 

have left us suggestions how to live. Isoc. ii. 3. Ακήκοα μὲν τοὔνομα, 
μνημονεύω δ᾽ ov, I have heard the name, but I do not remember it, Pua. 
Theaet. 144 B. “A σοι τύχη κέχρηκε, ταῦτ᾽ ἀφείλετο, Fortune has 
taken back what she has lent you. Men, Fr. 598. 


47. "Ex with the aorist and sometimes the perfect participle may 
form a periphrastic perfect (831). In tragedy and in Herodotus this is 
often fully equivalent to our perfect with have ;: elsewhere, especially 
in Attic prose, the participle and ἔχω are more or less distinct in their 
force. Still, this is the beginning of the modern perfect. Eg. 

Tlotw σὺν ἔργῳ τοῦτ᾽ ἀπειλ ἥσας ἔχεις; have you made this threat? 
Sopa. Ὁ. C. 817. Tov μὲν Tpotioas, τὸν δ᾽ ἀτιμάσας ἔχει; Id. 
Ant. 22 ; see ib. 32. Ἡμᾶς πρᾶγος ἄσκοπον ἔχει περάνας. Id. ΑἹ. 
21. ὑδᾶτο γὰρ ταῦτ᾽, οὐδέ πω λ ἤξαντ᾽ ἔχει, ie. the story has not 
yet ceased to be told. Id. O. T. 731; see Tr, 37, ταρβήσασ᾽ ἔχω. “Os 
σφε viv ἀτιμάσας ἔχει. Eur. Med. 33; see ib, 90. Ἄρεως τε 


PERFECT AND PLUPERFECT INDICATIVE 15 


μοῖραν μεταλαβὼν ἔχει τινά, Id. Bacch. 302. Σοῦ θαυμάσας ἔχω 
τόδε. ὅοΡη. Ph. 1362; so Pyar. Phaedr. 257 C (in poetic language), 
Oia por βεβουλευκὼς ἔχει. ὅρη. O. T. 701 (after στήσας ἔχεις 
in 699). Ὅστις γ᾽ ἔχει pov ᾿ξαρπάσας τὸ παιδίον, whoever has 
snatched away (though here ἔχει may mean keeps). Ar. Th. 706. 
᾿Εγκλήσασ᾽ ἔχει τὰ σιτία. Id. Eccl, 355. Ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἑλλήνων 
τοὺς σὺ δουλώσας ἔχεις, i.e. whom you hold in slavery or whom you 
have enslaved. Hor. i. 97. ᾿Αμφοτέρων με τούτων ἀποκληίσας 
ἔχεις. Id. i. 37; so i. 41. ᾿Αλαΐζνι ἐπιτρέψαντες ἡμέας αὐτοὺς 
ἔχομεν, we have entrusted ourselves, etc. Id. Vi. 12. Πολλὰ χρήματα 
ἔχομεν ἀνηρπακότ s. XEN. An. i. 3, 14 (here ἔχομεν expresses 
possession), See Tuuc. i. 68; Dem. ix. 12, xxvii. 17. 
The beginning of this usage appears in Hes. Op. 42 :— 
Kpvyavres yap ἔχουσι θεοὶ βίον ἀνθρώποισι. 


48. Εἶχον or ἔσχον with the participle may form ἃ periphrastic 
pluperfect in the same way (47). Eg. 
Ὃν γ᾽ εἶχον ἤδη χρόνιον ἐκ βεβληκότες. ϑορΡη. Ph. 600. 
Y X 1° Xf sik 
See Hpr. i. 28, 73, and 75 ; Xen. An. iv. 7, 1. 
᾽ ᾽ ) b 


49, (a) The perfect of many verbs has the signification of a 
present, which may usually be explained by the peculiar meaning 
of the verbs. Thus θνήσκειν, to die, τεθνηκέναι, to be dead ; καλ- 
civ, to call, κεκλῆσθαι, to be called or named ᾽ γίγνεσθαι, to become, 
γεγονέναι, to be ; μιμνήσκειν, to remind, μεμνῆσθαι, to remember ; 
εἰδέναι, to know , ἱστάναι, to place, ἑστάναι, to stand. So βεβηκέναι, 
to stand , ἐγνωκέναι, to know ; ἠμφιέσθαι, to wear; κεκτῆσθαι, to 
possess ; πεποιθέναι, to trust ; πεφυκέναι, to be (by nature) ; ete. 


(Ὁ) The pluperfect of such verbs has the signification of the 
imperfect ; as οἶδα, 7 know, ἤδειν, 1 knew. 


50. In epistles, the perfect and aorist are sometimes used where we 
might expect the present, the writer transferring himself to the time 
of the reader. Ea. 

᾿Απέσταλκά σοι τόνδε τὸν λόγον, I send you this speech, Isoc. i. 2. 
Mer ᾿Αρταβάῤου, ὅν σοι ἔπεμψα, πρᾶσσε. THUucC. i. 129. (Here 
ὃν ἔπεμψα refers to the man who was to carry the letter.) So scripsi 
and mist in Latin. 

51. The perfect sometimes refers to the future, to denote certainty 
or likelihood that an action will iminediately take place, in a sense 
similar to that of the present (32), but with more emphasis, as the 
change in time is greater, Ey. 

Ὥστ᾽ εἴ pe τόξων ἐγκρατὴς αἰσθήσεται, ὄλωλα. I shall perish at 
once. SOPH. Ph. 75. Kav τοῦτο νικῶμεν, πάνθ᾽ ἡμῖν πεποίηται. 
Xen, An. i, 8,12. So perii in Latin. 


52. In a somewhat similar sense (51), the pluperfect may express 
the immediate or sudden occurrence of a past action. This occurs 
especially in Homer and Herodotus. E.g. 





160 THE TENSES [53 


, , ᾽ ee, δ ᾽ ὌΣΣΕ ΕΙ͂Ν ἀκεὲν 
Οὐδ᾽ ἀπίθησεν μύθῳ ᾿Αθηναίΐης" ἢ δ᾽ Οὐλυμπόνδε βεβή + Ξ 
= Ν μὲν θαμβήσασα παλιν 


᾿ ; 99 
and she was gone to Olympus, 1]. 1. 22 


ad 5 ) »“5“3.ἅ 
; , Od. i. 360. Τὸν δ᾽ ἔλιπε ψυχὴ, κατὰ δ᾽ ὀφθαλμῶν 
οἰκόνδε βεβήκειν. Od. i. 360. Τὸν δ᾽ ἔλιπε ψυχὴ, κ 


«ε ’; 
» ε , a P P ἊΝ 
κέχυτ᾽ ἀχλύς. Il v. 696. ἔΑλλοι δὲ ἡγεμόνας ἔχοντες ὥρμεατο 
τε εν Ἔν Ἢ were heir way (at once). Hpv. viii. 35 ; see ix. 
ἐπὶ TO ἱρὸν, 1.6, they were on their way ( } 


61. 
. P , ae 
For the gnomic perfect, see 154 and 155. 


AORIST. 


53. The aorist indicative expresses the simple occurrence 
of an action in past time; as ἔγραψα, I wrote. 

54. This fundamental idea of simple occurrence remains the essential 
characteristic of the aorist through all the dependent moods, however 
indefinite they may be in regard to time. The aorist takes its = 
(ἀόριστος, unlimited, unqualified) from its thus denoting merely the 
occurrence of an action, without any of the limitations (opot) as » 
completion, continuance, repetition, etc., which belong a θρι τα 
It corresponds to the ordinary preterite (e.g. did, went, said) in mg Ν L, 
whereas the Greek imperfect corresponds generally to the forms " 
was doing, ete. Thus, ἐποίει τοῦτο is he was doing this or he did this 
habitually ; πεποίηκε τοῦτο is he has already done this ; ETET OL KEL 
TOUTO is he had already at some past time) done this but ἐποίησε 
τοῦτο is simply he did this, without qualification of any kind. 

55. The aorist of verbs which denote a state or condition 
generally expresses the entrance into that state or condition. fg. 

Βασιλεύω. T am king, ἐβασί) €vud, T hecame king ; χω, T hold office, 
office ; πλουτῶ, ἐπλούτησα, I became rich. I ἀληθείᾳ 
οὐδέπω καὶ τήμερον ἀπολέλοιπεν: ἀλλὰ παρὰ _— 
Τιμοκράτους ἐκείνῳ συνῴκησε, she was his wife im good fam, and 
has not yet even to this day been divorced; but she went to live with him 
from Timocrates while Τ᾿, was still living. DEM. xxx. 33. 


56. The aorist is distinguished from the imperfect by ex- 
> the oceurrence of an acti *the entrance into a 
pressing only the occurrence of an action or the 6 


state or condition, while the imperfect properly represents an action 
See the examples of the 


> Α Ἷ 
ἤρξα. I took 
IPs : 
συνῴκει Kab 


or state as going on or as repeated. | 
imperfect and aorist in 35, and compare συνῴκει and συνῴκησε in 
Dem. xxx. 33 (in 55). The aorist is therefore more common in 
rapid narration, the imperfect in detailed description. It must 
be remembered that the same event may be looked upon from 
different points of view by the same person ; thus in DEM. xvii, 
71 and 73 (quoted in 35) ἔλυε τὴν εἰρήνην and τὴν εἰρήνην ἔλυσε 
refer to the same thing, once as an act in progress, and once asa 
fact accomplished. No amount of duration in an act, therefore, 





AORIST INDICATIVE 17 


can make the aorist an improper form to express it, provided it 
is stated as a single past event viewed as a whole. Thus ἐβασέ 
λευσε δέκα ἔτη (see HDT. ii, 157) means he had a reign of ten years, 
(which is viewed as a single past event), while ἐβασίλευε δέκα ἔτη 
might refer to the same reign in the sense he was reigning during 
ten years. The aorist may refer even to a series of repetitions ; 
but it takes them collectively as a whole, while the imperfect 
would take them separately as individuals. See DEM. xviii. 
80, pera ταῦτα δὲ τοὺς ἀποστόλους ἅπαντας ἀπέστειλα, and 
afterwards I sent out all the naval armaments » and xviii. 60, ἃ μὲν 
πρὸ τοῦ πολιτεύεσθαι καὶ δημηγορεῖν ἐμὲ προῦ AaBe καὶ κατέσχε 
Φίλιππος, the (succession of) advantages which Philip secured during 
the period before I entered public life, emphatically opposed (as a 
whole) to Philip’s many failures after that time, which are men- 
tioned in ἃ δὲ καὶ διεκωλύθη. If the orator had wished to dwell 
on the number of the advantages or failures, or on their duration, 
he could have used the imperfect. See the last example under 35. 


57. Since the same event may thus be stated by the aorist or 
the imperfect according to the writer’s point of view, it is natural 
that it should oc asionally be a matter of indifference which 
form is used, especially when the action is of such a nature that 
it is not important to distinguish its duration from its occurrence. 
For example, this distinction can seldom be important in such 
expressions as he said, he commanded ; and we find ἔλεγον and 
ἐκέλευον in the historians where no idea of duration can have 
been in mind. See of δ᾽ ἐκέλευόν τε ἐπιέναι, καὶ παρελθόντες of 
᾿Αθηναῖοι ἔλεγον τοιάδε, THUC. i, 72, followed, at the end of the 
speech in 19, by τοιαῦτα δὲ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι εἶπον and ᾿Αρχίδαμος 
ἔλεξε τοιάδε. In such cases as the following (cited with others 
by Kriiger) it was not important to the narrative whether the 
idea of duration was included in the expression or not: βάλλετο 
and βάλετο, Il. ii. 43 and 45; θῆκεν and τίθει, xxill. 653 and 
656; δῶκε and δίδου, vii. 303 and 305 ; ἔλιπεν and λεῖπε, ii. 106 
and 107 ; compare also μίστυλλον with ἔπειραν, ὥπτησαν, and 
ἐρύσαντο, i. 465 and 466. In all these cases the fundamental 
distinction of the tenses, which was inherent in the form, 
remained ; only it happened that either of the two distinct forms 
expressed the meaning which was here needed equally well. It 
must not be thought, from these occasional examples, that the 
Greeks of any period were not fully alive to the distinction of 
the two tenses and could not use it with skill and nicety. But 
the Greeks, like other workmen, did not care to use their finest 
tools on every occasion ; and it is often necessary to remember 
this if we would avoid hair-splitting. 

σ 





18 THE TENSES [58 


58. The aorist, expressing simply a past occurrence, is sometimes 
used where we should expect a perfect or pluperfect, the action being 
merely referred to the past without the more exact specification which 
these tenses would give. Κ᾽. 

Tov οἰκετῶν οὐδένα κατέλιπεν, GAN ἅπαντα πέπρακεν, he (has) 
left none of the servants, but has sold everything. AESCHIN. 1. 99. 
"Erpdrovro és τὸν Πάνορμον, ὅθενπερ ἀνηγάγοντο, they turned 
towards Panormus, whence they (had) set sail, Tuuc. ii. 92, Κῦρον de 
μεταπέμπεται ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἧς αὐτὸν σατράπην ἐποίησεν, from the 


dominion of which he (had once) made him satrap. XEN. An. i. 1, 2. 


59. The aorist is generally used with ἐπεί or ἐπειδή, after that, the 
aorist with the particle being equivalent to our pluperfect. So after 
ἕως and πρίν, until. Εἰ. 

Ἐπειδὴ ἐτε λεύτησε Δαρεῖος καὶ κατέστη ᾿Αρταξέρξης, after 
Darvus (had) died and Artaxerxes had become established. XEN, An. 1. hy 5, 
Οὐ πρόσθεν ἐξενεγκεῖν ἐτόλμησαν πρὸς ἡμᾶς πόλεμον πρὶν τοὺς στρα- 
τηγοὺς ἡμῶν συνέλαβον, they did not dare to bring war upon us until they 
(had) seized our generals, Ib. iii. 2,29. But the pluperfect may still 
be used after ἐπεί or ἐπειδή, to give additional emphasis to the doubly 
past action; as in Dem. xviii. 42, ἐπειδὴ ἐξηπάτησθε μὲν ὑμεῖς, 
ἐξηπάτηντο δὲ οἱ Φωκεῖς καὶ ἀνήρηντο αἱ πόλεις, τί ἐγένετο ; 

So in Latin we have generally postquam venit, but occasionally 
postquam venerat. 

60. The aorist is sometimes used colloquially by the poets (especially 
the dramatists), when a sudden action, which is just taking place, is 
spoken of as if it had already happened. £.g. 

Ἐπήνεσ᾽ ἔργον καὶ πρόνοιαν ἣν ἔθου, I must approve your act, ete. 
Sopa. Aj. 536. Ἥσθην ἀπειλαΐς, ἐγέλασα ψολοκομπίαις, I am 
amused by your threats, I cannot help laughing, ete. Ar. Eq. 696. 

61. The aorist sometimes refers vividly to the future, like the 
present (32) or perfect (51); as ἀπωλόμην εἴ pe λείψεις, I perish of you 
leave me. Eur. Ale.386: so Med.78. See also Aero, Il. ix.413 and 415. 

62. In questions with τί ov, expressing surprise that something is 
not already done, and implying an exhortation to do it, the aorist is 
sometimes used strangely like a future. Lg. 

Τί οὖν ov διηγήσω ἡμῖν τὴν ξυνουσίαν ; why then don’t you tell us 
about the meeting? Puat. Prot. 310 A. Τί οὖν οὐ καὶ Πρόδικον καὶ 
Ἵππίαν ἐκαλέσαμεν ; why then don’t we call Prodicus and Hippias 


too ? Ib. 317 D. So τί οὖν οὐ ἐς te ἐσκέψω ; Id. Soph. 951 E. See 


also Sopnu. O. T. 1003. 
For the gnomic aorist see 154. 


FUTURE. 


63. The future denotes that an action is to take place 











prohibition, like the imperative 


0 ἰού 
70] FUTURE INDICATIVE 19 


in time to e P 
caida come ; as γράψω, I shall write or Σ thall te 
wing, sometimes I will write; πείσεται he will 
sometimes he shall suffer, will suffer, 


. vu ¢ 1SC¢ urs a )( ἃ i 
oe tint h : c nal CC n r 
᾿ : i ie é wd uction: , 
( I S \ - Je . 


65. The futur 
. re may represent i δὰ ὃ 
: " : an action in i ; 
Inere occurrence, or its inception: as Z its duration, its 
obtain ; τοῦτο δώς eption ; as ἔξω, 7 shall have, or I shall 
Pa be ῦτο ὀώσω, I shall give this , ἄρξω, I shall + ie | 
obtain power (cf. 55). E q : Τὰ ἊΝ 1 shall 
ITpay ‘ “ Ἵ 
μαάατευονται ὅπως ΔΎ ; 
XEN Rep. Lac. xiy. 5 oA “fe CUesy, they take trouh 
" σοί . Lid, ἋΣ . ὃ. 4ip ov (διαιρετέον) - ΒΕ ” ῤ 
ἀρξονται; prs a ) OWWES ἀρξουσίν ὶ 
the ; must we not distinguish between δ a pee TE και 
“aye who are to be ruled? Pra Rep. 412 B ; ἰ0 are to rule and 
ΕΝ : ° -- De 


le to gain power, 


Ἐν ι II 
Ol επίκουροι K ae Pa : ἢ στασιάσου 

f Kat ol ἄρχοντες; how will they fall into faction ? ‘Tb. 

Js LUO § ), 


᾿ W T T l € 
\ /° 


66 The futur j 
Ἂ Θ may be used In ἢ yma 4 
| ; Ι ἔ se a gnome sense j 
something will always ha pen wl sn 3 ~igaae = 
᾿Ανὴ ) ὁ ¢ ΄ τὰ Ρ] Vnen an occasion offers E..g 
4 ) ΠῚ , - — 4 4 ; ᾿ ς 
x Pe bit “= WV και πάλιν μαχήσεται. MEN. Mon 45 “ He } 
JGUS and runs away may turn and fight another day.” =a a 
67. The Ὃ 15 § i ses 
os ‘ : 7 } soya ῃ sometimes used to express what will he 
alte © proved or be recoonis ᾿ O wid 
cognised as a tri : 
of the imperfect in 40. Eg ~ sa ae 
Pirdcodos ἡμῖν € 7 ὃ 
μιν εἐσται O μέλλω ὺ Ἴ 
V Kar > K ὺ é 7 : 
OS καγαθὸς ἐσεσθαι φύλαξ͵ 


he will prove to be a ph ilosopher. PLAT, Rep 376C 


68. The future j 
. ᾿ ure 1s son ς ὦ ἢ 
where the subjunctive is ee — 
Θ 15 more common (287). ἃ 


stions of doubt, 
ἷ - «(7. 
bt OnTa δρῶμεν . μητέρ᾽ ἢ , Ἢ 
' > μῆτερ 7) φονεύσομεν: what « 
we kill : + =. ᾿ μεν; what shall we do? ς 
whith halt mother? Eur. El. 967: so Ion, 758 Ποῖ τι =a 
vither sha ν ἕ . nO λα vo. TpeE , 
pee gel μὰ Bg ? Id. Hipp. 1066. Kir ἐγώ cov dahon, ia ; 
ACh. 512, t ovy ποιήσομεν; πό Ἵ . “Ὁ eee 
ri Bip στ » TOTEPOV εἰς τὴν πόλ 
τους πα Ν ; ; / TOALV 
a ραδεξοόομεθα ; what then shall awe do ? 
tese into the state? Puar, Rep, 397 D | 


[4 7 AA 


, , 
TAVTAS τού. 
Are we to receive all 


69. The second 
a ἕ eS } oy 
person of the future may express a concession 


or permission ; and j 
vs ΝΣ 1t often ex νον δον 
ΟΝ Apresses ἃ Ὁ ; Ἴ : 
perative. 2... command, like the im- 
Πρὸς ταῦτ 4 Ω 
UTA ΠΤ γα ELS οἷον a , - rm 
ΞΟΡΗ. 0. C. 956 Μ τον" δὲ γι θέλῃς, you may act as you please. 
Ar. Nub. 1352. So sf re € τοῦτο ὁράσεις, but by all means do this 
ὅδ 16 common j Whetinns δ - : 
ξεσθε, may You pe rish. etc "a .  Ἰρταβπόρομει ἀπολεῖσθε, οἰμώ- 
1320. Compar . ἌΠΠΠΡῈῚ O Ov Yavoets wore. Eur. Med 
veV,. “ΟἹ pare » Ls i . Ὁ aye ed, 
] the Latin facies ut sclam, let me know ; abibis. ἃ 
» ablbis, depart. 


0. « ς ‘ c ῳ l indi t ve W t 4“ 4 presses a 


rr , ” ~ , ; ΓΑ . ’ ‘ 
Tad nV, αν μοι XP)! € συμβ λ < 7 τὴν 5 3 i 





20 THE TENSES [71 


τοῦτον Tov Θρᾷκα, καὶ μὴ βουλήσεσθε εἰδέναι, κιτ.λ., if you follow 
my advice, hold fast to this security (69), and do not wish to know, etc. 
Dem. xxiii. 117. ᾿Εὰν δὲ εὖ φρονῆτε, καὶ νυνὶ τοῦτο φανερὸν ποιήσετε, 
καὶ μηδεμίαν αὐτοῖς ἄδειαν δώσετε. Lys. xxix. 13. ΞΈένον ad LK ἡ- 
σεις μηδέποτε καιρὸν λαβών. MeN. Mon. 397. So probably ov σῖγα; 
μηδὲν τῶνδ᾽ ἐρεῖς κατὰ πτόλιν, silence! say nothing of all this in the 
city. ArscH. Sept. 250. 


71. The future sometimes denotes a present intention, ex- 
pectation, or necessity that something shall be done, in which 
sense the periphrastic form with μέλλω (735) 1s more common. 
E.q. 

ἘΣ διαφέρουσι τῶν ἐξ ἀνάγκης κακοπαθούντων. εἰ γε wes νησουσι 
καὶ διψήσο vd lt καὶ ῥιγήσουσι και αγρυπνήσουσι 7 uf they are to 
endure hunger and thirst, etc. XEN. Mem. ii. 1,17. (Here εἰ μέλλουσι 
πεινῆν καὶ διψῆν, etc., would be more common, as in the last example 
under 73.) Alpe πλῆκτρον, εἰ μαχεῖ, ratse your spur, uf you are 
going to fight. Ar. Av. 759. The distinction between this and the 
ordinary future (63) is important in conditional sentences (see 407). 

72. A still more emphatic reference to a present intention is found 
in the question τί λέξεις ; what do you mean to say? often found in 
tragedy; as ὦμοι, τί λέξεις ; ἦ yap ἐγγὺς ἐστί που; Eur. Hec. 1124. 
So Hee. 511, 712; Hipp. 353; Ion. 1113; Sops. Ph. 1233. 

For the future in protasis, see 447 and 407; in relative clauses 

. ” > . “ , ς “ 
expressing a purpose, 565; with αν, 196; with ov μὴ, 294-301. 


73. (Μέλλω with the Infinitive.) A periphrastic future 1s 
formed by μέλλω and the present or future (seldom the aorist) 
infinitive. This form sometimes denotes mere futurity, and 
sometimes intention, expectation, or necessity. £,. 


Μέλλει τοῦτο πράττειν ‘or πράξειν), he is about to do this, or he ΜΙΝ nds 
ς 


to do th 18. So in Latin, facturus est for faci a M eA Aw μᾶς θεθᾶάξέ ᾿ ἡ 


“Δ Ἂ ‘ , nn ς > *KOUV δε T 
“Bey μοι ἡ διαβολὴ γέγονε. PLAT. Ap. 21 B. OvKovi ὀεησει TOI 


, " , ε , 4 « ᾿ .» 
τοιούτου τινὺς ἀεὶ ἐπιστάτου, εἰ μέλλει ἢ πολιτεία σῳίζεσθαει; ¥ 


the constitution is to be pres rved. PLAT. Rep. 412 A. see (1. 


74. Although the present and the future infinitive were preferred 
with μέλλω (73). the aorist was still used by some writers, as by 
Euripides, See ArgscH. Prom. 625 μέλλω παθεῖν ; Eur. Ion. 80 
(uédAw τυχεῖν), 760 θανεῖν μέλλω ΕἸ. } ae με AAovta θανεῖν ᾽ 
Phoen. 300 (μέλλεις Ovyetv) ;—where the metre allows no change. 


75. The future infinitive with μέλλω forms the only regular 


exception to the general principle which restricts the use of the 
future infinitive to indirect discourse (see 86; 112). 

76. The imperfect (seldom the aorist) of μέλλω with the 
infinitive expresses past intention, expectation, or necessity. E.4. 





R9 7 aa Ἢ 

99] FUTURE PERFECT 21 
λυ ove dd 2 5 ὃ 

Κύκλωψ, ovk ap ἐμελλες ἀνάλκιδος ἀνδρὸς ἑταίρους ἔδμεναι ἐν 

σπὴι γλαφυρῷ, so you were not after all to eat, ete. (cf. 39). Od. ix 

475. See 7 nd" 4 : Φ 4 Ue y 6 Ἵ 
i ee Il. ii. 36. "ἜἘμελλόν σ᾽ ἄρα κινήσειν ἐγώ, I thought I 


should start you off. J Τ ‘ — ὁ 

"νὰ ym AS. BUN. 1301. ᾿Κπιστάτην λαβεῖν, ὃς ἔμελλεν 
αὐτὼ καλώ τε κἀγαθὼ ποιήσειν. Prat. Ap. 90 A. Ἐμέλλ 
ἐμβάλλειν. THUC. i. 134. ᾿ μβ σαν 


FUTURE PERFECT. 


77. The future perfect denotes that an action will be 
already finished at some future time. It is thus a perfect 
transferred to the future. Eq. | 
Καί LE ἐὰν oe) Stine _ "id V7 , 

Ἢ εν" . ; ἐξελέγξῃς, οὐκ ἀχθεσθήσομαί σοί, ἀλλὰ μέγιστος 

ὯΝ Ta ανεν 4 Ἴ 
Ἐν nt de ἄς a nae at ge 2s YPayY εἰς you well have bee n enrolled as my 
“ : Ἁ nefactor. PLAT. Gorg. 506 C, Ἢν δὲ μὴ γένηται μάτην ἐμοὶ 
KéekAan - a Ὁ» ὧδ ᾿ ae Rm ek 3 U 
Ss VOETAL, ΜΝ ο εἐγχάνωϊ τεθνήξεις, Ϊ shall then have had mi 
wiippings for nothing, and you will have died grinning. Ar. Nub. 1435. 


78. The future perfect often denotes the continuance of 
action, or the permanence of its results, in future time. E.q 
TOLS ἐπιγιγνομένοις μνήμη Κατα λε λ e i. 


Δύναμιν, nS ἐς ἀίδιον 
! 
εται wer, the memory of whi 
¥ ( » power, the memory of which will be left to our posterity for ev 
r'nuc. ii. 64, (Compare 105.) an 


᾽ 
EVES 


an 


79. The future perfect sometimes 
hood that an action will] immediate] 
still more vividly expressed b 


ἊΝ 


Ἣν 
ν τὰ ‘ - ἔ A 
Ki δὲ η αρελθὼν εἰς ὁστισοῦν 


denotes certainty or like’j- 
y take place, which idea j; 
y the perfect (51). £9. 
δύναιτο διδάξαι πᾶς ὁ Tape 72 
Te cal, TaS ὁ παρὼν hous 
oes "ἃ 7 πὸ all the present fear will be at once dispelled. Drm ae ? 
sf inferior Mss. have λέλυται, which would be like ade 
‘ uo e 5 / & ι 4 = , / ᾿ τῷ 
| ( os 6 Φράᾷ, και πεπράξεται, speak, and it shall be γι) 
SOOner said than done \ P] 27 or : L 
κ , un ve. AR. Pint, 1027. Εὐθὺς Ἀριαῖος ἀφεστήξ 
ὥστε φίλος ἡμῖν οὐδεὶς λελείι ‘ li ΠῚ 
i], IVOELS Λε, εέψεται. XEN. An. iL 4, 5 
80. The future perfect can 
participle and ἔσομαι. In the active voice this 
In use, except in a few cases ( 


be expressed by the perfect 


ι is the only form 
chiefly ἑστήξω and τεθνήξω). E94. 
j δέοντα 
λόγων ματαίων ἀπηλλα γμένοι, We 
Our duty and shall have ἣν 
(See 45 and 831.) 


” Aa 3 AA 

Ἂν tee? δὼ .Χ ἃ Ἐῶ 

{{1}7 CLOWLLEV, Kat 7a. ἐσόμεθα ἐγνωκότες καὶ 
shall have already resolved to do 


ween freed from vain reports, Dem. iv. 50 


81. A similar circumlocution with t] 


| 1e aorist participle and ἔσομα 
ε: | τον beutio a: γμαι 
is sometimes found, especially in the poets. E.q 

Οὐ σιωπή > € . T με 

ὑπησας exer; Sopa. O. T. 1146 λυπηθεὶς & . 

ἊΨ ' 5 : - diumnGeis exer. Sop 
CU. 816. (See 47 and 831. se 
82. VW hen the perfect is used 


in the sense of a present (49), the 





future pe 


[83 


THE TENSES 


. . , > 
rfect is its regular future ; as κεκλήσομαι, μεμνήσομαι, ἀφε- 
I shall withdraw, ete. 


στήξω, I shall be named, I shall remember, 
y slightly, 


83. In many other verbs, the future perfect differs ver 
if at all, from an ordinary future. Thus πεπράσομαι is the regular 
future passive of πιπράσκω. Still, where there is another future, the 
future perfect is generally more emphatic. 

84. It must be remembered that, in most cases in which the Latin 
or the English would use a future perfect in a dependent clause, the 
Greek uses an aorist or even a perfect subjunctive. (See 90 and 103, 


with the examples.) 


II. TENSES OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS. 


85. The distinctions of time which mark the various tenses 
+n the indicative are retained when the optative and infinitive 
represent the indicative in indirect discourse, and usually in the 


But in other constructions these distinctions of time 


participle. 
and the tenses here differ 


disappear in the dependent moods, 
only in their other character of denoting the continuance, the 
completion, or simply the occurrence of an action (20). The in- 
finitive with ἄν is not included in this statement (see Chap. 111.) 


The tenses in these two uses must, therefore, be discussed 
separately. 
A. NOT IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 


86. In the subjunctive and imperative, and also in the 
optative and infinitive not in indirect discourse (666 ; 684), 
the tenses chiefly used are the present and the aorist. The 
perfect is used here only when the completion of the action 


is to be emphasized (see 102-110). For the occasional 
future, see 111-113; 150-152. 


PRESENT AND AORIST. 


87. The present and aorist here differ only in this, that 
an action in its dwration, that 1s, as 


the present expresses 
going on or repeated, while the aorist expresses simply its 
occurrence, the time of both tenses being otherwise pre- 
cisely the same. Lg. 


Ἐὰν ποιῇ τοῦτο, if he shall b 
7 


ποιοίη τοῦτο, tf he should be doing this, or uf he 


doing this, or uf he shall do this 
(habitually) ; ἐὰν ποιησῇῃ τοῦτο, (simply) if he shall do this; εἰ 
» should do this (halitu- 


PRESENT AN IST SU 
ESENT AND AORIST SUBJUNCTIVE AND IMPERATIVE 93 


.» 


ally) 9 εἰ TO R 2. 
s ; 44 l Noe (εξ TOVTO uf he sh . 
. ould do this: roi A 
(habitually) : f Ἄ 0 this; ποίει τοῦυτο, do thi 
)); ποίησον τοῦτο, d . @ , do thas 
ες » this, me ie 
νομιζοίμην σοφός on this πώ ᾿ i. »δἰκησαιμὲ T ἐγὼ καὶ 
be considered ao ot ot ττ on may 1 gavn the victory (aor 
sal nse (pres.) wise. AR. Nub. 520. Βούλεται τοῦτ fo ᾿ ΠΝ 
wishes to do ae ° \ , ; Ὁ TOLELY, he 
acme fre κρώρφοφόνα βούλεται τοῦτο ποιῆσαι, (simpl Ὶ h 
s/U8 tO do this. ‘or ὁ i 3 i LY ve 
τις τὰ ther —— see below. 
S 1s a distinction entirely unknow : 
- A OW! 2 ‘ Ἢ ὅὉ Κι 
example) only one fori. si ) 1 to the Latin, which has (for 
Sais ; - : γι st faciat, corresponding to εἰ ποιοίη and εἰ 
t€v, and on y Jacere t ; νὴ 
ere to correspond wou? a 
(as used above). : to both ποιεῖν and ποιῆσαι 
88. It is someti iffi 
. it 1s sometimes difficult ] 
᾿ ‘ ; ere . 
the imperfect and the aorist indi ti oe Sening ee 
Ἶ § cative A . £9 : " 
reason for preferring —_ ΒΘ (56 ’ 57), to see any decisive 
doubted that the Gy. one tense to the other; and it can hardly 1 
ὃ, ᾿ eC lé a Maka 7,1 5 . ᾿ ar F Je 
al ᾿ the Greeks occasionally failed to make use of thj ' 
as of other fine distinct; Pris s, as 
bana πιο ier fine distinctions, when either form would exp t] 
‘ed sense e ‘ — ν > "eSS 1e 
satile te ᾿ ΚΣ ee although they always had the distinction 
ady for use when it was 1 « ; pe 
5. needed. Compare tl 
aorist subjunctive ; ee a ; pare the present ani 2 
ΕΝ and optative in the following exam ia 
wav yap τί σε have κακὸν π ΕἸΣ " 
μέντοι μηδὲν hai ‘Kov πεποιηκὼς, ὁμολογῶ ἀδικεῖν" ἐὰι 
) ; φαινωμαι κακον --»»» = ae « 5 , 
σὺ ὁμολογήσεις μηδὲν ur ἐμ a ἐξ; ἐν οὐ payee βουληθεὶς, οὐ καὶ 
L 7 ov aod.iketo Gar: aif I s ᾿ 
have done δ uf shall appear (aor 
ne 1 ἘΠ ; . ΟΊ (aor.) 10 
᾿ you any wrong, and if I shall appear (pres.) as ae 
no wrong. XEN. Cyr . 2:3 13 Α 4 pres.) to have done you 
P e ave at . . Vv, - 4 1 μεν γα ) “πὰ γ0 ὃ ΓΑ κ΄ 
συμμάχους... εἰ δὲ μὴ π ᾿ Ρ προσϑέξαιτο Φωκέας 
wants i λλῷ δι e O€ μὴ 7 βοσὸξςε χοιτο, K.T.A Drm ΧΙΧ 318 ed 
ς TOAS/ WV ανάτων ἦσαν ” ΄ o ; 9 ἍΜ. 2 see ε . ul 
bs αἴτι ma) τὰν 
ἀλγηδόνας ὑπὲρ a les ΝΗ (ε α) TAVTWMV τούτων δεκαπλασίας 
Ὰ a TOU κομίσαιντο. K Ee. See > , 
CVEP YETI KOTES εἶεν. (ἵνα) κατὰ ταὐτὰ . ae = pve cvepyerias 
had cau oe" \ Ἰ α TYHV ἀξίαν κομιίι OLYTO ὶ 
3 ‘ ‘ , ani 
these, t fold for e riya that they might receive (aor.) — H ill 
86, tenfold jor each: and aaaz ’ 7 i silt 
4 ἢ , 1 > . ᾿ 
that they might zh ar gan, uf they had done kind services to any 
R , ais ἊΝ A Ἰ nr the Manner Trecer_ve (pres \ their due rewar ] P i 
vep. 615 B. 1 eer ae ee, ᾿ "αγα. LAT. 
κομίσαιντο { ᾿ the last example, it is obvious thai the change from 
4 ἐν, 4 a ᾿ . c . 
to εἰ εὖ 9 Κομίζοιντο 1s connected with the change from ig 
) εἰ EVEPYETHKOTES εἶεν δι ὦ τ —_~ ει σαν 
ev; but it is questionab] 
change is the cause S questionable whether the latter 
i ὅρου Ne j ee or the effect, and it is also quite as hard to see the 
as or this change j 5 aia τὰ _ 
p ' ange in the protasis, when both conditions : 
general, as for that in the f ms are equally 
liceki-conas ta 1e inal clause. Probably no two scholars 
tentes ie these (00 ΣΌΛΒΟΙβ which they might assign for the use of the 
SCS l 1ese examples It Ἢ» eo ‘ PD J se 1e 
i c De Is certs rever ‘ : 
or aorist would express certain, however, that either present 
d express the meaning equally well in all these cases, 
. é se Cases. 


Subjunetive and Imperative 


89. The nrese . ; 
Pegs: θ sete and aorist subjunctive and imperative 
are always future, exce at in o [5 easy 
sel ) , except that in general conditions (462: 

ae 


539) Na a Sale ἐπ τ 
the subjunctive is general in its time. In all final 
construc > subj lve ] ) 
ructions the subjunctive is future relatively to the 





94 THE TENSES [39 


leading verb. The following examples will show the dis- 
tinction of the two tenses :— 


Πειθώμεθα πάντες: φεύγωμεν σὺν νηυσὶ φίλην ἐς πατρίδα 

atav, let us all be persuaded ; let us fly, etc. Il. i. 139, Ἧ pw; τί 

δρῶ; what shall I say? what shall Ido? Lws οὖν περὶ τούτων ποιὼ- 
ev; how then shall we act about this? PLaT. Phil. 63 A. 

"A ναλογισώμεθα τὰ ὡμολογημένα ἡμῖν, let us enwmerate the 
points which have been conceded by Us. Pat. Prot. 332 D. Μηδὲν 
φοβηθῇς, fear not. But μηδὲν φοβοῦ, be not timid, Ti ποιήσω; 
what shall I do (in this case)? But ti row; what shall 1 do gener- 
ally)? Οὐ μὴ τοῦτο εἴπῃς, you shall not say this. Ov μὴ γένηται, 
it will not happen. So in the Homeric οὐδὲ towpat, nor shall I ever 
see (6). : | 

"Av δέ τις ἀνθιστῆται, πειρασόμεθα χειροῦσθαι, but if any one 
shall stand opposed to us, we will try to subdue him, XEN. An. Vii. 3, 
11. Κἂν πόλεμος 7, ἕως ἂν ἐπ’ ἄλλον ἔχωμεν στρατεύεσθαι, σοὺ 
τε καὶ τῶν σῶν ἀφεξόμεθα, and if there shall be war, 80 long as we shall 
be able, etc. Xen. Hell. iv. 1, 38. ᾿Αλλ ἢ ἂν γ ιγνώσκω βέλτιστα 
ἐρῶ, but I will speak as I shall th unk best. Tuc. vl. 9. Οὺς ἂν βούλ ἢ 
ποιήσασθαι φίλους, ἀγαθόν τι λέγε περὶ αὐτῶν πρὸς τοὺς ἀπαγγελ- 
λοντας, whomsoever you shall wish, etc. Isoc. 1. 33. Arras λόγος, ἂν 
ἀπῇ τὰ πράγματα, μάταιόν τι φαίνεται καὶ κενόν, all speech, vy 
(wherever) deeds are wanting, appears ναῖη and empty. Dem. 11. 12. 
Συμμαχεῖν τούτοις ἐθέλουσιν ἅπαντες, οὺς av ὁρωσι παροσκενο. 
σμένους, all are willing to be allied to those whom they se prepared, DEM. 


ag ἂν εἴπω πειθώμεθα, let us obey as I shall durect. Tl. ix. 704. 
"Hy ἐγγὺς ἔλθῃ θάνατος, οὐδεὶς βούλεται θνῇσκειν, if death comes 
near (the moment that death comes near), no one wants to die. Et R. Ale, 
671. Ἢν τὴν εἰρήνην ποιησώμεθα, μετὰ πολλῆς ἀσφαλείας τὴν 
πόλιν οἰκήσομεν, if we (shall) make the peace, etc. 500. vill. 20. ὧν μέν 
ἂν ἔδῃ ἀγνῶτα (se. ὁ κύων), χαλεπαίνει" OV ὃ ἂν γνώριμον (sc. On), 
ἀσπάζεται, ie. whomsoever the dog sees (at any tume). PLAT. Rep. 376 A, 

Δοκεῖ μοι κατακαῦσαι τὰς ἁμάξας, ἵνα μὴ τὰ ζεύγη ἡμῶν στρα- 
ΤῊ γῇ" ἀλλὰ πορευώμεθα ὅπῃ ἂν TH στρατιᾳ συμφέρῃ. it seems 
good to me to burn the wagons, that our beasts of burden may not be our 
generals, and that we may go on whithersoever it may be best for the army. 
Xen. An. iii. 2, 27. Kai yap βασιλεὺς αἱρεῖται, οὐχ ἵνα ἑαυτοῦ 
καλῶς ἐπιμελῆται, ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα καὶ οἱ ἑλόμενοι Ot αὐτὸν εὖ πράττωσι. 
XEN. Mem. iii. 2, 3. ee ee a 

Δέδοικα μὴ ἐπιλαθώμεθα THS OLKQAOE OOOV, I fear lest we may 
forget the road home. XEN. An. 111. 2, 25. Διανοεῖται αὐτὴν λυσαι. 
ὡς μὴ διαβῆτε GAN ἀποληφθῆτε, i.e. he intends to destroy the 
bridge, that you may not pass over but be caught. Ib. il. 4, ] e 

Φεῦγε, begone ; χαιρόντων, let them rejoice; μὴ νομίζετε, do not 
believe. Εἰπέ μοι, tell me ; δότε μοι τοῦτο, give me this. Σῴφενδόνην 
τίς μοι δότω, let some one give me a sling. AR. Av. 1187. 





90] PRESENT AND AORIST SUBJUNCTIVE 25 


90. When the aorist subjunctive depends on ἐπειδάν (or ἐπάν, 
ἐπήν), after that, it is referred by this meaning of the particle to 
time preceding the action of the leading verb, so that ἐπειδὰν τοῦτο 
ἴδω, ἥξω means after I (shall) have seen this, I will come; and 
ἐπειδὰν τοῦτο ἰδω, ἀπέρχομαι, after I have seen this, I (always) 
depart. In such cases it may be translated by our future perfect 
when the leading verb is future, and by our perfect when the 
leading verb denotes a general truth and is translated by the 
present. As the subjunctive here can never depend upon a verb 
of simply present time, it can never refer to time absolutely past ; 
and we use the perfect indicative in translating such an aorist 
after a verb expressing a general truth, merely because we use 
the present in translating the leading verb, although this is 
properly not present but general in its time. 

In like manner, after éws, zpiv, and other particles signifying 
wntil, before that, and even after the relative pronoun or ἐάν, the 
aorist subjunctive may be translated by our future perfect or 
perfect, when the context shows that it refers to time preceding 
that of the leading verb. 5.9. 


X 4 a, eo 4 AD 0 4 , e ~ , , 9 A 
<\ p?) O€, OTAV μὲν τιϑησῦε τους νόμους, οποίοι τινες εἰσι σκοτειν. 
> ὋΝ ἊΝ - , 4 A . . 
ἐπειδὰν ὃὲ θησθε, φυλάττειν καὶ χρῆσθαι, while you are enacting 
laws, you must look to see of what kind they are ; but after you have 
enacted them, you must guard and use them. Dem. xxi. 34. (Here the 
present τιθῆσθε with ὅταν, while, refers to an action continuing through 
. . +s . > δ >, i 
the time of the leading verb ; but θῆσθε with ἐπειδάν, after that, refers 
. . . ‘ ’ “~ » Aa 4 [αν 
to time past relatively to the leading verb.) Tatra, ἐπειδὰν περὶ τοῦ 
, ” , ” , , > a“ 
γένους εἴπω, τότε, ἂν βούλησθε ἀκούειν. epw, when I shall have spoken 
about my birth, then, if you desire to hear, I will speak of these things. 
Dem. lvii. 16. (Here the aorist εἴπω, though absolutely future, denotes 
. . . > ~ ‘ ἊΝ Ἂ - e ~ 
time past with reference to ερω.) ᾿Βπειδὰν διαπράξωμαι ἃ δέομαι, 
ἥξω, when I shall have accomplished what I desire, I will come. XEN. An, 
li. 3,29. ᾿Κπειδὰν δὲ κρύψωσι γῆ, ἀνὴρ ἡρημένος ὑπὸ τῆς πόλεως 
"᾿ του ὧν μ, f ᾿ , 7» if Wf )μ 7 5 ΤΙ ΠῚ 
λέγει ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἔπαινον τὸν πρέποντα, when they have covered them 


. rire ἜΤΗ “.υ ‘ σιν σ΄ ” * 4 & Ἁ : / τ ’ a 
with earth, etc. THvuc. ii. 34. Kws at ~~ TO σκάφος, ΤΟΤΕ γρὴ 


προθύμους εἶναι" ἐπειδὰν δὲ ἡ θάλαττα ὑπέρσχῃ; μάταιος ἡ σπουδή, 
as long as the vessel remains in safety (present) ; but the moment that’ 
the sea has overwhelmed it (aorist). Dem. ix. 69. Ἕως ἂν ἐκμάθῃς, 
ἔχ᾽ ἐλπίδα, until you have learnt fully, have hope. Soru. O. T. 834. 
Mia δὲ κλίνη κενὴ φέρεται τῶν ἀφανῶν, of ἂν μὴ εὑρεθῶσιν ἐς 
ἀναίρεσιν, and one bier is always carried empty, in honour of the missing, 
whose bodies are not (have not been) found, THUC. ii. 34. Διανοεῦται, 
ἃ ἂν ἄλλοι τῇ ἀρετῇ καταπράξωσι, τούτων ἰσομοιρεῖν ; i.e. he 
thinks of having an equal share in those th ings which others by their valour 
have acquired? Xen. Cyr. ii. 3,5. Tlav@’ ὅσ᾽ ἂν ἐκ πολέμου γιγνομένης 
εἰρήνης προεθῇ, ταῦτα τοῖς ἀμελήσασιν ἀπόλλυται, all things which 
are (or have been) abandoned when peace is made are always lost to those 





26 THE TENSES [91 


who abandoned them. Dem. xix. 151. “Hv δ᾽ ἄρα Kai του πείρᾳ 
σφαλῶσιν, ἀντελπίσαντες ἄλλα ἐπλήρωσαν τὴν χρείαν, Uf they have 
been disappointed in anything, they always supply the deficiency, etc. (154 
and 171). THuc.i.70. Οὐχὲ παύσομαι, πρὶν av σε τῶν σῶν κύριον 
στήσω τέκνων, I will not cease before I have (shall have) made you master 
of your children. Sopu. O.C. 1040. Μὴ στέναζε πρὶν μάθῃς, do not 
groan until you have heard. Sorx. Ph. 917. 


91. This use of the aorist subjunctive (90) sometimes seems to ap- 
proach very near to that of the perfect subjunctive (103); and we often 
translate both by the same tense. But in the perfect, the idea of an 
action completed at the time referred to is expressed by the tense of the 
verb, without aid from any particle or from the context; in the 
aorist, the idea of relative past time can come only from the particle or 
the context. (See 103 with examples, and 104.) The Greek often 
uses the less precise aorist subjunctive and optative (see 95) where the 
perfect would be preferred but for its cumbrous forms ; and we some- 
times give the aorist more precision than really belongs to it in itself 
by translating it as a perfect or future perfect. (See the last six 
examples under 90.) The following example illustrates the distinction 
between the perfect and aorist subjunctive :— 

Ὃν μὲν ἂν ἔδῃ ἀγνῶτα (ὁ κύων), χαλεπαίνει" ὃν δ᾽ ἂν γνώριμον 
(ἴδῃ), ἀσπάζεται, κἂν μηδὲν πώποτε ὑπ αὐτοῦ ἀγαθὸν πεπόνθῃ, 
whomsoever he sees whom he knows, he fawns upon, even if he has hitherto 
received no kindness from him. Puat. Rep. 376 A. Compare this with 
ἐὰν ἀγαθόν Τι πά θῃ ὑπό TLVOS, ἀσπάζεται, if he ever hapype ns to receive 
any kindness from any one, he always fawns upon him; and ἐπειδὰν 
ἀγαθόν τι πάθῃ, ἀσπάζεται, after he has received any kindness, he 


always fawns upon him. 

92. The present subjunctive with μή or ὅπως μή after verbs of 
fearing, though it generally refers to a future object of fear, may also 
denote what may hereafter prove to be an object of fear. Lg. 

Δέδοικα μὴ ἀληθὲς 5 I fear it may prove true, Dem. 1x. 1. 
Δεινῶς ἀθυμῶ, μὴ βλέπων ὁ μάντις 7), lest the prophet may prove to have 
his sight (cf. the following δείξεις δὲ μάλλον). Sopx. O. T.747 ; so Ant. 
1114. “Opa μὴ περὶ τοῖς φιλτάτοις KuPevys, beware lest it may 
prove that you are staking what is dearest. Puat, Prot. 314 A. “Opa 
ὅπως μὴ παρὰ δόξαν ὁμολογῇς. Id. Crit. 49 C. In all these cases 
the present indicative would be required if the object of fear were 
really present (369, 1). 

Compare the examples of the perfect subjunctive in 103. 

93. In a few passages of Homer the aorist subjunctive with μή 
seems to express a similar fear that something may prove to have 
already happened ; as δείδοικα μή σε παρεΐπῃ,; I fear it may prove 
that she persuaded you, Il. i. 555. So 1]. x. 98, μὴ κοιμήσωνται 
ἄταρ λάθωνται, and x. 538, δείδοικα μή τι πάθωσι, I fear lest it 
may prove that they have met some harm. The reference to the past 
here cannot come from any past force of the aorist subjunctive itself, 





94] PRESENT AND AORIST OPTATIVE 27 


but is probably an inference drawn from the context. As the later 
language would use a perfect subjunctive in such cases, these aorists 
seem to be instances of an earlier laxity of usage, like the use of 
ἀπόλοιτό κε for both would have perished and would perish (440). 

In Il. x. 537 there is a similar case of the aorist optative in a 
wish: at γὰρ δὴ ὧδ᾽ ἄφαρ ἐκ Τρώων ἐλασαίατο μώνυχας ἵππους 
Le. may it prove that they have driven the horses away from the Trojans (95). 


Optative. 


= , ἘΠΕ 

94. The present and aorist optative in independent 
sentences (in wishes and with ἄν), and in all conditional 
Sentences except past general conditions (462; 532), ex- 
press future time, the relation of which to the future ex- 
pressed by other moods is explained in 12, 13, and 16. 
(Some Homeric present or past unreal conditions and 
present wishes are exceptions: see 438-441.) In all final 
constructions the optative (which is used only after past 
tenses) represents the subjunctive after primary tenses, and 
is future relatively to the leading verb. Ey. 

εἴθε τοῦτο εἴη (utinam sit), O that this may be. Ei@e μὴ ταῦτα 
πάσχοιεν, may they not suffer these things (with a view to the progress 
of their suffering), But εἴθε μὴ ταῦτα πάθοιεν, may they not suffer these 
things (viewed collectively). Εἴθε σὺ τοιοῦτος ὧν φίλος ἡμῖν γένοιο, 
may you become a friend to us, Xun. Hell. iv. 1, 38. Μὴ γένοιτο, 
may ut not happen. See examples of the optative with ἄν below. 

Ov yap ἂν ἐπαινοίη με, εἰ ἐξελα ὕνοιμι τοὺς εὐεργέτας, for he 
would not praise me, if I should banish my benefactors, XEN. An. vii. 7, 
ll. Kins φορητὸς οὐκ ἂν, εἰ πράσσοις καλῶς, you would not be 
endurable, if you should be in prosperity (at any time). Arscu. Prom. 979. 
[los yap ἄν τις, ἅ ye μὴ ἐπίσταιτο, ταῦτα coos εἴη; for how could 
any one be wise in that which he did not understand (Le. εἴ τινα μὴ ἐπί- 
σταιτο) ὁ XEN. Mem. iv. 6, 7. “AAN εἴ τι μὴ φέροιμεν, ὥτρυνεν 
φέρειν, but if we neglected to bring anything, he always exhorted us to 
bring it. Eur. Ale. 755. Οὐκ ἀπελείπετο ἔτι αὐτοῦ, εἰ μή τι ἀναγκαῖον 
etn, he never left him, wnless there was some necessity for it. XEN. Mem. 
iv. 2, 40. Ξ 

Ki ἔλθοι. πάντ᾽ ἂν ἴδοι, af he should go, he would see all, OWA 
ἔλθοι, πάνθ᾽ ἑώρα, if ever (whenever) he went, he (always) saw all. 
Οὐδ εἰ πάντες ἐλθοιεν Πέρσαι, πλήθει γε οὐχ ὑπερβαλοίμεθ᾽ 
ἄν τοὺς πολεμίους, not even if all the Persians should come, should we 
SUTpPass the enemy in numb rs. XEN. Cyr. 1], z 8, Ὅτε ἔξω τοῦ δεινοῦ 
γένοιντο καὶ ἐξείη πρὸς ἄλλους ἄρχοντας ἀπιέναι, πολλοὶ αὐτὸν 
> , 
ἀπέλειπον, but when they were come out of danger and it was in their 
power (present) to go to other commanders, (in all such cases) many left 





28 THE TENSES [95 


him. Id. An. ii. 6, 12. Ἄνευ γὰρ ἀρχόντων οὐδὲν ἂν οὔτε καλὸν οὔτε 
ἀγαθὸν γένοιτο, nothing could be done, etc. Ib. iii. 1, 38. Οὐκ οἶδα 
ὅ τι ἄν τις χρήσαιτο αὐτοῖς, I do not know what use any one could 
make of them. Ib. iii. 1, 40. 

Τούτου ἐπεθύμει, ἵνα εὖ πράττοι, he desired this in order that he 
might be in prosperity. "EdoBeiro μὴ τοῦτο ποιοῖεν, he feared lest 
they should do this (habitually). Δῆλος ἦν ἐπιθυμῶν ἄρχειν, ὅπως πλείω 
λαμβάνοι, ἐπιθυμῶν δὲ τιμᾶσθαι, ἵνα πλείω κερδαίνοι" φίλος τε 
ἐβούλετο εἶναι τοῖς μέγιστα δυναμένοις, ἵνα ἀδικῶν μὴ διδοίη δίκην. 
Xen. An. ii. 6, 21. (Here the aorist optative would have referred to 
single acts of receiving, getting gain, and suffering punishment, while the 
present refers to a succession of cases, and to a whole course of conduct.) 

Ἦν ὁ Φίλιππος ἐν φόβῳ μὴ ἐκφύγοι τὰ πράγματ᾽ αὐτόν, Philip 
was in fear lest the control of affairs might escape him. Dem. xviii. 33. 


95. The aorist optative with ἐπειδή or ἐπεί, after that, is referred 
by the meaning of the particle to time preceding that of the leading 
verb, like the aorist subjunctive in 90; so that ἐπειδὴ (Soe ἀπῇει 
means after he had seen he (always) went away. This gives the aorist 
in translation the force of a pluperfect. So after words meaning wntul, 
and in the other cases mentioned in 90. 4. 

Ods μὲν ἴδοι εὐτάκτως ἰόντας, τίνες τε εἶεν ἠρώτα, καὶ ἐπεὶ πύθοιτο 
ἐπήνει, he asked any whom he saw marching in good order, who they αὶ 
and after he had ascertained, he praised them. XEN. Cyr. Ve 3, 55. 


[leprepevopev ἑκάστοτε ἕως ἀνοιχ θείη τὸ δεσμωτήριον᾽ ἐπειδὴ δὲ 
ἀνοιχθείη, εἰσήειμεν παρὰ τὸν Σωκράτη, we waited each morning 
until the prison was opened (or had been Ope ned) he and afte rT it was opened, 
we went in to Socrates. Prat. Phaed. 59 D. In Puar. Rep. 331 C, εἴ τις 


, 4 , > δ᾿: ἢ “ o > 4 , 
λάβοι rapa φίλου ἀνδρὸς σωφρονοῦντος ὅπλα, εἰ μανεὶς ἀπαιτοῖ, 


is thus given by Cicero (Offic. iii. 95): Si gladium quis apud te sanae 


mentis deposuerit, repetat insaniens; and there can be no doubt that 


εἰληφὼς εἴη (the equivalent of deposue rit) would have been more exact 
, . Ὶ ° ° ° . 
than λάβοι in Greek (see 91). For ἃ peculiar aorist optative in 1], x. 


537, see above (93, end). 
Infinitive. 


96. A present or aorist infinitive (without ἄν) not in in- 
direct discourse is still a verbal noun so far that it expresses 
no time except such as is implied in the context. Thus, 
when it depends on a verb of wishing or commanding or 
any other verb whose natural object is a future action, or 
when it expresses purpose, it is future without regard to its 
tense; as, in βούλομαι νικᾶν (or νικῆσαι), [ wish to be victorious 
(or to gain victory), the infinitive expresses time only so 
far as the noun νίκην would in βούλομαι νίκην. Likewise, 





96] PRESENT AND AORIST INFINITIVE 29 


when the present or aorist infinitive (without av) has the 
article, except in the rare cases in which it stands in indirect 
discourse (794), it has no reference to time in itself ; ‘<n 
IN TO γνῶναι ἐπιστήμην λαβεῖν ἐστιν, to learn is to obtain 
knowledge, where γνῶναι expresses time only as the noun 
γνῶσις would in its place. Ey. 


» ry ς , , : . δι . ‘ Ἂ . 
i ἔξεστι μένειν, αὐ ts possible ἰο remain. ᾿Εξέσται τοῦτο ποιεῖν. tt will 
)6 posstble to do th 1s 4 saints A | ‘ 
at Low ΚΦ at me Δέομαι ὑμὼν μένειν, I beg you to remain. Ti 

oO ΄ ᾿ ᾿ _ , “-- ἊΜ φ« e » ᾿ 
t a Sughd αὐτὸν ἐσται βαδίζειν ὅποι βούλεται, what will there be 
0 prevent him fri } hither he : . . 

ὦ δι i fi mm gong whither he pleases? Dem. i. 12. ᾿Ἐκέλευσα 
αὐτὸν τοῦτο TOLELY, I commanded him to do this. *E BovAero coos 
εἰναι, he wished to be wise. Δεινός ὁ ͵ : . ; 

’ Loe. €LVOS EO TL rN€5 ειν. he zs sk ’ ὧι 
ing. Ὥρα Bad ἔδειν, ἃ ie Maw a he / » he ws skilled in spe ak- 
57 tae ah , 8. tume to be going. Ilav ποιοῦσιν ὥστε 
OLKNV νὸν ων ° . 
om. μὴ διδόναι, they do everything so as to avoid heii’ puniiahed 

LAT. Gorge. 479 C Th ion ade to a " a ; 

: Ἄν ΦῈΨ τς [ὸ μεν οὺν ἐπιτιμᾶν ἴσως φήσαι τις ἂν ῥάδιον 

Ἵ ΄-- » — -- > ~ Cy 
εἰνᾶι, TOO O TL OEL πράττειν aTopa iver θα ι, TOUT εἶναι συμβούλου 

᾿ ) ? . bd © . 9 
ae we may say that Jinding fuult 18 easy, hut thet showing ὐλδὲ ought 
to be done ws the dut 7 : : ; 

f ᾿ / ͵ 0 ad Ἶ): “py x 1 ὦ 371. al 
panier buly if an adviser, Dem. i. 16. (πιτιμᾶν, ἀπο- 
aplasia, and πράττειν belong here ; but εἶναι in both cases is in 
indirect discourse ΕἸ} ἢ Ἰρλεονεξδίας Zver δ ὦ Ἂν ; 

m9 ’ ί. υ πλεονεξίας ἐνεκεν ταῦτ ἐπραξεν ἀλλὰ 

a YiK - Pe a x Ψ ee A . ὦ ὅ ᾿ 
TH OLKQLOTEpa TOUS Θηβαίους 1) VLAS ἀξ ἰουν, he did this not from love 
of gain, but because of the Thebans muking juster demands than you. Id 

νὰ ‘ Py , ἊΝ 9 , J ὃ , : : 
Vi. ‘ ‘, ᾿ πὶ Ἔν. Ae ᾿ ᾿ 

# 5 Bo dhs sth, oe “Αταλάντη νῆσος, τοῦ μὴ λῃστὰς κακο υργεῖν 
τὴν υβοιαν, in order to preve Ur se 

- pre vent prrate 5 from ravagun E hoe y 
Νὴ i ( Lubvoed. LHUC 
ll. 32. 9 ἯΚΕ 

, at b ὃ δ. : 5 > , 

TloAcds εστι θάνατος αναστατον γενέσθαι. it a death for a city 
} ) - Μ οὐρ rrr? ᾿ > 7 ~ ~ “ . ᾿ 
Pt "ὦ lard waste. Ly URG. 61. ὥσπερ TWV ἀνδρῶν τοῖς καλοῖς κἀγα- 

OLS GLPETWTEDPOV EOT ΄ 3 Pe ἐν τ cn ’ ΩΝ ε - 
= f νι dow Ξ gh dy καλῶς ἀποθανεῖϊ  (ην αἰσχρως, οὕτω καὶ 
ἊΨ WOMEWY TALS Ὁπερέχουσαις λυσιτελεῖν (ἡγοῦντο) ἐξ ἀνθρώ 

Ξ Ξ A _ a " Ν , oa 7 ν a 
TWV α par ισθῆι αι μᾶλλον 1) ὁούλαις od Θ ναι γενομέναις ὦ ἃ 

. 7, ) Fee . . ; ‘ : ΓΝ F . 
preferable for honourable men to die (aor. nobly rather than to continue 
living (pres.) in disgrace. s ' ° 
the Ρ αὐτῷ sgrace, so also they thought that it was better (pres.) for 

ve pre-eminent among states to be (at once) made to disappear (aor.) from 

me ν : ‘ ͵ Α ‘ ἕ : ym 
Tne, men, than to be (once) seen aor.) to fall into slavery. Isoc. iv. 95 

, > Ἢ »» 5 / . 5 Φ Ἀ /* 7 et}. 

ἐεἐμπουσιν ES τὴν ραν πρέσβεις bed ᾿ς 15 a 
46 y ΑΞ S Pig gas πρέσβεις. οέεομενοι μὴ σφας περιοραν 

) εἐρομενοῦυς, αλλα Τοὺς TE herr ovTas "Om ,11; “δ / \ \ 
τῶν βαρβάρων πόλεμον x ῥεύγοντας ξυναλλάξαι σφίσι καὶ τὸν 
᾿ ͵ j f ρων TOs εμοὶ Κατα λῦσα Le asking them not to allow them to 
 destroued. hut to bri ear ργΎ2ρς Senet 

_aieadeet 2 εὐ ὦ th 17 exle s to terms with them, and to put an end 

to the barbarians’ war. Tuue. i, 24 Τὸ γὰρ γνῶναι ἐπ ) 

wwe Sige ΠΝ ΨΕΌΝ: ἰ LL ἐπιστήμην που 
λαβεῖν ἐστιν, to learn is to obtain knowledge. Prat. Theaet 209 F 
as, ‘ “i cos sr 4 ἕν ad : { ; sure fa 
Πάντες τὸ καταλιπεῖν αὐτὰ πάντων μάλιστα φεύγομεν we all try 
. 9 Φ . ‘ 3 « 
most of all to avoid leaving them by hind. XEN Mem il 9 3 Ov yo. 
= ‘ ae a, Rigen, . 1}, 2, ὦ, αρ 
pee δὲς λαβεῖ ν τάγαθα οὕτω γε χαλεπὸν ὥσπερ τὸ λαβόντα στερη- 
θηναι λυπηρόν. Id. Cyr. vii. 5, 82. Tov πιεῖν ἐπιθυμία. the desir 
of Atlin drink Succ ih ἃ κε : “agit ᾽ μια, the desvre 
ὶ : 4 Ἢ μὸν HUC, 7 < 4, Κελεύει αὐτὸν ἐλ θεῖν, he commands 

wm to qo. “K σεν τὸν ἢ τα ἙᾺ . , 
4 ἐλευσεῖ αὐτο] ἐλθεῖν > he commanded him to 40. Κε- 





90 THE TENSES [97 


λεύσει αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν, he will command him to go. II pds τῳ μηδὲν δι 
τῆς πρεσβείας λαβεῖν, τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἐλύσατο, ne 
nothing from the embassy, he ransomed the captives. DEM. Xix. we “3 
πρὸ Tov τοὺς Φωκέας ἀπολέσθαι ψηφίσαισθε βοηθεῖν, if efor = 
destruction of the Phocians you should vote to go to th ir assistance, d. 
xviii. 33. Τὰς αἰτίας προὔγραψα, τοῦ μή τινα ζητῆσαί ποτε ἐξ ὅτου 
τοσοῦτος πόλεμος κατέστη, that no one may ever ask the reason why), 
ete. Tuuc.i.23. Tov ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ γενέσθαι ταῦτ᾽ ἀγῶνα, the contest 
to prevent these from being done. Dem. xvill. 201. = : 

No account is here taken of the infinitive with av (304). 


97. The distinction between the present and aorist infinitive is 
well illustrated by Aristotle, when he says of pleasure, Eth. x. ὃ, _ 
ἡσθῆναι μὲν γὰρ ἔστι ταχέως ὥσπερ ὀργισθηναι, ἥδεσθαι ὃ “ΝΆ 
οὐδὲ πρὸς ἕτερον - βαδίζειν O€ καὶ αὔξεσθαι καὶ πάντα τὰ τοῦτα. 
μεταβάλλειν μὲν οὖν εἰς τὴν ἡδονὴν τάχέως καὶ Siig * id 
ἐνεργεῖν δὲ κατ᾽ αὐτὴν οὐκ ἔστι ταχέως, λέγω ὃ ἥδεσθαι. may 
BECOME pleased (ἡσθῆναι) quickly, as we may get angry quickly j sain 
cannot BE pleased (ἥδεσθαι) quickly, even as compared with another person, 
although we cai th us walk and grow and do such things. We may then 
change into a state of pleasure quickly or slowly, but we cannot actually enjoy 
the pleasure, I mean BE PLEASED (ηδεσθαι), quickly. ΞΕ Ξ 

So in Prat. Theaet. 155 C, Socrates says, ἄνευ τοῦ γίγνεσθαι 
γενέσθαι ἀδύνατον (sc. ἐμὲ ἐλάττω), i.e. without goung through the 
process of becoming (γίγνεσθαι) smaller, it 1s impossible for me to get 


(γενέσθαι!) smaller, 


98. Χράω, ἀναιρέω, θεσπίζω, and other verbs signifying to Εν 
an oracular response, generally take the present or the aorist 
infinitive, expressing the command or warning of the oracle, 
where we might expect the future in indirect discourse (135). 
These verbs here take the ordinary construction of verbs of 
commanding, advising, and warning. © £.9. : 

Λέγεται δὲ ᾿Αλκμαίωνι τὸν ᾿Απόλλω ταύτην τὴν γῆν χρῆσαι 

οἰκεῖν, it is said that Apollo gave a response to Alemaeon that he shoule 
inhabit this land (warned him to inhabit it). THe, li. 102. Χρωμεένῳ 
δὲ τῷ Κύλωνι ἀνεῖλεν ὁ θεὺς ἐν τῇ τοῦ Διὸς τῇ μεγίστῃ ‘OPT 
καταλαβεῖν τὴν ᾿Αθηναίων ἀκρόπολιν, that he should seize. I % 3 
126. Ἐκέχρητο γὰρ τοῖσι Σπαρτιήτῃσι, ἢ “Λακεδαίμονα ne 
tov γενέσθαι ἢ τὸν βασιλέα σφεων ἀπολέσθαι. = vu. 220. 
) Oéomice κομίσαι καὶ εἰσιδεῖν. Eur, I. T. 1014. Qs χρησμοῦ 
ὄντος τὴν πόλιν διαφθαρῆναι, as if there were an oracle dooming the 
city to perish. Puat. Rep. 415 Ο. Πολλάκι γάρ οἱ ἐειπε ἄρτον, κε 
ἀργαλέῃ φθίσθαι ἢ ὑπὸ Τρώεσσι dap VEL, the diviner tol | _ t ΜΝ" 
he must either die by painful disease, or perish at the hands of the Trojans. 
Il. xiii. 667. But we find ἀνεῖλεν ἔσεσθαι, THvc. i. 118; χρήσαν- 
τος κρατήσειν, Lycura. 99; ἐκέχρηστο βασιλεύσειν, Hor. ii. 
147 ; as indirect discourse, 


102] PERFECT OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS 9] 


99. Even verbs of saying and th inking, as λέγω when it signifies to 
command, and δοκεῖ, it seems good, may take the present or aorist infinitive 
not in indirect discourse, like other verbs of the same meaning. 
Εἶπον seldom takes the infinitive, except when it signifies to command 
(753). The context will always distinguish these cases from indirect 
quotations, 1.5. 

Τούτοις ἔλεγον πλεῖν, I told them to sail. Dem. xix. 150. (Tov- 
tous ἔλεγον πλεῖν would mean J said that they were sailing.) Εἰπὼν 
μηδένα παριέναι εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν, having given orders that no one 
should pass into the citadel. XEN. Hell. v. 2,29. Ὦ φίλοι, ἤδη μέν κεν 
ἐγὼν εἴποιμι καὶ ἄμμιν μνηστήρων ἐς ὅμιλον ἀκοντίσα t, now I would 
command you to join me in hurling, ete. Od. xxii. 262. Ilapaéo vvat 
λέγει, he tells us to give her up (he says, give her up). Ar. Av. 1679. 
Δοκεῖ ἡμῖν τοῦτο ποιεῖν (or ποιῆσαι) it pleases us to do this. (But 
δοκεῖ μοι ὑμᾶς τοῦτο ποιεῖν (or ποιῆσαι) generally means it seems to me 
that you are doing this, or did th is.) ᾿Εδοξε in the sense it was resolved, 
introducing a decree, is followed by the present or aorist (not future) 
infinitive. 


100. Verbs of hoping, expecting, promising, and swearing form 
an intermediate class between those that take the infinitive 
in indirect discourse and other verbs (136). When they refer to 
a future object, they naturally take the future infinitive, but 
may also have the present or aorist infinitive (not in indirect 
discourse) like verbs of wishing, ete. Thus he promised to give 
may be ὑπέσχετο διδόναι (or dodvac) as well as ὑπέσχετο δώσειν. 

To facilitate comparison, the examples of the present and aorist 
infinitive thus used are given with those of the future in 136. 


101. The present αἴτιός εἰμι, I am the cause, is often used with 
reference to the past, where logically a past tensc would be needed : 
as αἴτιός ἐστι τούτῳ θανεῖν, he is the cause of his death, instead of 
αἴτιος iV τούτῳ θανεῖν, he was the CAUSE of his death. This may make 
an ordinary aorist infinitive appear like a verb of past time. Eg. 

A trot οὖν εἰσι καὶ ὑμῖν πολλῶν ἤδη ψευσθῆνα ι καὶ δὴ ἀδίκως 
γέ τινας ἀπολέσθαι, they are the cause why you were deceived and some 
even perished (i.e. they caused you to hy dece ived and some even to perish), 
Lys. xix. 51, TeOvaow οἱ δὲ ζῶντες αἴτιοι θανεῖν, they are dead ; 
and. the living are the causes of their death. ΞΟΡΗ. Ant. 1715, “Ἢ μοι 


untpt μὲν θανεῖν μόν, μεταίτιος. Id, Tr. 1233. 
μῆτρι! μόνη ! 


PERFECT. 


102. As the perfect indicative represents an act as 
finished at the present time, so the perfect of any of the 
dependent moods properly represents an act as finished at 





: 108 
39 THE TENSES 


~ 


n “oC pp f 
ς =: 6) αὖ which the present O 
Ἵ ραρηῦΐ. past. OT future) at 
the time (prese nt, } : 


S ; it as going on. 
that mood would represent 1t as going 


ative are very often 
103. The perfect subjunctive and optative ar he passive 
. 4 Ξ i eu νι ὦ Θ 585 7) 
pressed in the active, and almost always 1n : r nd 
express «τ . a a εἰν ; anc 
: fect participle with ὦ an ; 
᾿ r the pel fect partic ᾿ . 
this combination of a present and a perfect mak eal 
' a ase rould de , 
denoted especially clear. Where the tenga Eg 
sess ak shia ἡ ‘e-perfect time. "ἢ. 
ture time, the perfect denotes /udwre-pe τ 2a ε 
Su Ἣν εἰς ὺν δέδοικα μή τινα λήθην ὑμῖν πεποιὴ Κῇ, 
Té f γόνον + εγενῆσθαι πολὺν O€OOLKG μὴ TL ! ‘when you come 
ε ‘es t} la se of a long time that has occurred may Se | 91) 
Tike S$ vé Libpose ὺ ‘ p pan 088 (Se@e@ ὲ je 
: pee t} aa prove to have caused in you some Jorg . δ a being 
ecude the cuse) : “Use » time bens 
to ee 9 “Μὴ ποιῇ would mean lest οὐ may cause, the time deed 
Ἢ ΕΝ, oa τ asi <a , ἐκ / περ 
Dem. ΧΙ Ι ie \ Χρὴ αὐτὰ [ἃ τελευτήσαντα ἐκάτεροι ve I 
> Ss 2 as ν᾿ ἧς “ P= > , : an Φ ᾿ e 
the — sa - hice ἑκάτερος αὐτῶν ἀπειλ npPy TO. ἘΣ κυ τὲ 1) 
(υσαι, LVA TEAEG ᾿ ἦ, ᾿ we finished, 
agen what awaits each of them after death, that (wh oe "| . Let 
᾿ y . Wi ἣ 4 . > j vs / 
must hea fully received his deserts, PLAT. Rep. 614 A. Ovs | 
? CCE ει ε 


10 , ε ape De 
each may havi τὴν ἀειλογίαν ορω TPOTELVvo 


" A a = - Ξ > V εὐθύνας. 1 
iP, IS. κἂν δεδωκότες OTL i τ ͵ “ὦ their 
ἄλλοι Ἢ I that other men, even tf they have already rer lered thevr 

; γς See . P : i : Ψν Le 
ati j if t} yy are (an the state oT } pe rsois who have ‘eer Ὲ ~ ar 
accounts,—1.e. 17 tel we. tS δ ἀα ων xix. 2. ᾿Ανϑρεῖόν 

t always offer a perpetual reckoning. Dem. f 
accounts, — = 5 a Σ ἢ 
, ‘ ” Sr i TATEDGA 
ε πάνυ νομίζομεν, OS ἂν TET λήγῃ παῖ tg father. Arn. Av. 1350. 
‘ . . { eT. i . & . 
La : : ly who has (may have Ἷ heaté it tis - a ‘a os ie 5" 
= “ee “Ἑλλήνων ὑμᾶς βοηθεῖν OS αν μὴ “Ff εἰν, 
Νόμον θήσειν μηδενιε THI 4 ᾿ Se haha er assist no one of the 

Nw Δ ἢ rack a taw u ‘ ᾿ Α . iC). 
βεβοηκὼς μὲν 1); to ene οἰκί» you. DEM. xix. 16. COs 
hall not pre viously have assistet : : st 


we always consider one 


Greeks who s ; ho shall 
” \ -_ Ἢ Bor On would mean who shall n : lness 
OV μὴ πρότερος " i . τώκοι the " feared lest TLALELILESS 
su - . . 


ot pre viously assist you. } 


ε ~ — το 
"ἔδεισαν μὴ ees eee" x An v. 7.26. | Μὴ ἐμπίπτοι 
᾿ 8 EN, An. V. 42 φῦ. . ab 
. “ne 7 fallen upon Us. 4 κι . a δὲν 
might prove to have . ΞΈΝΟ on ΤΩΡ OLKGAOTWYV [L7)0€ 
eee an lest it might fall wpon us.) Koen Oy ΤΩ od ὃ ᾿ # I 
would mean ts a? Αθηναίων ἀπεκτονὼς εἰ}. ἔπε 


i os 3 ‘ »7 
ae δ δ ; Vit 1 O€Va ᾿ " 
TOLOUTOV πρᾶξαι, εἰ γο:; sins t an Athenian to death. DEM. 
: ht , : en the position of having pu (“ἢ 4 
might not be 7 ν ΕΣ eo 
« ὡ ‘ ε \ omy ‘got TAUT, ΕὙΟΎ ἘΞ 
liii. 18. Ἢν yap εὑρεθῃ Λε ee caped harm, Soru. O. T. 
. . ; esca pet f . 9 ΗΑ 
, Α ; ild (in that case) have 6806) ΜΝ ” γα ee oa 
πάθος, I shoul : , ἐγὼ πεπονθὼς εἴην, εἰ EME Y npt 
Πῶς οὐκ ἂν οἰκτρότατα πάντων ἐγὼ Tea - t witiable of all 
Ws ) ᾿ ; Pet 4 8 ) ( ) 
= 7 ἐξ ‘OV ; how should Ϊ not have suffer ne τε l rm: ld 
pinoigdbsagroedegal. ὅν 1] f to be an alien? Dem. lvii. 44. (This cou γν 
nae. af should vote mé τὸ θὲ ie . ening suc ; 
things, if they shi 1 with a very slight difference in meaning, = οἵ 
3 . " : Ὁ ᾿ ᾿ 4 Ἧ TC. ) 
1¢ ἰσωνται: how shall I not have suffered, δ᾽ 
᾿} p i ‘ ᾽ 


” > 


7 
* 3 «~ 7 
av € K Tepe υγοίη! 
839. 


have been expresset 
\ » +4 ; ! } 
πεπονθὼς εσόμαι, εαὶ γ ε - ” ϑ καὶ α ιφότεροι av TOVTO 
“ὦ ἢ an επονθὼς ἑκάτερος yp pLovV € 7), ΟΊ ] uf ] =i 
- VY TET ᾿ ‘ γ» , ᾿ itsoers P. 
Ki eae f h γῇ ws ἢ yuld have sulle red anything γ ye Ἵ 
} Piz ac ί s 8 ἢ ι 
— > ae τ . > nm Ἷ \ 301 A. OvK a 
| ld not both of us have suffered it? PLAT. Hipp. M;: 
Would TO ) ) 


: : he the reason 

. ᾽ ΔΝ δεδωκότες. this. at least, cannot be 

διὰ oro εἶεν οὐκ εὐθὺς ὁὀεδωκότες. tis, ¢ ; ᾿ ru) prove to 

OLa TOUT . " } nm enquery) Ὁ 
} FF it not pay it at once ; lit. they would not Ν f f 

why they aia : 


. ; oM. xxx. 10, 
h rve not pard at at once on this account, Dem. 
f 


; . TA s exactiv to the 
104. ΤΙ pe rfect subjunctive in protasis corre spond CXat th; 
ω Lie ν᾿ . ‘ 





sufficvent di scription of this form of government. ΤΌ. 553 A, 


᾿ . . . ww 
the perfect participle with ἐστων, 
,’ “~ , 
TOLVUV ΤΟΥ͂ΤΟ πεπεισμενοι 


Pp rsuaded of this. 
tical language, to im] 
or assumed once for all, or t] 


remain as data for a followin 


τῆς AT τῇ ΑΔ ἰσὴ ἡ AE, let any pownt A he 
line AB, and AE equal to AA as cut of from AI. Evcn 


used, it seems to be a little more 


107] PERFECT IMPERATIVE 99 


Latin future perfect indicative; but the 


Greek seldom uses this 
cumbrous perfect, 1 


referring the less precise aorist (91). The perfect 
optative, in both protasis and apodosis, corresponds to the Latin perfect 
subjunctive ; but it is seldom used, for a similar reason (95). 

The perfect optative can hardly be accurately expressed in English. 
For when we use the English forms would have suffered and should 
have suffered to translate the perfect optative, 1] 
expressions for will and shal] have suffered. 

I should have suffered is commonly past in Ex 
ἔπαθον ἄν ᾿ 
understood. 


lese are merely vaguer 
(See the examples above.) 
iglish, being equivalent to 
but here it is future, and is therefore liable to be mis- 
There is no more reference to past time, however, in the 
perfect optative with av, than there is in the future perfect indicative 
(77) in such expressions as μάτην ἐμοὶ κεκλαύσετα ty I shall have had 
my whippings for nothing (referring to those received in his boyhood), 
Ar. Nub. 1436. 
sa ; ᾿ : 

105. The perfect imperative is most common in the 
third person singular of the passive, whe 
command that something just done or 
shall be decisive and Jina. 


re it expresses a 
about to be done 
[0 is thus equivalent to the 
perfect participle with ἔστω. Lg. 

Ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ταύτῃ εἰρήσθω, let so much 
(= εἰρημένα ἔστω), 1 
Crat. 401 Ὁ. 
this (which follor 


- Sav 
TWV LOoLWV 


have been thus said, 
6, let what has been thus said be sufficient. PLat. 
But ὅμως δὲ εἰρήσθω ὅτι, x.7.A., still let as much as 
vs) be said (once for all), that, ete. Id. Rep. 607 C. Περὶ 
ταῦτά μοι προειρήσθω, let this have been said (once for all) 
by way of introduction. Isoc. iv. 14. Tatra πεπαίσθω τε ὑμῖν, καὶ 


ἴσως ἱκανῶς ἔχει, let this be the end of the play, ete. PLar. Euthyd. 278 D. 
Teray Ow ἡμῖν κατὰ δημοκρατίαν 


ε “~ > , 

0 ToLlovTos ἀνήρ, let such a man 
T¢ main ‘where we have placed him), corresponding to de nvocracy. Id. Rep. 
— > > , . ε ~ o ε ΄ . 
561 E. ΑἈπειργάσθω δὴ ἡμῖν αὑτὴ ἡ πολιτεία, let this now be a 


ε 


βραδυτής, at this point let the limit 
be Jixed, THuc. 1. gs 


The third person plural in the 


Μέχρι τοῦδε 
ὡρίσθω ὑμῶν 1 of your sluggishness 
same sense could be expressed by 

as in Prat. Rep. 502 A, οὗτοι 
ἔστων, grant then that these have been 


106. On this principle the perfect imperative is used in mathema- 
ly that something is to be considered as proved 
iat lines drawn or points fixed are to 
g demonstration. Eg. 

Εἰλήφθω ἐπὶ τῆς ΑΒ τυχὸν σημεῖον τὸ Δ, καὶ ἀφῃρ ἤσθω ἀπὸ 


assumed as taken in the 

ck Pe Ὁ. 

second person is rare ; when it is 

emphatic than the present or aorist. Eg. 
D 


107. The perfect imperative of the 





ς γ8 
34 THE TENSES ΠῚ 


‘ ‘ , δῷ 6 I] V 228 M ὴ πεφόβ no Ge, do not be afrand. 

"He σὺ τόνδε Sede Fo. Sr i eS inoo καὶ δεξιὰν δός, 

Tuuc. vi. 17 Μόνον σὺ μιν πιστὰ θεων πεποίη εν ahd 

HUC, V1. ee “atel - once for all) solemn pledges and give the righ 

only make us ( mmediately or once , 41) : . aad tO 

Ί : i ὦ Τιεσαυσο stop ! not another word ! wal. 
hand, XEN. ( yr. 1V. 2) 4. τ ι 

xxiv. 64. 


as : ‘ce of a present (49) the 
108. In verbs whose perfect has the force of a pr (49) : 
; ; linary form; as μέμνησο, κεκλήσθω, 
perfect imperative 1s the ordinary ἴς i oe 
7, “ ἢ : ATE, J = 33; 
é θι. ἑστάτω. τέθναθι, τεθνάτω, ἴστω. So κεχῆνατ ᾿ | 
ge, γ Tl ν rfect imperative active seems to 
ἢ Kekpayate, ἃ esp. 415. le per . : : i. 
om ae d ly in such verbs. Occasionally we find the peri- 
have been used only eT aged Δ ye, at βυμιβυβοκνῖα, 
phrastic form with the participle and eit, a ξ 
Prat, Leg. 736 B. 


109. The perfect infinitive not in indirect discoursé 
ie as nis ; . present 
generally represents an act as finished when the pres 
oe sae ω ai ᾿ 90) Eg 
would represent it as going on (90). Lg. 


᾽ ‘ SS: ἘΡΕΙΘΕ * . ἧς γὰρ 
\ ION > a ἔτι ὥρα. ἀλλὰ βεβοι λεὺσ θαι ΤῊ» γα! 
ΝΕ βονλένεν θαι δα ἐ Ἢ ἀνθ it is no longer tome 
, 4. Ya — ΄-- 7 5 ¢ 
ἐπιούσης νυκτὸς πάντα ταῦτα δεὶ πεπρᾶχθαι, 1 leliberating ; for 
T aia .——% ; ‘ “ating ; 
ven to be deliberatin}, but (it is time) to hav done del pe ae Ἢ 
even 5 (ἡ ΣΝ. eee ight. Puat. Crit. 46 A. 
. » finished within the coming night. τ Se 
all this must be finished , . -é l it is his 
ζὺ δ “- . SLWK αι. ANE αὖ ὑδ ἢ 
Καὶ μὴν περὶ ὧν γε προσετάξατε προσήκει διφκη ΚΕ! μα δμμδδα 
ioe hic Ὁ αν enstructvons, 
» business about which you gave it 
lute to have atte nded to the e : 7 ἘΞ, Ξ : 
tig bea -. 6. (This refers to an ambassador presenting his accounts on 
Dem. xix. 6. (thi ᾿ λλαχοῦ διὰ τὴν στενοχωρίαν τὰ μὲν 
eee ὶ ἜΠυνετῦ" χάνε TOMAs αχοι ou ΤΊ) δ ὦ ‘ 
his return. ) -- ; καὶ ἢ πὰ x = 3 βλῆσθαι δύο TE περι 
ἄλλοις ἐμβεβληκενα LTA ὁ αὕὔτοῦς ἐμῇ ee ] sa ttach 
͵ ὃ "ie one 
a . - have made an attack on 
, ρτῆσθαι, it often befell them to 
αν UI ! 7 no a ? Ψ Ἢ ᾿ . we / othe fe 
“ip ξ / I } > eome time to have been attacked themselve: on th 
side and (at the — , ‘ ‘ \ ae - 1 τῶν O07 KaTa- 
Tuve. vii. 70. ᾿Ανάγκη yap Ta μὲν μέγιστ avi te ] 
ote. a 6. #2 τὰ os τινα παραλελεῖφθαι, for it must be that the 
κεχρησθαι μικρὰ O€ 7 is : γηρογίαγε ones 
ΧΙ ! ᾿ I ἢ f thiects have been wsed Up, and that only LL ortant ones 
most umportan subject: i “ ss , διὰ τὸ καταπε- 
have been left. Isoc. iv. 74. Οὐκ ἤθελον ἐμβαίνειι cee otal 
rave vee? Chl. 5 : Ξ 92}. εἾ» vount of LavUNG 
ee ere } lling to embark On ACCOUNL ὁ ‘ 
λῶν noon, they were unwr : Ῥ Ε =. 
i els ] i feat, Tuuc. vii. 72. Td yap πολλὰ ἀπολωλε- 
an fe Pu ° . ~e » - ᾿ 
bee n ἐς MY ὙΠ d by thre = 0, os 6 , ee λε pe ἄν τις θειὴ δικαίως. 
ναι κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον ΤῊ" ἡμετέρας ἀμελειῶν ἃ , 
* . i 4: - 
κε ) i 


4 ᾿ ΝἾ , , j , ς ~ 
TO O€ T a { oO { Oo 0 { q@ V ‘al iva μιν 
μ ΤΕ “ ͵ Lt ‘ UTO 4 € 7i V εν Li a € t " ε} L ἐξ ͵ / 
i 


, 
~ 


᾽ > > 
— -- ϑ 2 - Π acer 
‘ ΄ TVS TELVWV UVOLGS EVEP YETI) LL 
συμμαχιᾶὰν τουτῶν ἀντίρροπ OV, TIS Tap εκΚειΨΩΙ : ε ᾿ ΡῚ τι 
: Ἵ ᾿ ) 410 . wir On iu 
ΠῚ "» ρ , " for Our having lost mea thanys during i? wd?) " u 
av eywye eli, . ‘ mie ] wane » suffers d this hy fore, 
] tly harg upon our neglect - but OUP THEUCT MUCTHY out i νὰ 
USTLY C aT gye } ᾿ : - +] > UD for bese 
ites the fact that ai alliance has now appeared to us to τ hee “ὁ : 
ἔ L oe ω 5 . . , > (), omypé e 
losses. I should consider a be nefaction, etc, DEM. " ‘] LY) 
Es | ] 2) "“Ed@Gacav παροικοδομη- 
ησθ i th > first example under 103. lif αι as f ) 
reer eo é ee 3 > ᾿ 2] var a ὑτῶι EKELVOUS TE 
TTE Ut ‘KET LNTE αὐτοὶ KWAVECDUGL V7 i ’ 
σαντες, WOTE I | . μ i , ι ; al ᾿ 1.6 the u 
1 (π- ἐπ ᾿ 4 TOas ATOTELX LOE >» 1c. L 
καὶ aAVTaQTaCtV AT ETTEPIK €VGQt . ο.ο e i : ; 3 te 
os ; “4 thenrans. so as no ltonde 
) ’ ) ) I] “st iY vond that of tive A tée7 4 ( 
T , } tit ΠΥ ὃ ) 
TSE ΠΗ͂Σ ΨΩΝ νἱ : - :  eflectually prevented 
l ; } } lv Ss ente rf red with by the iit, and 80 as to have epj er ue Y ἵ 
ve themselve: ae : ii. ae es 6 εἰ ὁ ‘ ιελ᾽ θη καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν, 
them from walling them in. Tuuc. vu. 6. Ure} MA 


a , > οὖϑ δὲν μὲν ἄνευ τῆς πόλεως 
! ᾿ y , tore ἀνθοώπκοις ἀναθῶν μυδὲν μὲν G ] 
ὥστε τὼν παρόντων τοῖς ἀνθρωποις ay ΠΣ 


112] FUTURE INFINITIVE 35 
εἶναι, τὰ δὲ πλεῖστα διὰ ταύτην γεγεν 


~ . ~~ 
jo Oar. Isoc. iv. 38. Τοιαῦτα 
καὶ τοσαῦτα κατεσκεύασαν 


ἡμῖν, ὥστε μηδενὶ τῶν ἐπιγιγνομένων 
ὑπερβολὴν λελεῖφθαι, they made such and so great acquisitions as to 
have no possibility of surpassing them left to any one who should come 
after them. Dem. iii. 25. Δίδομεν αὐτοῖς προῖκα συγκεκόφθαι, we 
allow them to have cut us up for nothing (i.e. we make no account of 
their having done 80). Ar. Nub. 1426. 

See [Aristor.] Eth. Nic. vi. 2, 6: 
γεγονὸς, οἷον οὐδεὶς προαιρεῖται Ἴλιον 
past can be purposed ; for example 
1.6. the expression Tpoatpovpar 


οὐκ ἔστι δὲ προαιρετὸν οὐδὲν 
πεπορθηκέναι, but nothing 
» nobody purposes to have sacked Ilium, 
Ἴλιον πεπορθηκέναι would be nonsense, 
This illustrates well the restricted use of the perfect infinitive. 


110. The perfect infinitive sometimes signifies that the action is 
to be decisive and permanent (like the perfect imperative, 105); and 
sometimes it seems to be merely more emphatic than the present or 
aorist infinitive. Eg. 

Εἶπον τὴν θύραν κεκλεῖσθα t, they ordered that the 
shut (and remain so). XEn. Hell. vy. 4, 7. 
στηρίῳ μοι διωρίσθαι παρ᾽ ὑμῖν ὅτι 
πέπρακται, i.e. wishing to have it once fo 
DeM. xix, 223, Θελούσας πρὸς πύλαις 
before the gates, Axscu. Sept. 462. "Ἤλαυνεν ἐπὶ τοὺς Μένωνος, ὥστ᾽ 
ἐκείνους ἐκπεπλῆχθαι καὶ τρέχειν ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα, he marched against 
the soldiers of Menon, so that they were (once for all) thoroughly Frightened 
and ran to arms, XEN. An. i. 5, 13. (Here ἐκπεπλῆχθαι is merely 
more emphatic than the present or aorist would be.) 


door should be 

Βουλόμενος ἀγῶνι καὶ δικα- 

τἀναντία ἐμοὶ καὶ τούτοις 

r all settled in your minds, 
, 

πεπτωκέναι, eager to fall 


FUTURE. 


111. The future is used in the 
optative and the infinitive, and int 
in indirect discourse and kindred ς 
phrastic form with μέλλω (73), 


dependent moods only in the 
hese it is never regular except 
onstructions and in the peri 


For the future optative in indirect discourse see 128-134; for the 
future infinitive in indirect discourse see 135 and 136. 


112. In constructions out of indirect 
and aorist infinitive can always refer to fut 
requires it 


discourse the present 
ire time if the context 
(96), so that the future infinitive is here rarely needed, 
Therefore, after verbs which naturally have a future action as 
their object but yet do not introduce indirect discourse,—as those 
of commanding, wishing, ete. (684),—the present or aorist infinitive 
(not the future) is regularly used. Thus the Greek expresses 
they wish to do this not by βούλονται τοῦτο ποιήσειν, but by 
βούλονται τοῦτο ποιεῖν (or ποιῆσαι). So the infinitive in 
other future expressions, as after ὥστε and in its final sense, is 





90 THE TENSES [113 


erally present or aorist. (For the single exception after 
generall} 
μέλλω, see 73.) 


, ‘t was desired to make the 
113. On the other hand, when it wa sy ag ara 
reference to the future especially prominent, the + ire 
: . a eaeaALs Thus we some- 
could be used exceptionally in all these cases. Thus v . ΕΣ 
times find the future after verbs signifying ἴθ be able, to wish, oie 
— as =“ ‘mes also in a final sense or with 
Ning. ¢ , like: sometimes also in a final sense 
wnwilling, and the like ; π᾿ 
ὅ and ἐφ᾿ Gre; and sometimes when the infinitive with = 
WOTE ε b ει . ἱ ν : . _ Ὡ ὦ ‘ 2 1a 
rticle refers to future time. This use of the future is a part 
= | sndi i ‘se ἴῃ 6 ‘r constructions. 
adoption of the form of indirect discourse ~~ sae “tg a 
Ὶ : j ‘ly favourite usage with Thucydides. 4.4. 
It was a particularly favourite usage J 


7~ ε 7 ; 
7 4 Ἔ δ Ἶ — “- ἢ ειν 
Ω , pav iS EvPTpoTEpy . 
εὐ ὦ ἘΝ. , δὲ καὶ τῶν Μεγαρεων ναυσὶ σφας ed | ! - 
Εδεήθησαι δὲ καὶ τὰ γαβ cort them with ships, THUG. i. 27. 
ρα the Meqareans also to escor = ᾿ ͵ 
they asker ee ee , θαι. Id. vi. 57. So ἐπιχειρήσειν 
, ͵ at. " αὶ wte 
᾿Εβούλοντο ri gh oo Ὁ ΠΝ = εὐτοῦ διενοοῦντο K A σειν. 
Ξ soets - AESCHIN. lil. 152. ὁ στόμα αὐτου a. 
ἐθελήσεις ᾽ AESCHI , ‘ rie πάσης ἄρξειν βοηθεῖ VY O€ ALG 
Truc. vil. 56 Εφιέμενοι μὲν τὴς Ta ys ἄρξειν, f Sey 
0 : : Hy ξ en δυωαν ‘at υμμανγοῖν. ai. " Ἂ 
ἡπρεπῶς βουλόμενοι TOLS ἐαυτωὼν ξυγγένεσι Καὶ ξυμμᾶχ 
εὐτρεέπων" mm Δ an é 3 4 17 ἀθυμεῖν ἐπι χειρησειν, 
3οηθεῖν is regular.) Tov ταῖς ναυσὶ μὴ Ι Ι : te 
(Here f O7) ει ” a : / “+ ut Ξ γἱγιΐ to attack th, m in ships. Ic. Vil. 
ἡ w se - ; “ὁ , 5 
to prevent them from ὃ ee ee res. Id. iii. 28. Εἰ σε Y ἐν 
Οὔτ᾽ ἀποκωλύσειν δύνατοι ὄντες. Id. ll, 25. ' i 
31. UT aT , ‘ γ 1394 Ki τις εἰς TOUTO 
, Soy θρ SopH. Ph. 1394. "δ 1 
λόγοις πείσειν ὁὀνυνησόμεσθα. ἱ τ τι 
ο yous i , P . δὲ »“» if any one post pon sad yung has “uly 
ἀναβάλλεται φοιίησειν τὸ Cees) δὴ ne would be 
his Dem. iii. 9. (The ordinary construction : 
as far as this. με . Bi . \ οὕ "ὧν τ ᾿ονόνων μεμνησθαι 
δὲ tAAeT at jvowetv or TOLYO AL. | Ute 1 pY 7 : 3 
avaf AAs ‘ , > , 4 ὅὄμον τε θη σειν Kal γράψειν, 
1] οὔτε τῶν λεγόντων ἄνεχεσθαι, νοι! . } ives dete 
[δεῖ] οὔτε τὰ γ ΠΣ νὰ δ, rt tat δὼ 
X Dem. xix, 16 Here we have det () ' 
K.T. “A. OMe ALA, . 


= ~ 


δ᾽... , καὶ κατ᾽ ἐμαυτοῦυ ἐρεῖν αὐτός. PLat. Ap. 
ἐμαυτόν γε ἀδικήσει! Kat ΚΑΤ €¢} 

7 B. ᾿ ὸ "ὦ πεν ἃ 4 Oo ε- 
™ ee ὁμήρους παρέδοσαν τῳ ᾿Αργείων ΠΥ -᾿ ͵ αι ἐνῇ py sa 
σθαι, that they might put them to death. Pet 8 ses ὡς tee (sce 610). 
Τὰ iii. 96. Ἔφ᾽ ᾧτε βοηθήσειν. AESCHIN. = "λ ie ae Fa 
δὰ ὦ γα τὸν τὴν προῖκα οὐ δεδωκότα οὕτω μεγάλοις να; ae 
ἈΑποδείξω αὐτὸν τὴν Tp Aide 


A Ι : thed t ho T, 
, ; ΞΕ ! aisha having commatte ) } 
» 4 Σ ) κατ θώσειν επιτρεψαντεές, 
eC TOV KaTOP « ’ 
TO ἄφαι cs τὺ 


. 


” δ . >: go xxix. 5. 
ὥστε ὑμᾶς ἅπαντας εἰσεσθαι. DEM. xxx. 


. rT nee δ AQ (Here 
: : . "2 t of success. | HUC. 1." 42. 
. . . tain LN the PT Os pet , Ss 
what was wnee Ἅ — τὰ δ, aah es 
κατορθώσειν is more explicit than the present omer ο _ 
δ . φ. Ἵ r orhat was wunecertarn τῷ 
TO ἀφανὲς τοῦ κατορθουν would mean simply wh wee , β ἜΣ τ 
a > . 2 yo πΠΙΓΤΟΤ , x ΚΦΟΙΡησε 
yard to success.) Τοῦ ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν πιστότερον τὸ ν᾿ ais t of 
μὰς σα ὶ ρει - ey Pe , ‘ospect ΟἹ 
eA“ ’ SVE ἡ" ovvrat, they feel more con} dence wm th prep ine 
μον συν se : : in battle. Id. iv. 196. To 
frightening us without risk than-vn meeting Us vn “ἢ Ἵ } rage 
‘ e ‘ ~ Ἢ Pen Joop τῶ an ΨᾺ ΠΥ} Ὁ} 7614 
᾿ on ἐξελέγξειν αὐτὸν θαρρω και πανυ πιστέεέτω, Ἢ , at 
LEV OVV Gf / ς Ἶ | eee ᾿ = ‘ 2 ere mos 
ol qreat confidence as to my convicting hum. DEM. XIX. ὁ, 
nae iS. rei ἐξελέγγειν.) 
of the ordinary Mss. read egeAcyx 35, vii. 11, viii. 55 and 74; 
’ = r “re ie 5 and 131. Vv. 30, Vil. . o we 
See also THUC, lv. τ πὰ τ patent: 
or Yo 1. 27. where these passages are Ciled, 
and Kriiger’s note on 1. 2 ἐ; whe es a aorist infinitive 
of these there is some Ms. authority for the aor 


δεῖλ. XEN. Hell. ν. 1, 8, 


{{1}} him MLOneYy he believed ἅπαν ποιήσει ἐάν 
Lys. xii, 14. 


chus was d 


XEN. An. i. 10 


116] PRESENT OPTATIVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 


114. The future perfect infinitive occurs only in indirect 


discourse (137), except in verbs whose perfect ha 
of a present (82), 


3 


s the sense 


B. OPTATIVE AND INFINITIVE OF INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 

115. When the optative and 
discourse, each, tense re} 
the direct discourse : 


fect, and the perfect a 


infinitive are in indirect 
resents the corresponding lense of 
the present including also 
Iso the pluperfect. 


See the general principles of ind 
15. included here on]y as it ] 


the imper- 


iIrect discourse (667). 
18. Inclu 5. used after past tenses to represent an 
indicative or subjunctive of the direct discourse. No cases of the 
optative or infinitive with ἄν are considered here: 
Chapter III, For the 


| meaning of the term “indirect liscourse ” as 
applied to the infinitive, see 684, 


The optative 


for these see 


PRESENT ( ἸΡΤΑΤΙΨΈ. 


116. The present optative in indirect 
represent the following { 


l. The present indicative of a leading verb. Eg 
Περικλῆς TPONYOPEVvE, ὁτι ξένος εἴη, Pericles an- 
nounced that (a, 2 an} [ὁ ΜΕΜΕΩ͂Ν ΓΑ 
Sriend oe he said ξένος μοί ἐστιν). 
κενὸς ὁ φόβος εἴη, they learned that 
ue. they learned κενός ἐστιν ὃ φόβος). XEN, 
ὑπυνθάνετο ει οἰκοῖτο ἡ χώρα, he asked whether the 
country was inhahited ν, 6. he asked the question οἰκεῖται ἡ χώρα ἣ 
XEN. Uyr. iv. αὶ 4. 


2. The } 
ver! Ἂ Ey. 


Ki ize V oOTl Gl dpa 


discourse may 
orms of direct discourse 1-.--- 


᾿Αρχίδαμός οἱ 
Arch idamus was h is Sri nd 
Tuc, ii, 13. ἔγνωσαν ὅτι 
thi ir fear was ground li gs 


An. ii. 2, 21, 


resent Indicative or subjunctive of a dependent 


ΝΜ ἔ ©. £2 A 7 
1* " q ‘ . Φ ν . . 

ἰ “YO ον εἰρξαι ὃεοι, he said that he was bringing 
l t PLO} y S j CHUSS/ , ᾿ as ” ἊΝ Ν τ' - , 
“« Wan wh 7), at ara NeECE: ry to CONLIN he said aVvOpa ἄνω by εἷρξαι 
ἢ] γεῖτο απαν : 


, > 4 » 
ἶ ) ποιήσειν QG“UTOV εἰ TL ap) j- 
βίον OLOOLY, hu believed that the 


nan would do anything uf One were to 


5 , “a ~~ 
Sat ta a Α͂ , » . 
rus apyvptoi 0L0W). 


do. The ] 


resent subjunctive in a question of appeal (287), 
Δ᾽. | 


K A€apyos ἐβουλεύετο. € 


7 7 »"ἱ 
ί WE MTOLEV Τινας 1) πάντες 
ἔ abn rati iu wd the on the ἡ should 


5 
ϑ ws 


ἴοιεν, Clear- 
send a few or should all go. 


‘The question was, πέμπωμεν τινας ἢ πάντες 





98 THE TENSES [117 


ἴωμεν; shall we send a few, or shall we all go? See 677.) The 


context will always make it clear whether the optative represents a 


subjunctive (as here) or an indicative (1). 


4, The imperfect indicative of a leading verb. Fg. 
ς παρείη, they replied that no witness 


> ᾿ / er "ἊΝ , 
Απεκρίναντο OTL OVOELS paptv 
Dem. xxx. 20. 


had been present (when a certain payment was mace). 
(They said οὐδεὶς παρῆν.) 


This is the rare imperfect optative (673). 
and is always retained in 


The imperfect indicative 
is regularly retained in such cases, a dependent 


clause of a quotation (689, 2). 


PRESENT INFINITIVE. 


The present infinitive in indirect 


117. (As Present.) 


rally represents a present indicative of the 


discourse gene 
με Υ 
direct form. Lg. 

Φησὶ γράφειν, he says that he is writu 
that he was writing ; φήσει γράφειν, he 
(In all three cases he says ypacw.) ᾿Αρρωστεῖν προ- 
ἐξώμοσεν ἀρρωστεῖν τουτονί, 

Οὐκ ἔφη αὐτὸς 
lf, but Nicvas, was 


uy; ἔφη γράφειν, he said 
will say that he 1 (then) 


writing. ( 

φασίζεται, he pretends that he is sick ; 
he took his oath that this man was sick. Dem. xix. 124. 
GAN ἐκεῖνον στρατηγεῖν, he said that not he homse 


general ; i.e. he said οὐκ ἐγὼ αὐτὸς ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνος στρατηγεῖ. THUC. 


iv. 28. See other examples under 683. 

118. Verbs of hoping and swearing may thus take th 
This must be distinguished from 
(not in 


e present 


infinitive in indirect discourse. 
the more common use of the present and aorist infinitive 
indirect discourse) after these verbs, referring to the future (100; 


136). Ey. 

"EArifwv εἶναι ἀνθρώπων ὀλιβώτατος, TaD 
this, trusting that he was the most happy of men. Hpt. i. 30. So i. 22, 
ἐλπίζων σιτοδείην TE εἶναι ἰσχυρὴν καὶ τὸν λεὼν τετρῦσθαι. 
᾿Ξ υνὰ δ᾽ ἐλπίζω λέγειν, and I hope I speak for the common good. 
Axrscu. Sept. 76. ᾿Ομνύντες βλέπειν τὺν οὐκέτ᾽ ὄντα ζῶντ᾽ ᾿Αχιλ- 
λέα πάλιν, i.e. swearing that they saw Achilles alive again, SOPH. Ph. 
357. 


Compare the first two examp 
to be able, Puat. Rep. 573 ὦ; and the last with ὀμόσαι 


5 
τα ἐπειρώτα, he asked 


4 ; 4 4 , 
τὴν ἀρχὴν κοινὴν, πάντας ὁ 
that the dominion shall be common, 
Dem. xxiii. 170. (See 136 and the examples. 


119. (As Imp rfe ct.) 


represent an imperiect indicative of the direct discourse, 


thus supplying the want of an imperfect infinitive. Eg. 


les with ἐλπίζει δύνατος εἰναι. he hopes 
εἶναι μὲν 


y ὑμῖν αποόύουναι ΤῊΡ χωρᾶν, to swear 
and that all shall surre nder the land, 


The present infinitive may also 


120 Ὁ ΤΡ ὦ ΤῊ ἈΝΤ ee en 
] PRESENT INFINITIVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 39 


« 


T 25 
νας ovy > a ἥνωω , 4 
aed I ευχᾶς ι7 ολαμβάνετ' εὔχεσθαι - = G - \ , 
TOV OT ἔσπενδεν ts J οες εοις TOV Pir ir- 
; what prayers then do you suppose Phili 
Gods when he was pouring his libati 0? i ta εἰ made to the 
με ἀκ A tae g ls libations ? Dem. xix. 130. (Here the 
= 9 . SC OT εστενὸεν shows that εὔχεσθαι is ps st | Il eS ᾽ 
οἰεσθε πλέον Φωκέας Θηβαίων ἢ Pir πῆρα SATE τος poe.) | Seer 
πολέμῳ » do you think that » ] ὦ ἐπ Tov ὑμῶν κρατεῖν τῷ 
’ : 2 ἐό super . ° « 
Thebans or that of Ph hk = 2 eT ΚΗ] ity of the Phocians over the 
. ‘ . } er f] 9 . ) » . 
being the ast) Σ . you was the greater an the war (the war 
4 1en past) ? Dem. xix 148 (H ἶ (the War 
» / Δι, 8 ra ) ὲ » 
Se ἐκράτουν and ἐκράτει ἣ ΠΩ \ asi the direct discourse would 
i D x Tet. WS yao “J = A 
Ολυνθίους εἴ ris τι λέξη Σ : / f over Oe OUT YEpws “KO ὕειν 
> Tl λέγοι κατὰ Φιλίππου re eae : : 
<i EKELVOUS TOUS χρόνους 
A 


“oo: 


OT Ανθεμοῦντα αὐτοῖς ad ee 5 
L Ὗ (ρέει δ᾽ oe Opa προσδοκῶν αι 


" 


πείσεσθαι (sc. οἴεσθε δ ap οἴεσθε. 6 ὶ beige ar iaing 
a Ἧι ‘ ’ Recta. OTE τους τυράννους ἐξέ 
τους Θετταλοὺς) xr Ν A 4 P2VVOUS EGE βαλλ 
Ὁ ΄ , nae ᾿ ς AE 
th ὙΡ the Oly t] ° ξήροεληγες αν. K.7 A. ᾿ Jor how unwillingly "" θῶ 
: ynthians used to hear dt. 17 ; J's oo 
ope fe ¢ at ut ( > @ . 
P) ] Ἔ » ἢ NY ΟἿ saad a {] . 
ἐν 1} 7, . ὺ ‘ MYUNG a > 
/ ᾿ in thos times whe n he was cedin {nthe ; : wens 
You think the Ἡ were ᾿ . 5 "{ ΔΑ 8 to the m, ete. ? Do 
the Thessalicgg he nd 0 suber such things? Do you think that 
é vessalvuans, when hy 3 Ξ ~ aii Y ἐν 7 τ 1 
‘ was CIV lling t] ) ] . 
Drm Vi 90) : ae ͵ A ve ( espots, were exnect? ) 
Μ. v1. 20 and 99 ἘΞ ΓΞ “pecting, ete. | 
--- { Che direct questions were πῶς aK : . οὖν 
: ῖ ἤκουον εἰ λέγοι; 


an Tp ua Of WV >) K Lt ap Ol Ὗ €7T ἐ ΓΠ 7 y ν 
( € J } Ss Τί V po OVWYV LG ] ΟἹ α 
{ J IK ( / / } 1 1)} ) λέ ͵ 
Ss 


> / ᾿ 
ἀκούω τούτω τῶ EF ΩΝ ᾿ 
siden ἢ, i Bi ve εἰ χρῆσθαι, I hear that they used to follow thi 
zt . ΕΜ. 111], a & Τὰ μεν - 0 "he λ λ, Ξ ᾿ 5 ΜΝ > e ἰ ius 
αὐτὴ (sc. δοκεῖ), in the ti f ae ee oe ἀν ee ἡ ἐπίκλησις 
have et ἐῶ ᾿ ve tumes before Hellen this name does not a : to 
6 €ven e@xrister ‘HUC i 2 A ° ὼ ν ppear 0 
oun , -1.0. Again, in the same sentene Mm 
dides, παρεχεσθαι, to have furnished Myo? “ ‘ +) = nee of Thucy- 
Ἃ "- z ἐν Δ e . 4 θεν OLOV G/ ᾿ 5 ΨΆ, 
τως. δ ek ἘΝῚ “ ὁ LAAO [LN XY AVAT 
1, TWS . +. θέξοιντο, ἕνα. .  γέγνοιτο. PLat ΓΝ ᾿ θαι 
Meta ταυτὰα εφὴ σφᾶς μὲν δειπνεῖν. τὸν δὲ πὸ τ ri τὰ 480 Α. 
νὰ; Ὄ , 5 TOV OF ὡωχωώκρατ Ee 2 , 
τὸν οὖν As ἘΣ ΣΕ ae Σ f ἢ Οὐκ ELOLEV ° 
vies \yabova πολλάκις κελεύει ν pineiicacteeetia Tol τ' wisest 
ὦ TOV Σωκράτη 
’ 


€ O€ OUK εὰα Vv. | 4 / [ l ] ε) ( ; ( » ( { ί ( ͵ ( oO 1 
LAT, » yl i , 17 . (H Sal Ξ €0€ ‘ V UI ΕἸ ) δὲ Σ 
‘ ν 5 ae Oo \K 


, , e τὰ 
€to7 ει" 0 οὗ ΞΞ >| > _f : ᾿ fa ; 
. \ Hi of l A. ἐκελεὶ εν eyw δὲ οὐκ ἐὼν» ) » eat εἴ Αι Ἂ 
SAT sO —— \ , ᾽ sonal ry btV ( . 

— Oy παρὰ Φιλίππου πορευομένῳ καὶ ᾿ ΠΑ ΤΡ (ey) 
TALOAP ta. βαδίξειν fi mH ] > paced 59 αι μεῖ QAUTOV γυναια καὶ 
fri PI 1: ; > J/Ul Me SAU that he had met (aor. ) { tare stida . 
Jon vay. ane ’ yom ν : ᾿ .) 4 ‘ 3. commun 
sas 1 nes n that there were walking with him (impf.) et Di mg 
oUd, OUT €EVYW « ee + - ς .» CLC. IVEM. XIX, 
ὦ ἔων. alas ] δ Py ‘he εμε μὴ λαθεῖν. I say that this ought t 

€ Cscadped my notice JEM. xviii po - : Jie θυ 
ἜΣ δ᾽ τῷ ; . 1M. Xvi, 190 Γ ᾿ 

Ἀ » Ἁ an . ‘ . Θ me > - ᾿ »" 
COEL EME μὴ λαθεῖν, 415.) \ he direct form was TOUT 

The imperf νυ tte: 3 

erfec 7a ἴᾳ ἢ es 
τὸ : ἼΡΟΙ ect infinitive is found even in Homer: as xa} σὲ vz 

OT , , Ree ” a a L , 
wre per ἀκούομεν oA Biov εἶναι, we hear that beh de neds, 
ous. Il. xxiv. 5643 ‘ ᾽ : vat YOU were once prosper- 

eye 2ziv. 543. So Il. v. 639; Od. viii, 181, 516 iiss 

‘or the im earfar πὰ Te ¢ 9% . 

perfect participle, see 140, 


120. This use of 
. s the present initi 
, WW Ta oa “ < . 
carefully distinguished πὰς ni — as an imperfect must be 
, : INsuishe S ordinary use after p; 
we translate bv ae ; 3 τ se aiter past tenses, where 
ie 1b by the linpe! lect, as 1n ey) TO στ γάτευμ Ἢ τῇ 
he sav that the army was fighting. This has « άτευμα μάχεσθαι, 
imperfect infinitive : but h νὰ ἡ ; A is Aas sometimes been called an 
; ere μᾶάγεσ afere Ἢ 
to ἐφὴ ; whereas, if it had 1 7 οἷ ἘᾺΝ δον ἐδ. present relatively 
: : 4 , een used as ; i rfect. it 4 
referred to time past relatively to ef on os ἴθι , it would have 
ar , , : . €p7), AS IN ΕΦῚ τὸ τρά 2 
ΤΡΟΤ ι Ὁ OTperev 1 
ροτεραίᾳ μάχεσθαι, he said that the army had b : ti ace Bie ἘΣ _ 
Ί σειν Jigiting on tie aay 





40 THE TENSES [121 


before. In the former case the direct discourse was μάχεται, in the 
latter it was ἐμάχετο. Such an mp rfect infinitive differs from the 
aorist in the same construction only by expressing the duration or 
repetition of an action (as in the indicative) ; it gives, in fact, the only 
means of representing in the infinitive what is usually expressed by 
λέγει ὅτι ἐποίει, he says that he was doing, as opposed to λέγει ὅτι 
ἐποίησεν, he says that he did. (For the similar use of the present 
optative to represent the imperfect, see 116, 4.) This construction 18 
never used unless the context makes it certain that the infinitive re- 
presents an imperfect and not a present, 80 that no ambiguity can 
arise. See the examples. 

So sometimes in Latin: Q. Scaevolam memoria teneo bello Mar- 
sico, cum esset summa senectute, cotidie facere omnibus conveniendi 
potestatem sui. Crc. Phil. viii. 31. So Q. Maximum accepimus facile 
celare, tacere, dissimulare, insidiari, praeripere hostium consilia. Cie, de 


Off. 1. 108. 
PERFECT OPTATIVE. 


121. The perfect optative in indirect discourse may 
represent—— 

1, The perfect indicative of a leading verb. Fy. 

"EAeye ὅσα ἀγαθὰ Kvpos Πέρσας πεποιήκοι, he told how many 
services Cyrus had done the Pe rsians, Hpt. ill. 40. (Πεποιήκοι here 
represents πεποίηκε.) Οὗτοι ἔλεγον ὡς πεντακύσιοι αὐτοῖς εἴησαν 
ἐκ τοῦ Πειραιῶς δεδεκασμένοι. Lys. ΧΧΊΧ. ἢ (Elere the cdurect 
discourse was πεντακύσιοί εἰσιν δεδεκασμένοι.) 

2. The perfect indicative or subjunctive of a dependent 


Eg. 


. 
τ 


verb 
cid ,& 5 5 , 5 »- 4 w . 
Efrrev ὅτι Δέξιππον οὐκ ἐπαινοίη εἰ TAVTA TETOLIKWS EL) he said 

ς / / / 


» » ΄Νι » ~ 7 . 7 
οὐκ €TQALVW εἰ TAUTA TETOLIKE, I do not approve ham uf he has done 
this). XEN. An, vi. 6, 25. 

a“ ~ ἡ , 


> % ᾿ o o ef Ν 1 ὃ ᾿ 
λεγομεν ὅτι ἕνα ἕκαστον ἐν δέοι ἐπιτηδεύειν, εἰς O αὐτοῦ 1) φυσις 
; : 


» ; ~ c , 


’ Ἂ re er, ” . - . oe »“ῳ ἢ δεῖ ἐπιτηδε kr ς 
ἐπιτηδειοτάτη πεφυκυΐα εἴη (We said ἐκάστον ἐν OEL ἐπι τη ευειν, εἰς 
an r \ > ϊ } ( ha 
O ἂν TEDUKWS 7), each one w to practise one thing, for wh ch his nature ws 

I t 
hest fitted : 


; 


example). PLAT. Rep. 433 A. 


though this might be πέφυκε. like πεποίηκε in the first 


PERFECT INFINITIVE. 


122. The perfect ‘nfinitive in indirect discourse generally 
represents a pertect indicative of the direct form. Lig. 


Φησὶ τοῦτο πεπράχεναι he says that he has done this ; ἐφὴ TOUTO 


πεπραχέναι, he said that he had done this; φήσει TOVTO πεπράχεναι, 


he wall say thet hi has done ΤΕ the clirect form in each CUse being 


sent— 


sent them 
-ν γεν »; > , or 
7. Tore ἐγνώσθη ort 
the f Ως ; ) 

ὑσ 4 be Lie know Π) that the barbarians had S¢ nt thi 
4, hd ded τόλμα λέγειν ὡς πολλὰ 
SY that they had tale n ἔλα Bov' 
5 A 5 4 i . ν᾿ 
Ηρώτων αὐτὸν εἰ ἀναπλεύσει 
he had set sail wath ML07eY 1.e 
DE δᾶ This is 

EM. L. δ. This form is rare ; see 125.) 


asked w e ; Ί ἢ ὃ 
ed whom he had seen (i.e. riva etoes, whom did 


they vowed that the tf 

γάρ δ th Y should first ente ra fra ndly land 1 

σύυσομειῖ XEN. An, v. 1, 1 (see i, 2. 9 
my 7), 


retained (689, 3). 


194 eee feeceeey et 
] AORIST OPTATIVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 4] 


, 
Terpaya), "E "“ρῇ 
f Xa). Edy χρήμαθ ἑαυτῴ τοὺς 
he said that the Thebans 
In Ar. Nub. 1277, 7 


Θ᾽ β 4 ) 9 , 
ad oft JPatovus ETLKEKNPUYX EVAL, 
iad offered a reward for his seizure. Dem. xix. 2] 
a“ 0 ιν ΝΣ ’, Ν δὲ : nS tt ee . 
Rav. and Ven.’ f σκεκλῆσθαί μοι δοκεῖς (according to Mss 
av, an \ en.), you seem to me to be sure ν cal oon 
as good as already s 2 sure to be summoned to court (to be 
a 8. aiready summoned), the infinitive repres : ᾿ ᾿ ὃ 
tive referring to the fature (61) = > represents a perfect indica- 
) lere 18 probably ἢ, regard to the 


erfect of the ΡΟ] συν A 
] 0 preceding verse, σεσεῖσθαί μο 


| Q ee. 1 m e. 
pale t ooxets. So THuc. ii. 8: 
c 


TE KEK, VO Cat ἐδόκει ἕκ Lo 7 7 1 vik μ ΧΤΟ L Ϊ TLS α 7 S 
; CO @ i ) ” } 
Taped T at, ane CAC ὺ NU ΐ } “ ‘ [δ γ Cc { ῳ | ͵ l av ὁ 
τω J 5: τ h 7 houg ut that things were the same as stopped an 
/ \ 70a P , ) > , » Ὶ ᾿ ] ἐπ i ως = 
I " ate ace which he Was not himself to ta cé part After a V I 
οἱ swearing . WILVVE 1 δὲ ᾽ > ‘ , 4 > r . € c e ἢ 
. / JOEel €tp ἤκεναι 4 εβι av OU φαῦλον | DAA xxl 
S 7 5 D 1M, Pe ΟΝ 


] 19 Aft €/ [Π Ca . é Ἵ ( V TO EW] 7 € 7 σ 6 at {D1 ] nd hed S¢ Θ 
ς Pt 9 I . . ) 


ry’ ~ ω 
128. The perfect infinitiv 
lve rarely represents ; 
, : 1 ἿΣ sents a pluperfec 
of the direct form. Eq I I se 
Λέγεται avo a ἐ ΚΊΕΥ “ P , ’, 
τοῦ Καὶ ies FP - “a +, rs Ἁ 1X θαι πολύν τινα χρόνον ἐπὶ τῷ κάλλει 
: . 8. saud that a man had bee n struck " - Ὶ : 
tume at the h, auty of Paseis ἰὼ δ. 7 0 U ath amazement for some 
> , / Ψ ἊΨ" ‘ ‘ . ΓῚ 
Αντέλεγον λέν , ~ 4 , 
͵ “1Δὲε Ol TES 17 ΤΉΝ“ μὰ am ἊΝ “ 
δε St δι ad εἰ Η . ny a Gut πω τὰς σπονδὰς ὅτ᾽ ἐσέπεμψαν 
τ᾿ TACTAS, SAYING That the truce had not yet ] proclas nes ' 
luuc, v. 49, % not yet been proclaimed (ἐπήγγελτολ 


- 
ς 


> , 
ἐξεπέπληκτο). XEN. Cyr, i, 4. 97 


> = be 


AORIST OPTATIVE, 


1 ryy ) , = : . β ΓῚ ΓῚ . . 
24. The aorist optative in Indirect discourse may repre- 


|. The aorist indicative of a leadine verb. ἃ 
oe : 9 — is 
“λεξαν ὁτι πέμψειε σφᾶς > B λεύ } ; 
: Γ᾿ Ε LS O βασι evs, they said that the king had 
(Le, they s¢ τ εν ἡμᾶς 6 ) 3 ὅν ' 
, vey sar ἐπεμψειῖ ἡμᾶς ὁ βασιλεύς). XEN. Cyr. ii. 4 
er ; , »» AEN, Cyr, 11, 
οἱ βάρβαροι τὸν ἀνθρωπον ὑποπέμψαιεν, 
᾿ 9 
5 man, XEN, An, 11. 
TiyV oV (3 
των εμωϊ λάβοιεν, he dared to 
much of my property. Dem, xxvii, 49 
a9 Σ 5 τὲ , ; : ; ᾿ Γ τ 
Pa μο ἀργύριον, I asked him whether 
6, she : hk > , 
( ed him the question, ἀνεπλευσας ;). 


/ 


4290 


* ee en , + a 
ὑπειρώτα τίνα ἴδοι. he 


ἀν ὃ — oe 
you SCE ἢ). Hprt. i oi. 


01.116: εἴρετο κύόθεν λάβοι. ' 
mi 

2. rhe aorist subjunctive of a dependent verb. Zq 

Kvgavro σωτήρια θύσειν ἔνθα τὰ 


πρῶτον εἰς φιλίαν γῆν adix 
Φ λίαι γη} ἀφίκοιντο. 


mould } ] 7)» Ὶ ᾿ ) 

ace thank 077}: rl ngs jor the ur de live TANCE whe 7- 
᾿ » 5 “ἃ 5 

8, evOa av... ἀφικώμεθα, 


An aoris iif (εἰ "¢ ] lL 4 cit l le iT ( ] LUISE ( a ( { i () ] Ne) ς« ] | ly 
] l li ΓΝ I | ‘| ] ‘ I " Ui . { c u LE tl ] 1s ] ul ‘ I j 
ν Cs c 


/ 





THE TENSES [125 


ore . ° ies . et. F ” 9QO”"7 
8. The aorist subjunctive in a question of appeal (287). 


ov. 


. ee Ξε 
Οἱ Ἐπιδάμνιοι τὸν θεὸν ἐπήροντο εἰ παραδοῖεν Κορινθίοις τὴν 
‘ ‘ . ΝΣ 1 > 
πόλιν, they asked whether they should deliver wp their city to the ( orenthans 

gl . , Ss ; r “oo 

lie. Hey asad the question, παραδῶμε ν ΤῊΡ πόλιν ; shall we deliver up 
\ --- Φ ὡὼ Ὺ , o , 3 > Ε . » ᾿» 4 4 
our city?). Tuuc. i. 25. ᾿Εσκόπουν ὅπως κάλλιστ᾽ €vey —. π 
I looked to see how I could best endure him (Le, I asked, TOS —— 
αὐγέν: how con T endure hind. Yue: Wine. 303. Διεσιώπησε TKOTOV 


ἅ τι ἀποκρίναιτο. he continued eile nt, thinking what he should ansiveer 


(ie. thinking τί ἀποκρίνωμαι). XEN. Mem. iv. 2, 10. 


125. The context must decide whether an aorist optative in an 
indirect question represents the aorist subjunctive (as in 3) or the 
aorist indicative (as in the last examples under 1). Thus the first 
example under 3 might mean they asked whether they had que n up th ur 
But in most cases the aorist subjunctive 


a 


See 6% ‘i. 


city, παρέδομεν ΤῊΡ πολιν: : 
is the direct form implied, and an aorist indicative used in a direct 
ἀναπλεύσειεν in 1 is, therefore, ex- 


> 


question is generally retained ; εἰ 
ceptional. 


AORIST INFINITIVE. 


126. The aorist infinitive in indirect discourse represents 
an aorist indicative of the direct form. JL. 
Φησὶν τοῦτο ποιῆσαι, he says that he did this (i.e. he 


ποιῆσαι, he said that he had done 


ἐποίησα) ; ἔφη TOUTO 5 3 4 | is (1. ἢ 
said TOUTO ἐποίησα : φήσει τοῦυτὸ ποίησαι. he wel sau that he did 
this (1.6. he will say TOUTO ἐποίησα ΡΝ ὕρος λε εται γε νεσϑθαι 
Καμβύσεω, Cyrus ts said to have been the son of Cambyse gs. AEN. Cyr. 1. 


2,1. Παλαιότατοι λέγονται ἐν μέρει τινὲ τὴς χώρας δυκλωπες 

- Υ ΐ ͵ ” , 
οἰκῆσαι, the { yclops care said to have settled most ancv τ} Mm a part of 
the country. Truc, vi. 2. Ἤσαν ὕποπτοι αὑτοῖς μὴ προθύμως σφίσι 


’ a ” μ ‘ ᾿ . ν ] F ot ᾿" nT sé di 
πεμψαι α ἔπεμψαν, they were suspected by them of Ἢ havi J we fo 


them with alacrity what they did se nd. Tuuc. vl. 75. 
127. Although the usage of the language is very strict, by which 


the aorist infinitive after verbs of saying, thinking, etc. 15 past, as repre- 
senting an aorist indicative, still several passages are found, even in 
the best authors, in which an aorist infinitive after such verbs as 
νομίζω, οἴομαι, and even φημί refers to future time. Many critics, 
especially Madvig,! deny the existence of this anom ly, and emend the 
offending aorists to the future or insert av. If they are allowed (and 
most of the passages still stand uncorrected in many editions), they 
must be treated as strictly exceptional; and no principle, and no con- 
sistent exception to the general principle, can be based on them. £9. 


, > , . . ᾿ ] } j spas ‘ 
Paro yap τίσασθαι adeitas, for said that he should punish th 


_ Madvig’s Ρ, merkungen iiher ein ᾽ » Pune aer grrechische WWortfii- 


/ 
qungsle hre, pp. 34-44 : Griech. Synta t, ὃ 172 a, Anm, 


TOA 
Δέλτα. ἔνθα πολλὰ 


€TOLLLOS εἰμὶ 


ἐλπίς in Tari : v1. 2; uer >) ry os τ = seni 
, : ee Ξ υ PUPIL Ww. Tea μεν ως 


Α 5 ἢ 
ed wath hi pe and 


128] FUTURE OPTATIVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 43 
offenders. Od. xx. 121. (In IL iii 28, we have 
editions φάτο yap τίσεσθαι ἀλείτην, in precisely the same sense ; 


but Bekker f } 

r has τίσα 30 ἐφάμ f j 11] 
ae areas δδν τίσασθαι.) : So ἐφάμην τίσασθαι in II. iii. 366. Kai 
αὐτῳ οὐ μεμῴψασθαι ἈΑπρίην (se | 


in most Mss. and 


> , b / 
με . ἀπεκρίνατο)" παρέσεις ὰρ καὶ 
αὐτὸς Kat ἄλλους ἄ ξ LV Ϊ : é sit inden ‘ae 8 

> ‘SC Ell ; an he ANSWETE d) that A prves should not have 


TEAS } ᾿ ; 
. Lson a lame him ; for he not only would he prese “πῃ ἙὩδ Lies ae 
TVG of “9 “ .. ᾽ς Ξ i , 8647, ld 
ae ) ΝΑ ὟΝ ll. 162, Notice the strange transition from the 
aoris § to the two futur . pate 2 
΄ 1res, ) cp. ( ; 4 a ᾿ς, we yee 

σκήψασαν ἐμποδὼν "Ss σιν οὐδὲ τὴν Διὸς ἔριν πεὸῳ 

ἡψα μποόωὼν σχεῦὔῦειν. ΑἘΞΒΟΗ. Sept. 499 QO? : 
iKETE ὕσι __ ἢ . 7 Ξ ; μιᾷ |} . mT. μαι yep μιν 
ae ee I think of imploring. Eur. 1. A. 462 (Hermanr 
reads LKETEVO ELV by conjecture,’ : ann 
, ) 
Cal, they thought the y 


e 4 ; 
nV “LTTEVS γένωμαι, 


> , : ἰ 
Ενόμισαν ἐπιθέμενοι δαδίως κοα “2 

should ‘ ! oa 4 τ EVOL ah pei Κρατῆη- 
SOUL gain the victory. | HUC. ii. 3 Νομίζω 
» ᾿ a a " ~ ‘ re » 9). ᾽ ] », 
al θρωτ OS σπτηὴνος γενεσ θαι. Χ EN, Cyr a 2 15 
t ‘ 9 "4 . Η 


ἐπιτρέψαι ταῦτα veve | ' 
ermit πμειχέτρέψαι ταῦτα γενέσθαι, they said they would not 
2 wus to happen. Lys. xiii, 15: 


4 , 
οἱ μάλιστα γενέσθαι. εἰ ὶ Ἵ 
, Ll, εἰ σοὶ συγνένοιτ thi 

be most li}-e] / : ; si fYEVOtTo, and he thinks that this would 
; Liv UI to happe ii to him 17 he should 
Prot. 316 C. (Here we 
εἰ TVYYEVOLTO.) 

Ar. Nub Is ὁ ly is li 

AR. Nub. 1141 j commonly quoted in this list. 


σασθαι φασι μοι in all Mss.; but in the year 187% 
in Cod. Par. 2712 (Βι : 


. 


> ws 
Οὐκ εῴασαν 


| SAA Pac oticgss, Bap 
same in xill. 47. Τοῦτο δὲ οἴεταί 


join himss lf with You, PLAT 
should expect γενέσθαι ἄν. to correspond to 


as having δικά- 

[5 2 I found δικάσεσθαι 
ΠΟΚ᾽ 5 A) and by correction in 989 ¢ 
Br ' lon In 2820, so that 
as 10 15 commonly thought to be) is confirmed 

It may be thought that the aor; is ] 10] Ι 
πος, y as é ν that the a Tist 18 less suspicious in the Homeric 
assag wan in «Attic Greek, where the uses of ind 
more precisely fixed. 


this emendation 


irect discourse are 


FUTURE Opratn F. 


; 128. Che future optative is used chiefly in indirect 
Giscourse alter past tenses, to represent a future 
of the direct form. Even here the | 

- i ‘ Lilt 


+ 


generally retained (670, 2). Ea 


indicative 
future indicative js 


Ὁ»: 


ὧν. Δ ‘ ν ” 
Ὑπειπὼν τἄλλα 6 OS τἀκεῖ πράξ ) } 
j iv : TOg he ᾿ = mene 
= . 4 / ς yt, WY ETO, Aa LnG suqnested 
; ida , ii 1 {{ UD Iii sé , ae } f ho 
a Ἷ } J ad id fa things there. he 
rg γα ἕξοι represents - 7... F } 7 
Ἷ ς 7 ‘J I Lil “βάξω of the direct 
nave modal ; 4} ; 1; ᾿ ’ 
"© πράξει in the indirect form. See 
“ er , ? 
ἀποκρινάμενοι ὅτι -- ι' Ὶ ; 
} i i 4s εμψουσιν.ς having replred 
ἢ , —_— 5 
ere πεμζοιει Ι lave been used ey 
ἐμψοιεν might have been used.) EZ τινα 
( 


S πολεμίῳ χρησοιτο. XEN, 


7 

ἡ .. ΄ αἱ , a 

t ‘ i ει τινα λήψομαι, ως 

AEILLG) χρήησομα ὡ “A γε] T - . εἴ ἡ ᾿ oe , , 
YP XI “7s » αὶ γεισθαι avr 


ise after 


e 





44 THE TENSES [199 
lamentations at once,—hope that they might acquire Sicily, lamentations at 
the thought whether they should ever see their friends again (opopeba.;). 

129. The future optative occurs first in Pindar, in an indirect 
question, ἐκέλευσεν διακρῖναι ἅντινα σχ noo. τις ἡρώων, to decide which 
maiden each of the heroes should take (τίνα σχήσει;), Py, ix. 126. It is 
used chiefly by the Attic prose writers, as the correlative of the future 
indicative, that terse having had no corresponding optative form in 
the older language, as the present, perfect, and aorist indicative and 
subjunctive had. It is never used with ἄν. 

130, Apart from its use after verbs of saying and thinking, 
the future optative is found in object clauses with ὅπως after 
verbs of striving, ete. (339). Here its use is closely akin to that 
in indirect discourse, as it always represents thought which was 
originally expressed by the future indicative. £.9. 


= a e ’ , ” ” . . ᾿ . 
᾿Επεμελεῖτο ὕπως μήτε ἄσιτοι μῆτε ἄποτοι ETOLVTO, he took care 
that they should be neither without food nor without drink (his thought 


2 "TT ane 0 

5. KrepeAn)f ") 
o 4 “i . , -- a ΚΕ ; ζ γι ‘fr ij 
ὅπως οἱ στρατιωται τοὺυς TOVOVS ουνη σοιντο ὑποφέρειν. XEN. Ag. ll. 


ἊΣ " w ῪᾺ " cr dl - Γ 7 ΠΝ . ee 
8. Μηδὲν οἴου ἄλλο μηχανᾶσθαι, ἢ ὁπὼς ἡμῖν OTL κάλλιστα τοὺς 


o , ” . ae sss 
Was OTWS μῆτε . . .- ETOVTAL). Xen. Cyr. vu. 1, 4: 


vopous δέξοιντο ὥσπερ βαφήν. Prat. Rep. 430 A. See Tim. 18 ©, 
μηχανωμένους ὅπως μηδεὶς γνώσοιτο, νομιοῦσι δὲ πάντες where 
γνώσοιτο represents γνώσεται, while the next word vopsovet 1s retained 
in the indicative). σκόπει ὃ Μενεκλῆς ὅπως μὴ ἔσοιτο ἄπαις, 
ἀλλ᾽ ἔσοιτο αὐτῷ ὕστις ζῶντά TE γ nN poT pod ἥσοι καὶ τελευτήσαντα 
θάψοι αὐτόν. καὶ εἰς τὸν ἔπειτα ) ; ᾿ 

Menecles took thought that he might not be childless, but moiyht have some 
one to support his old age whit he lived and to bury h am when he died, 


etc. 1548. ii. 10 (see 134). Other examples are XEN, Cyr. vill. 1, 10; 
ISAR, 


Hell. vii. 5, 3; Oec. vii. 5; Phat. Ap. 36 C; Isoc. xxl. 13; 
Vi. 30: Dem. xxvu. 40 (o7ws μισθώσοιτο, in the Mss.) In XEN. Hell. 
: . ~ ε Ἂ ‘ 
ptative: προείπεν Ws fA1/OELS 


χρόνον τὰ νομιζόμενα αὐτῳ TOLNTOL, 


ii. 1. 22 we have ws with the future o 


, > ΜᾺ ‘& ys 3 . , ὃ - 
κινήσοιτο EK TIS τάξεως μὴῆθε AI αξοιτο. 


In all such eases the future indicative is generally retained (340). 


131. The future optative is found in four passages alter verbs of 


fearing, three times with μ1)} and once with ὁπὼς Μῆ « 
‘ K Ρ (Ὁ λ ad ‘Hi “ἃ λον μὰ ν a. TO doBor LEVOS LY) TLVES 
λάτεβα, € FTV Paks EWTWI TELYOS, οὐ ΤΟΙΣ po] Ι 4, Pye s 

5 Α ‘ > , ~ 7, ° a ἡ ᾿᾽ 7 ’ 
TOPEVTOLVTO ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκείνου OLVGLLV, not fearing this, lest any should 
) 


march into his dominions. XEN. Hell. v1. 4, 37. So XEN. Mem. Ll. de 


a Ἄλλα καὶ τοὺς θεοὺς ἂν ἔδεισας παρακινδυνεύειν, μὴ οὐκ ὀρθῶς 
αὐτὸ ποιήσοις. PLAT. Euthyphr. 15 D. Ov μόνον περὶ τῆς βασά. 
νον καὶ τῆς δίκης ἐδεδοίκει. ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ TOV γραμματειοῦυ, OTT WS μὴ 
ὑπὸ τοῦ Μενεξένου συλλ ηφθήσοιτο. Isoc. xvi, 22. (Here the 
fear was expressed originally by OT WS μὴ συλληφθήσεται, 3710.) 

As μή with the future indicative is rare after verbs of fearing (367), 
it is still rarer with the future optative after such verbs, 


132. No case is quoted of the future optative in a pure final 


136] FUTURE INFINITIVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 45 


clause, except a peculi rj 
©, except a peculiar one with μή in Prat, Rep. 393 E: ’Ayapé 
PvoVv nyplaivev, ἐντελλόμενος yo LITLE L αὖ ἀλλά, ud 
yoy Vy 7 PEVOS VUV TE ἄπιεναι καὶ αὖθις μὴ ἐλθεῖν. μὴ 
αὐτῷ TO τε σκῆπτρον καὶ τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ στ mK € Nag 
Sh : ITE τὰ τοῦ ὕεου στέμματα οὐκ ἐπαρκέσοι 
Another reading, ἐπαρκέ ‘, of inferior 
eo ap 8, ἐπαρκέσειεν, of inferior authority, is adopted by 
30] <I ΞΞ ᾿ "-- = . . . r 5 
tke "ἢ ἐπάρκεσοι 18 retained (as it is by most editors). it ] 
explained only by assumi in quent 
cpl. : uly by assuming that Plato had in his mind μὴ οὐκ ἐπαρ 
κεσει AS > direct, for > fi Ἵ ᾿ ; Sat ee 
ch ᾿ the direct form, Μή final with the future indicative occurs in 
Aristophanes, Homer, and Theognis (see 324); there is ‘ 
‘Mo ἐρτοομῖν snis (see 324); there is therefore no 
| Ο μὴ ἐπάρκέσοι as representing μὴ ἐπαρκέσει. We must 
re ) > ‘ >]. ᾿ς r ; 
emember that Plato is here paraphrasing Homer (II. i. 25-28), but by 
no means literally. The Homeric line is Μή vi ‘ , 


“» 3 , 
a. ae ‘ , a ΓΟ OU IAT 
TKYTTPOV Kat στεμμα θεοῖο (see 263) Xf 7) 


133. As iva never takes the future indicative, it ¢ 


the future optative, an never have 


134. A future optative rarely occurs in a relative clause of purpose 

alter a past tense ; as αἱρεθέντες ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε συγγράψαι ad ah: τ» 

dict: πολιτεύσοι VTO, having been chose 7 for the μων of nab 

a code of laws, by which they were to govern, Xen, Hell, ii 3 11 πῶς, 

we have an indirect expression of the thought of aS υδω ΟἿ ᾿ Ὡς 

, hirty, of which the direct form is found in li, 3, 2, ἔδοξ δι ote 
. Oy Sy IOCE τριάκοντο, 


Ἂ, ε , 
ave ~ a -- a “11 4 4 β - 
pas ἑλέσθαι, οἵ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους ξυγγράψουσι, καθ᾽ ods πολ 
᾽ S$ 4 t- 


TEVT OVC L, ) See ISAE. ii. 10 (quoted in 130). 


FUTURE INFINITIVE, 


| 135. The future infinitive is regularly used only in 
indirect discourse (111, 112), where it always represents a 
future indicative of the direct form. Lig 


»Ἥ 

7 , ; , 

] ‘ = 

Pavel φήσειν, he SQUS that h i) "9, ἔ “ 
that he would τς ine ΔΝ eer e wil wor : γράψειν ἐφη, he sad 
"Ὁ, γράψειν pices, he will say that he will write - all 
representing γράψω, 1 will writ IToA ) πε΄ Ἐς 
Ψ \ ; ; / Y & rule, Os λούς γε εσεσθα l 
wt €/ OOVTGAS, they said that the re would VY 
XEN, Cyr, iii, 2, 26. 


a ῳ «ὦ 


die bi ged rig tn ane ἀοδ ἃ oe 
COS τ sear “Ἢ n ar ate class between those 
which take the infinitive in indirect discourse (with the time 
of its tense preserved) and those which do not. When th ῥα 
refer to a future object, they regularly take the future infi i ᾿ 
In indirect discourse ; but they also allow the aorist ne 
er eerie infinitive (not in indirect discourse), cia cake 
ΠΥ. te dy δ τὰ ὦ, 5. : . ὧν : 

are orc lis given of different verbs of this class 


y” 4 
ἐλεγον τους 
many who would be willing 


T 4 ~5 ” ᾿ 
WTLV ὁ TET ; - umne 2 
"A a ῃ. Awero θυμὸς vijas ἐνιπρήσειν κτενέειν θ᾽ ἥρωας 
i ALOVS. a eed | 2 ΕΞ δ 

X (OL, KeXAzrero KvOOS ἄρεσθαι. he was hoving to 


obtar r lo . ν᾽ " Ν - ‘ , am 
Mt g ry, 13 X11, 407. Ηλπιῴῶν yap μάχην ἐσεσ θαι. for they 





: 136 
46 THE TENSES [136 


ἣν ἢ Ἔν ἐλπίδι Ov τὰ 
T 4 ab €/ Tt dL 
hat there would be a battle. Tuc. iv. Ἶ 1, - ἂν : ἐν 
ὌΨΨῃ τ , T ii. 46. “EAmifer δύνατὸς εἶναι ἄρχειν, he 
, ᾿ , True. vii. 46. ᾿λπη “ie = 
τεΐχη αἱρήσειν. le, Pusat. Rep. 573 C. (Compare εἶναι in Hor. 
hopes to be able to rule. a ; ἐμολ᾽ ἃ πάρος οὔποτε ἤλπισεν 
: ος ) ted in 118.) Ἰ]άλιν ἐμολ' ὁ = il δι 
1, 23 and 3( ; quo " 46 7? . dp κρατήσεια ν Τῷ VAUTLKY, TO yo 
ἔν; Ἐας HB. 708. Eh γὸν κρωήσιων τῇ vevreg, τὸ Ἐξγιον 
meer ΤΣ ειρώσασθαι, they hoped to subdue a μ᾿ 
” Sf ρᾷοιως / ΜΡ , i vould not be 
—— Οὐδ᾽ LY MRC ἦν αὐτὰ βελτίω γενέσθαι, aoe τ" Ἶ 
Ι 24 a es , ‘ ς Jesides these con- 
v. 24. : : Beside: 
na hope of their becoming better. DEM. av. 2. te ica: eee 
eve / “ Ε . : . ν . Δ V1 1 av a . 
tructions, ἐλπίζω (or ἐλπίς) has the infinitive pie =: Poeg trae 
; t with the future indicative in Eur. El. LY; “πες 
= coke Tuuc, vi. 30 (see 128), with the aorist op a th 4 
optative in BU Ye ae he future indicative in Sopu. El. 963, LUR. 
in Tuue. v. 9 ; ὅπως with the fu 
nae. 1091. are > πράξειν. XEN. An. iii. 1, 14. 
Tor στρατηγὺν TPOTOOKW ταῦυτὰ πραξ : ArscH. Ag. 67 
= “ea ἣν ypect VM to come. AES » +i. 
Μενέλεων προσόοκα μολεῖν, capect 4 =e a - 
4 ἈΝ A Ὁ“ i ε σις δ δ τ _ oat. SAE. Xl. ZZ. 
Προσδοκὼν ῥᾳδίως υμας ὦ πρὸ, ary) 


5. 


rh 
, iii. 368 Kx 
. xin. 368. 

A eae sine , γωσέεμεναι. Ll. 2 a : 
Wf a GZ καὶ KATEVEVOEV « : ς ὍΔ ὦ 
Ὑπὸ τ =" . ἔξειν. XEN. Cyr. vi. 1,21. 21 Yop 

τούτου ὑπέσχετο μηχανὴν πάαρέεξε rs ° ; “ ὙΠ Β ᾿ ae μ ὴ πρόσθεν 

7 ἑητήσειν. PLat. Rep. 427 E. pines sed not to 

υπεσχου (Τῆς ee χὴν καταγάγοι οἴκαδε, having promised no 
‘ πριν AVTOVS +) ἘῸΝ ἢ tyr? : 

παύσασθαι πρὶν a heir homes, XEN. An. 1. 9, 2. Ὕπεσχετο 
top until he had restored them to their homes, EY 

stop u : a ‘ 

, “ Ὁ 
᾿ } ro Gar [b. ll. 3, silt = ef Α. 

eee Bor λει eel ) LE POV παρέσεσθαι. Prat. Symp. 174 A 
c > ΤΊ π “tL har a -ὦἃ 
sy sana ti ἐν asamp κελευόμενον. Id, Phaedr. 254 B. 0 

‘ ἥσαντε ποιήσειν TO κε a Αι ‘ ‘mien νὐὔνα 

Ομολογήσαι A ‘ . a Compare φαμεν TOUTOV ὡμολογήκει αι ῬΙ 
™ vi 93: AnD. i. 62. Ci LAT. 

AnT. v1.23; ANI : : Ὡς πολιτεύεσθαι. 

ἐλ , - Vat ΤΟ 4 ‘ ᾿ 
ἥσειν with φάσκοντες σε wuodAoynke Ὁ ξυνέθου πολιτεύε- 

pig Sia =o See Crit. 52 C ; and compare ξυνέθου π ; 

Crit.51 Eand 52D. See C age ἐπ κὲ δι ὁμολογῆσαι ποιή- 

θ Ὁ 52 D ᾿Επείσθην THY συνοῦον Τῇ OYOO}) Ομ ) 

σθαι, 10. 02 VL, — 

i: 1e 
σασθαι. Dem. xii. 12. : - leeeOas he pledyed hamse if that 
"Hyyvaro penoev GAUTOUS KAKO} ai € 


» 


LEN. J li. 4 13. [] OTAYAYWV EY- 
they should suffer no harm. XEN. An. vil. 4, 13 f ) 


“ὁ 3 } he 
᾿ vy, securities as a pledge tha 
a « , 3 ὙΠ; aqzuven Securit . 
“Ὁ vy πορεύεσθαι, har Ψ 4 
γυητας ἢ μὴν 1 
_ τ > 9 39. τ ° . ᾽ 
ΜΕ gs. 16.: ἀν θλρρῖς ἐν ἀφαιρήσεσθαι ἀπειλεῖς. Il. i. 161. So 
Γαὶ δύ | γέρας αὑτὸς ad 7. Ἢπείλησεν 
Καὶ 07) μοι γέ x pot ὡς E ae M dl 287 TELA 
a 414. . vi. 37; Eur. Med. 287. ΄᾿ : 
ὙΠ γ. - ) ce ¢ * 313 Hpr. δ Φ > ὑπ 4 τ Νὰ 
= δι P : λκέ a Π ix. 682 ᾿Ηπείλησαν ἀποκτειναι ἅπαὶ 
ἥν ὁ κεμεν. - 1A, DOL. 
νηᾶας αὐ ao €4 


»- 


‘ » το oo 4 ON. Hell. Vv. 4, ͵- a ° . . ᾿ 
ἜΠΗ - a τῷ βου λήσεσθαι εἶναι, it is likely that 
Ὁ, a ὙΜΑΝ 1. ITC 4 eT? ‘ a 
Τάχα οὐδένα εἰκὸς OUI αι Τῳ : ᾿ a ae ae Εκ μὲν τοῦ 
ὶ robody will want to be with him, XEN. ey er, 
Soon 7 ᾽ 


, ‘ 4 γ, > : , : 
) lv ἐπὶ τ JEATLOV εἰκὸς 
; ' > μεταῇ ; τυχεῖν ἐπὶ TO | 7 c 
‘AKOS πράττειν τὰς πόλεις μεταβολῆς 7 χε gauges 
KAKWS Tf 4 i , νενέσθαι ἀνάστατον καὶ τῶι 
ἐστιν ἐκ δὲ Του TavTraTact γε: ᾿ 
ε ὦ 
ΓΟ - : F ‘CURG. 60, 3 : - : 
ἐλπίδων στερῆὴ θη: ἘΝ I ’ , Ll j 76 e Ox 239] Ouocas aT a- 
» Ba , 4 SELV, ete 6 >» O eo €3 e ] , 
Ὅμοσσον 1} μη] μοι ἀρῆς : a = - : | = a μ΄ : seks 
” > δι. ΝΗ 4 P L Qyelt, SOPH. Εν : 2 
fev oiKad, ἐξ Τροίαι / : XEN. Hell. v. 3, 26. ᾿Αναγκάζει 
5 , ταύταις ἐμμενεῖν. XEN. Hell. v. 3, ει 
Ὀμόσαντες Ταυταις εμμε E 


po ) ‘ ; I 4 ἣν ἱ 7 4 ΚΟΙΡΉΝ πὶ VTas ) 

Ke ) ( βλέ ΤΊΡ ομοόσαι €il αι με! ΤΊ)} αρχη! j 

TOV ] ‘ fi i I 1 { 
" Ἴ F 7 Ww LV. DEM. XX11 . { + 

v LUV QAO Oo ο Ὁ, αι ‘ yh xX ! ] l ‘ ) 


present, past, or 
with which they ar 


av are not included here. 
these see Chapter ITT. 





as going 


just, νομίζοντες, they wer doing 
Ἶ . , sc . ᾿ . ᾽ 
“ποίησαν νομίῴντες, they did it 
νομίζοντες, they will do ἐξ tn thy th 
στρατὴη γοῦντος, thes: 
ix. 56. 
ταῦτα 


1x. 15. 


like the present infinitive (] 19), 


use 1s not confined (as it is with the infinitive) to indirect 
discourse. £4. 


Dem. xix, 129. 
event in the I 


βεβαίως 


P@Otws EKO 


PRESENT PARTICIPLE 


FUTURE PERFECT. 

137. The future 
except in verbs w] 
where it is 


perfect of the dependent moods is rare, 
lose perfect has the meaning of a present (49), 
an ordinary future (82). 

When it occurs in other verbs, it is only in the infinitive of 
indirect discourse, E94. 

Tatra (ἔφη) πεπ 
should see thes: th ings already accomplish 
xix, 74, (Here the direct di 
will have been alread 


ράξεσθαι δυοῖν ἢ τριῶν ἡμερῶν, he said that we 


εἰ within two or three days. Drm. 


= ΓΑ ~ 
Scourse was πεπράξεται ταυτα, th 


ese things 
y accomplished. ) 


Ill. TENSES OF THE PARTICIPLE. 
138. The tenses of the participle generally 
future relatively to 
€ connected. 
The uses of the participle with 


express time 
the time of the verb 


For 


PRESENT PARTICIPLE, 
139. 


The present participle general] 
on at the time of its leading 


TOLOVUC LV 


y represents an action 
verb, LE. 
νομίζοντες δίκαιον εἶναι, they do this thinking it ds 


it in the thought, ete, 
in the thought, ete. 


ought, ete. 
things were done γι 


To UTO 


y , , 
Ezoiovy 


ΠΠοιήσουσιν 
Ταῦτ᾽ ἐπράχθη Κόνωνος 
hen Conon was general, Isog. 
. 5 , ‘ Ἢ r 7 
lvely to ἐπράχθη. Καίτοι 
TPaTTwyv Ti ἐποίει ; now in doing this what was Iu doing 4 Dem. 
γιγνόμενα, to see this 90 on. DEM. xviii. 63, 
resent participle is a] 


\<TPAaTYYOVVTOS is present relat 
A , Α , 


rr ~ ~ “- 
Ταῦτα περιιόειν 


140. ΤΙ 1 


so used as an imperfect, 
With the participle this 


a 


Oi 


) , \ 
συμπρεσβε ὕοντες καὶ 


TAPOVTES κα 
ΠΟΥ, his colleagues ΟἿ the 


embassy and 
(Here the embassy is 


ταμαρτυρήσουσιν, those 
who were present will testrfy. 
referred to as a well-known 
ast.) Φαίνεται γὰρ ἡ νῦν Ἑλλὰς καλουμένη οὐ πάλαι 
οἰκουμένη, ἀλλὰ μεταναστάσεις τε οὖσαι τὰ πρότερα, καὶ 


4 ΄ “~ » 7 
Tol TYV εαὐυτων ἀπολείποντες, 


le. the Sollowing things 
are evident, Ἑλλὰς οὐ πάλαι βεβαίως ὠκεῖτο 


» ἀλλὰ μεταναστάσεις 








48 THE TENSES [141 


an 4 
a 4Oa@ TOV 


o e »“4ὕΖ' 5» , aes ἡ ry os Z 
ἦσαν καὶ εκαστοι τὴν ELVUTWV ἀπέλειπ OV, Ϊ HUC, 1. 
5 , 


A la ε 4 , ᾿ ‘ Ξ i δι «θὲ ν ὄντα" 
Σωκράτην δεικνύντα τοι ξυνοῦσιν εαυτο καλὸν Kayo. ) 


— , “~~ vw = \ 3 εις ἕω ’ " ν. ΧΕΝ. 
οἷδα δὲ κἀκείνω σωφρονοῦντε ἐστε LWKPATEL iat. oe 
baw! - . 
; iscourse was vy and ἐσωφρονείτην. 
Mem. i. 2,18. (The direct discourse was ἐδεικνι mn υφρονείτη : 
δι . ie me τ ν ε , > ‘ > : -- Ss ποτὲ OVC? ἊΣ 
In Tue. iv. 8, ἡ Πύλος ἐστὶν ἐν τῇ Μεσσηνίᾳ ὰ ; 4 ue 
ch was once SSENL oy 1s impertect, ὁ 
Pylos is in the country which was once Messenia, οὐσῃ 18. Ρὸ : % “es 
e ὦ ‘ ἢ ε em : . 
denotes time absolutely past, as is shown by ποτε, without wh 
would be the country which is (now) Messenva. ᾿ 
Ἷ Ἷ nt} 7 » [ὥς POR) ‘ r refers to 
141. An attributive present participle (824) occasionally 1 
; 7] he leading verb is not present. 
time absolutely present, even When the leading V! — 
0 8 » other word in the context, LJ. 
This is always denoted by νυν or some othe | | 
᾽ν . , ν , ” 7 ᾿ ? ] in the cou ἢ ry 
Τὴν νῦν Βοιωτίαν καλουμένην ᾧκησαν, they settled n the countr; 
. , , sa 5: δ Ξ = 
mow called Boeotia, Tuuc. 1. 12. Ὃ τοίνυν Φίλιππος ἐξ ἀρχῆς, οὕπω 


= . 4 ε ὦ eS 
Διοπείθους στρατηγοῦντος, οὐδὲ Tov ὄντων = Bre yee τ = 
ἀπεσταλμένων, Σέρρειον καὶ Δορίσκον = 6 πὶ — δον 
bequnning, when Diop ithes was not yet gen ral, and 1 . 5 “ ‘ — 
ARE now in the Chersonese had not yet heen se nt out, -_ μεθ : se 
and Doriscus. Dem, ix. 15. (Here στρατηγοῦντος sh palace " 
time of ἐλάμβανε, while ὄντων is present to the time - ee ing.) 
For a corresponding use of the aorist participle, see 152. 


PERFECT PARTICIPLE. 


142. The perfect participle in all its uses represents τῇ 
} Ἷ Ἰ ᾿ Ἷ ’ » Ἷ cy ΤΟΥ" Ἔ 

action as already finished at the time of its leading ver 
Eg. | 

: ἡπαινοῦσι τους εἰρηκότα S, they prarse those 
Ἔπῃνεσαν τοὺς εἰρ ηκότας, they praised those who hac - Phos 

. , ° Ξ ἜΞ : εὖ, Μ᾿ P bmn 
νέσουσι τοὺς εἰρηκότας, they wall prarse those who u en 


τ 


δὲ ἀληθὲς ἀπηγγελκότα Αἰσχίνην), I showed 


spoke n. ᾿Ἐπέδειξα OVOEV we 
that {eschines had announced nothing that was trie 
ἀληθὲς ἀπήγγελκεν) Dem. xix. 177. τς 
ἀποδεδωκότες, they repr nted of having restored th 
᾽ ‘ 


9 4 . . ὦ “ἢ 
Ty ἰολίὃ πῶς € / ἅπεστ Levos, he took it hard 
35. Τῆς Αἰολίδος χαλεπως ἐφερεν ἀπεστερημενος, 


that he had been deprive d of Aeolis, XEN. Hell. iii. 2, 13. 


AORIST PARTICIPLE. 


143. The aorist participle generally represents an action 


Eg. 


" , . ’ δ ee 
το “- 4 VTES ἀπελθεῖν βούλονται. harina done thas. they now) 
laura ΤΙ OLITEA TES 7 δ᾿ ie Σὰ. 
Ταῦτα εἰπόντες ἄπηλθον, having Sie ἢ, ley 

͵ 4 ‘ : 


Ι erence » time of its leading verb. 
as past with reference to the time of it le . 


wish to go away. 


we nt a way. 


, 


| 


to have joined in the ΠΝ 


" . : > n 
, 4 B , , ᾿ ‘ , » ora 7s who had been ar? L 
a μασ 7 Gavi ες ͵ Vv IOLWTLAI WKIOGAYV, Boe { > 


who haw spoke ih. 


olee n. Ἔπαι- 


1.¢@, ] showed, OVOEV 
Τοὺς δεσμώτας μετεμέλοντο 


captive 8. ΤῊ am Ve 


4 ἂν ep - “ΝΣ : iv Ὁ not many appear 
Οὐ πολλοὶ φαίνονται ξυ] ελθοι ἐφ, . < ‘Ae 
tion. Put S & LO, Bow Tot ες 5 pris 


144] AORIST PARTICIPLE 49 


from Arne settled Boeotia, Tavec. i. 12. "Eqdapev οὔτε ἐπιστήμην οὔτε 
ἄγνοιαν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ ἔσεσθαι, ἀλλὰ τὸ μεταξὺ αὖ φανὲν ἀγνοίας καὶ 
ἐπιστήμης, i.e. we said that it would be the province of neither knowledge nor 
unorance, but of that which should have appeared (φανέν) in due course 
between these. Prat, Rep. 478 D. (Here φανέν is past to ἔσεσθαι, 
though absolutely future ; see 22.) ᾿Αφίκετο δεῦρο τὸ πλοῖον, γνόν- 
των τῶν Κεφαλλήνων, ἀντιπράττοντος τούτου, ἐνταῦθα καταπλεῖν 
αὐτό, the vessel arrived here, the Cephallenians having determined that it 
should return to this port, although this man opposed it. Drm. xxxii. 14. 
(Here γνόντων denotes time past relatively to ἀφίκετο, and ἀντιπράτ- 
τοντος time present relatively to yvovtwv, which is its leading verb.) 


144, When the aorist participle is used with any form of 
λανθάνω, to escape the notice of, τυγχάνω, to happen, and φθάνω, to 
anticipate, except the present and imperfect, it does not denote 
time past with reference to the verb, but coincides with it in time. 
Thus ἔλαθον ἀπελθόντες means they went away secretly ( = ἀπῆλθον 
λάθρα) : οὐκ ἐφθησαν ἀπελθόντες, nO sooner were they gone ( = οὐ 
πρότερον ἀπῆλθον) ; ἔτυχον εἰσελθό τες, they came im by chance, or 
they happened to come in (Ξ εἰσῆλθον τύχῃ). Eg. 

Τοὺς δ᾽ ἔλαθ᾽ εἰσελθὼν Πρίαμος, and Priam entered unnoticed by 
them, Il. xxiv. 477; so xvii. 2 and 89. ἔλαθεν (αὐτὴν) ἁφθέντα πάντα 
καὶ καταφλεχθέντα, everything took fire and was consumed before she 
knew tt, THuc.iv.133. <AavOdver (historic present) στήλην παίσας. 
Sopu. El. 744. ᾿Εφθη ὀρεξάμενος, he aimed a blow first. Il. xvi. 322. 
Αὐτοὶ φθήσονται αὐτὸ δράσαντες, they will do it first themselves. 
Piat. Rep. 375 C. Οὐ yap ἔφθη μοι συμβᾶσα ἡ ἀτυχία, καὶ εὐθὺς 
ἐπε χείρησαν, K.T.A., for no sooner did this misfortune come upon me, than 
they undertook, etc. Dem. lvii. 65. Στρατιὰ ov πολλὴ ἔτυχε μέχρι 
᾿Ισθμοῦ παρελθοῦσα. an army of no great size had by chance marched 
as far as the Isthmus. Tuuc. vi. 61. ” irvye δὲ κατὰ τοῦτο τοῦ 
καιροῦ ἐλθών, and he happened to come just at that moment. Id. 
vil. 2. “OAtya πρὸς τὰ μέλλοντα τυχεῖν πράξαντες (se. ἡγοῦνται), 
they think that it was their fortune to accomplish only a little in comparison 
with their expectations. Id. i. 70. So τοῦτ᾽ ἔτυχον λαβών, I happened 
to take this, Ar. Eccl, 375. Ξ 

Οππότερός κε φθῃσιν ὀρεξάμενος χρόα καλόν, whichever shall 
Jirst hit, ete. Il. xxiii, 805. BovAoipny ἂν λαθεῖν αὐτὸν ἀπελθών, 
[ should like to get away without his knowing ut. XEN. An. i. + ae 1.7. 
Τοὺς ἀνθρώπους λήσομεν ἐπιπεσόντες. Ib. vii. 3,43. Εὐλαβεῖσθαι 
παρακελεύσεσθε ἀλλ ἥλοις, ὅπως μὴ πέρα τοῦ δέοντος σοφώτεροι γενό- 
μενοι A ἥσετε διαφθαρέντε s, you will exhort one another to take care 
li st, having become WISE ἡ than us prope r, you become corrupted before you 
know it. Piat. Gorg. 487 D. (Here γενόμενοι is an ordinary aorist, 
past with reference to the phrase λήσετε διαφθαρέντες.) 

The last four examples show that this use of the aorist participle is 
allowed even when the whole expression refers to the future, 

E 








50 THE TENSES [145 


145. The aorist participle has the same use with συμπίπτω, to 
happen, in Herodotus (890). 1.0. 7 

Kai rode ἕτερον συνέπεσε γενόμενον, and this other event occurred 
(as it chanced). Hopr. ix. 101. 

So συγκυρέω in ΡΤ. viii. 87 (see 889). 


146. An aorist participle with the present or imperfect of any of 
the above verbs (144) cannot coincide with the verb in time, and 
retains its own reference to past time. This combination seldom 
occurs! 1... 

Ἷ Ἵ n iv, which, as it happens, the 

Ὅπερ λαβοῦσα τυγχάνει μήτηρ χεροῖν, , a ppens, 

" . ᾿ . Jip er Z 
mother has taken in her hands (happens to have taken). Eur. Bacch, 1140. 
"Apwta τυγχάνουσι πράξαντες, it happens that they fared the best. 
: ” ; 


4 4 5 , 5 , i. ΓΙ ἤ 
Isoc. iv. 103, Δικαίως ἂν τὴν αὐτὴν εὐεργεσίαν ἀπολάβοιμεν, ἥνπερ 
> ε - ε , 5, sa ἜΜ Εἰ ° Lt ας 2 
αὐτοὶ τυγχάνομεν εἰς ὑμᾶς ὑπάρξαντες, we should justly receive back 
the same kindness which wt is our own fortune to have first shown to you 
cg Ὃ - ἕω ‘ , ~ 3 ae ‘ P τὰς ee 
(we happen to have begun). Id. xiv. 57. Updos τί tour εἰπὼν κυρεῖς ; 
wherefore did you chance to speak thus (does it chance that you spoke )? 
, / τ ᾿ ii. ᾿ = = = Ss : , ; = 
Sopu. El. 1176. Ποῦ κυρεῖ ἐκτόπιος ovGeis ; Id.O.C. 119. “Opa 
‘ o Ἢ ᾽ν ‘2 Ἵ . 
καθ᾽ ὕπνον μὴ καταυλισθεὶς Kupy, see lest τί may chance that he has 
retired to sleep within. Id. Ph. 30. Compare συνεκύρησε παραπεσοῦσα 
happened to collide. Hpt. viii. 87 (889). Méfis μία λύπης τε κα 
“ . " aye fp, 
ἡδονῆς ξυμπίπτει γενομένη, i.e. happens to have occurred (Badham 


b 
‘ 
t 


proposes γιγνομένη). PLAT. Phil. 47 D. ais 

Οὐδ᾽ apa Κύίρκην ἐξ ᾿Αίδεω ἐλθόντες ἐλήθομεν, nor was vt unknown 
to Circe that we had returned from Hades, Od. xii. 16. Ὅσοι ἐτύγχανον 
οὕτως ἀθρόοι ξυνεξελ θόντες. all who happe ned to have th us come out 
together. Tuuc. iii. 111, Ki τί που αἰγῶν περιλειφθὲν ἐτύγχανε 
γένος, uf any race of goats happened to have been left. PLAT, Leg. 677 EE. 
᾿Αρισταγόρῃ δὲ συνέπιπτε τοῦ αὐτοῦ χρόνου πάντα σ υνελθὸ ντα, and it 
was the fortune of A. that all these came to him at the same lume, Hpr. 
v. 36. (Here it is difficult to distinguish the doubly past ume ; but 
the analogy of the other examples, and the difficulty of conceiving 
an imperfect and aorist as coincident in time, seem decisive, ) Ὀρθῶς 
σφι ἡ φήμη συνέβαινε ἐλ Go Ud a, roghtly, as it happe ned, had the report 
come to them. Id. ix. 101. Just below: τῆς αὐτῆς ἡμέρης συνέβαινε 
γίνεσθαι, ie. they (the battles of Plataea and Mycale) happened to fall 
on the same day. 

In Lys. xii. 27 we have the aorist and perfect participles together 
with ἐτύγχανε, each expressing its own time : ὅστις ἀντειπών γε 
ἐτύγχανε καὶ γνώμην ἀποδεδειγμένος, who chanced to have spoken in 
opposition and to have shown his opinion, et 

It appears from these examples that the aorist participle can coincide 
in its time only with forms which have a similar aoristic or complexive 
meaning, while in other cases the verb and participle are distinct in 
time. 

1 For the examples of τυγχάνω here given I am indebted to an unpublished 
paper on this construction by Dr. James R. Wheeler, in which notice of this 
peculiarity is taken for the first time (so far as I am aware). 


148] AORIST PARTICIPLE 51 


147. 1. The perfect participle can always be used with the verbs 
of 144 to denote an action which is completed at the time of the lead. 
ing verb, This is the most common way of expressing past time in 
the participle here. Eg. 

ry , ” ; , \ 3 ’ὔ = 

“τύγχανον ἄρτι παρειληφότες τὴν ἀρχήν, they happened to have 
. : . . m . Ἂ »1λ 7 oO , 
just recewed their authority. Truc. vi. 96. “AV TLS ἠδικηκὼς TL 
τυγχάνῃ τὴν πόλιν, tf ἐξ ever happens that one has wronged the city. 
DeM, xviii. 123. So Tuvc. i. 103 (see 887). 

2. The present participle with these verbs is regular, representing 
an action as going on at the time of the verb. See ΡΠ ΑΤ. Crit, 49 B 
and the four following examples (with others), in 887. 


148, In many constructions in which the aorist participle 
follows a verb in the sense of the ordinary object infinitive (not 
in indirect discourse), it does not refer to past time, but differs 
from the present participle only as the aorist infinitive in such a 
construction would differ from the present (96). This applies 
especially to the participle with περιορῶ and ἐφορῶ (περιεῖδον, 
ἐπεῖδον), in the sense of allow, not interfere with, and ὁρῶ (εἶδον) 
permit and see (cf. 884 and 885). £4. 

ΠΡροσδεχόμενος τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους κατοκνήσειν περιιδεῖν αὐτὴν [τὴν 
γῆν] τμηθεῖσαν, ἀνεῖχεν, expecting that they would be unwilling to see 
their land ravaged, ete. Tuuc. ii. 18, But in ii. 20 we find the aorist 
infinitive, ἤλπιζεν τὴν γῆν οὐκ ἂν περιιδεῖν τμη θῆναι, would not let 
their land be ravaged, referring to precisely the same event from another 
point of view (see 903, 6). Μὴ περιίδητε ἡμέας δια φθαρέντας, do 
not look on and see us di stroyed, Hpt. iv. 118. Οὐ μὴ σ᾽ ἐγὼ περιόψο- 
μαι ἀπελθόντα, I will by no means let you go. Ar. Ran. 509. "ErAy- 
σαν ἐπιδεῖν ἐρήμην μὲν τὴν πόλιν γενομένην τὴν δὲ χώραν πορθου- 
μένην, ἅπαντα δὲ τὸν πόλεμον περὶ τὴν πατρίδα τὴν αὑτῶν γιγνό- 
μενον. Isoc, iv. 96. (Here the aorist participle denotes the laying 
waste of the city (as a single act), while the presents denote the con- 
tinuous ravaging of the country and the gradual coming on of a state 
of war, This is precisely the difference between the present and aorist 
infinitive in similar constructions.) ᾿Επεῖδον τὴν ἑαυτῶν πατρίδα 
ἀνάστατον γενομένην. ANT. v. 79. 

Ke κεῖνόν γε ἴδοιμι κατελθόντ᾽ “Ardos εἴσω, if I should see him go 
down and enter Hades, Tl. vi. 284. Μή pe ἰδεῖν θανόνθ᾽ tx’ ἀστῶν, 
not to see me killed by the citizens. Eur. Or. 746, Διὰ τὸ σωφρονεῖν 
τῷ πώποτ᾽ εἶδες ἤδη ἀγαθόν τι γενόμενον; Ar. Nub. 1061. Ὅταν 
αὐτὸν ἴδῃ ἐξαίφνης πταίσαντα πρὸς τῇ πόλει καὶ ἐκχέαντα τά 
TE αὑτοῦ καὶ ἑαυτὸν, “πὰ ἢ ἀποθανόντα ἢ ἐκπεσόντα ἢ ἀτιμω- 
θέντα καὶ τὴν οὐσίαν ἅπασαν ἀποβαλόντα. Prat. Rep. 553 A. See 
SopuH. Ant. 476. 

So after ἀκούω ; as ai κ᾽ ἐθέλῃσ᾽ εἰπόντος ἀκουέμεν, in case he will 
hear me speak, 11, vi. 281. Τοσαῦτα φωνήσαντος εἰσηκούσαμεν, 80 
much we heard him say. Sopx. Ο. Ο, 1645. 93:0 also πραθέντα τλῆναι, 
endured to be sold, Auscu. Ag. 1041; σπείρας ἔτλα, Sept. 754: 





52 THE TENSES [149 


for τλάω with the regular infinitive, see Isoc. iv. 96, quoted above. 
So μένειν νοστήσαντα ἄνακτα, to await the king’s return, Il. xiii. 38. 

149. The aorist participle loses its reference to past time also in 
the peculiar construction in which the participle with its noun has the 
force of the infinitive with its subject ; as μετὰ Συρακούσας οἰκισθεῖ- 
σας, after the founding of Syracuse (= μετὰ τὸ Συρακούσας οἰκισθῆναι), 
Τηῦσ. vi. 3. See examples in 829 (b). 

150. An aorist participle denoting that in which the action 
of a verb of past time consists (845) may express time coinci- 
dent with that of the verb, when the actions of the verb and the 
participle are practically one! £.g. -- 

Nevo ἐπὶ of καλέσας. he called him to him by a nod. Od. XVil. 330. 
By ἀΐξασα. Il. ii. 167. Ed y ἐποίησας ἀναμνήσας με, you did well 
mm reminding me. Puat. Phaed. 60 C. Μή τι ἐξαμάρτητε ἐμοῦ κατα- 
ψηφισάμενο t, lest you make any mistake in condem ning me. nd. Ap. 30 D. 
Ilatéa κατακανὼν ξυήλῃ πα τάξας, having killed a child by the stroke of 
a dagger. XEN. An. iv. 8, 25. Ηδὴη πῶποτε OVV ἢ ὁακουσα κακὸν ἧς 
oot ἔδωκεν ἢ λακτίσασα; did your mother ‘ ver do you any harm yy 
biting or kicking you? Id. Mem. ii, 2, 7. : Πέμπει ὡς τὸν Ἀστύοχον 
κρύφα ἐπιστείλας ὅτι ᾿Αλκιβιάδης αὕτῶν τὰ πράγματα φθείρει, Le. 
he sends a private message, ete. Tuue, Vill. oO, After a perfect ; ag 
ἡμᾶς ἀγαθὰ δέδρακας εἰρήνην ποι noas, what blessings you have don 
us in making a peace! Ar. Pac. 1199. 1 : 

The following examples among many in the New Testament illus- 
trate the usage : ΞΞ -ῷ : 

᾿Αποκρι θεὶς εἶπεν ἐν παραβολαῖς αὐτοῖς. λέγων, he answe red and 
spake to them in parables, and said. Marri. XXil. ᾿. Λέγων is the 
ordinary present, less closely connected with corey than eta 
Il powevEdpevor εἶπαν. the y prayed and said. Act. Apost, i. 2 . 
Καλῶς ἐποίησας παραγενόμενος, thow hast well done that thou art 
come. Ib. x. 33. 

151. In such passages as ὡμολόγησαν τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις τείχη ΤῈ 
περιελόντες καὶ ναῦς παραδόντες Popov TE ταξάμενοι, ΓΗῦσΟ. F 
108, the aorist participle is past with reference to the time of the 
beginning of the peace to which ὡμολόγησαν relers, and the ancaning 
is, they obtained terms of peace, on condition that they should σοί before 
the peace began) tear down their walls, etc. Such passages ΒΘ 1 sa i 1, 
101, 108, 115, 117. See Kriiger’s note on 1, 108, and Madvig’s Be mer- 
kungen, p. 46. Madvig quotes, to confirm this view, Lys. xii. 
68: ὑπέσχετο εἰρήνην ποιήσειν πὰ je ομὴηρα σοὺς μὴτε a Τειχὴ 
καθελὼν μήτε τὰς ναῦς παραδούς, Le. je promised to make a peace 
without giving pledges, ete. 


152. An attributive aorist participle occasionally refers to 
1 See the discussion of this, with especial reference to the New Testament, 


where examples of this kind are frequent, by Professor W. G. Ballantine, in 
the Bibliotheca Sacra for October 188 i, p. 787. 


ἥν»... " 


_ 
Bah 


{eee 


se 


WIPES) Mites. οτος δὸς τ 


= et at 





155] GNOMIC AORIST AND PERFECT 


time absolutely past, without regard to the time of its verb. 
Eg. 

‘Hyeuova παρεχόμενοι Μεγάπανον τὸν Βαβυλῶνος ὕστερον τούτων 
ἐπιτροπεύσαντα. ie. they had as their leader Megapanus, who after 
this was made governor of Babylon. Hpr. vii. 62. (Here the aorist 
participle is past at the time of writing only; it is even future compared 
with the time of παρεχόμενοι.) So in vii. 106: κατέλιπε δὲ ἄνδρα 
τοιόνδε Μασκάμην γενόμενον, and he left M. (in authority), who (after- 
wards) proved himself such a man (the evidence of his later merits follows 
in a relative sentence), 

For the corresponding use of the present participle see 141, 

For the use of the aorist infinitive and participle with ἄν, see 207 
and 215. For the aorist participle with ἔχω and εἶχον as a circum- 
locution for the perfect and pluperfect, as θαυμάσας ἔχω and εἶχον, see 
47 and 48, For the rare use of the aorist participle with ἔσομαι for 
the future perfect, see 81, For the aorist participle in protasis, see 
472 and 841. 


FUTURE PARTICIPLE. 


153. The future participle represents an action as future 
with reference to the time of its leading verb, Ey. 


Τοῦτο Tot ἥσων ἔρχεται, he is coming to do this; TOUTO ποιήσων 
ἦλθεν, he came to do th is, ΠΠεμφθήσεται ταῦτα ἐρῶν. he will be sent 
to say this. Οἶδα αὐτὸν τοῦτο ποι ἥσοντας I know that he will do this; 
οἶδα τοῦτο ποιήσων, I know that I shall do this; ἤδειν αὐτὸν τοῦτο 
ποιήσοντα. I knew that lu would do this, 


For the various uses of the future participle, and examples, see 
Chapter VI, 


GNOMIC AND ITERATIVE TENSES. 
GNOMIC AORIST AND PERFECT. 


154. The aorist and sometimes the perfect indicative are 
used in animated language to express general truths. These 
are called the gnomiec aorist and the gnomic perfect, and are 
usually to be translated by our present, 


155. These tenses give a more vivid statement of general 
truths, by employing a distinct case or several distinct cases in 
the past to represent (as it were) all possible cases, and implying 
that what has occurred is likely to occur again under similar 
circumstances, Κ᾽. 

Κάτθαν᾽ ὁμῶς ὅ τ᾽ ἀεργὸς ἀνὴρ & τε πολλὰ ἐοργώς, the idle man 
and he who has laboured much alike must die. Il. ix. 320, Ὅστε καὶ 
ἄλκιμον ἄνδρα φοβεῖ καὶ ἀφείλετο νίκην, who terrifies even a valiant 








δ4 THE TENSES [156 


man and snatches his victory away. 1]. xvii. 177 (see 157, below). Bia καὶ 
μεγάλαυχον ἔσφαλεν ἐν χρόνῳ. Pinp. Py. viii. 15. Σοφοὶ δὲ μέλ- 
λοντα τριταῖον ἄνεμον ἔμαθον, οὐδ᾽ ὑπὸ κέρδει βλάβεν. Id. Nem. 
vii. 17. Καὶ δὴ φίλον τις Extav’ ἀγνοίας ὕπο, and now one may kill 
a friend through ignorance. Agscu. Supp. 499. ᾿Αλλὰ τὰ τοιαῦτα εἰς 
μὲν ἅπαξ καὶ βραχὺν χρόνον ἀντέχει, καὶ σφόδρα γε ἤνθησεν ἐπὶ 
ταῖς ἐλπίσιν, ἂν τύχῃ, τῷ χρόνῳ δὲ φωρᾶται καὶ περὶ α ὑτὰ κάταρρει 
Dem. ii. 10 (see 157 and 171. “Hv ἄρα σφαλῶσιν, ἀντελπίσαντες 
ἄλλα ἐπλήρωσαν τὴν χρείαν, they supply the deficiency (as oft n as 
one occurs) Tauc. 1. 70. Ἢν δέ tis τούτων τι παραβαίνῃ, ζημίαν 
αὐτοῖς ἐπέθεσαν, i.e. they impose a penalty upon every one who trans- 
gresses, XEN. Cyr. 1. 2, 2. Δεινῶν τὶ ἄημα πνευμάτων ἐκοίμισε 
στένοντα πόντον. Soru. Aj. 674. Mi ἡμέρα τὸν μὲν καθεῖλεν 
ὑψόθεν, τὸν δ᾽ np ἄνω. Eur. Fr. 424. Ὅταν ὁ "Epos EY KPATETTEPOS 
γένηται, διαφθείρει τε πολλὰ καὶ ἠδίκησεν. Pua. Symp. 188 A. 
Ὅταν τις ὥσπερ οὗτος ἰσχύσῃ, ἡ πρώτη πρόφασις καὶ μικρὸν πταῖσμα 
ἅπαντα ἀνεχαίτισε καὶ διέλυσεν. Dem. ii. 9. τε : 

*Ezedav τις παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ μάθῃ, ἐὰν μὲν βούληται, ἀποδέδωκεν ὃ 
ἐγὼ πράττομαι ἀργύριον" ἐὰν δὲ μὴ. ἐλθὼν εἰς ἱερὸν ὀμύσας, ὅσου ἂν 
oy ἄξια εἶναι τὰ μαθήματα, τοσοῦτον κατέθηκεν. Par. Prot. 928 
Bb. (Here the perfect and aorist, according to the Mss., are used in 
nearly the same sense, he pays. But Sauppe reads ἀπέδωκεν for 
ἀποδέδωκεν.) Πολλοὶ διὰ δόξαν καὶ πολιτικὴν δύναμιν μεγάλα κακὰ 
πεπόνθασιν, i.e. many always have suffered, and many do suffer. XEN. 
Mem. iv. 2, 35. To δὲ μὴ ἐμποδὼν ἀνανταγωνίστῳ εὐνοίᾳ τετίμηται. 
ΤῊῦσσ, il. 45. 

The gnomic perfect is not found in Homer. 

156. The sense as well as the origin of the gnomie aorist is 
often made clearer by the addition of such words as πολλάκις, 
ἤδη OY οὔπω. Such examples as these form a simple transition 


from the common to the gnomic use of the aorist :— 


wo ” 


Πολλὰ στρατόπεδα ἤδη ἔπεσεν ὑπ᾽ ἐλασσόνων, 1.6. many cases have 
already arisen, implying it often happens. Tuuc. ii. 89. Μέλλων γ᾽ 
ἰατρὸς, τῇ νόσῳ διδοὺς χρόνον, ἰάσατ᾽ ἤδη μᾶλλον ἢ τεμὼν χρόα, the 
slow physvcvan, by guving the disease tyme, may work more δἰαρρόν»» than he 
who cuts too deep. Eur. Fr. 1057. Πολλάκις ἔχων τις οὐδὲ τἀναγκαῖα 
νῦν αὔριον ἐπλούτησ᾽, ὥστε χἀτέρους τρέφειν, 1.6. cases have often 
occurred in which such a man has become rich the next day, etc. PHIL. 
Fr. 120. ᾿Αθυμοῦντες ἄνδρες οὔπω τρόπαιον ἔστησαν. Prat. Criti. 
108 6 Οὐδεὶς ἐπλούτησεν ταχέως δίκαιος Gv, no man ever became 
rich suddenly who was just. ΜῈΝ, ΕἾ, 394. Compare Dem.iv.51. (See 
Kriiger, ὃ 53, 10, A. 2.) 

157. General truths are more commonly expressed in Greek, as in 
English, by the present. The present and aorist appear together 
above, in nearly the same sense; the gnomic aorist is, however, 
commonly distinguished from the present by referring to a single 
or a sudden occurrence, while the present (as usual) implies duration. 








160] GNOMIC AORIST AND PERFECT 55 


Thus in Dem. ii. 10, above, the aorist ἤνθησεν implies a sudden 
blossoming out with hopes, as opposed to the continuance or repetition 
expressed by ἀντέχει, hold out, φωρᾶται, are detected, and xatappei, fall 
in ruin, 

158. An aorist somewhat resembling the gnomic is very 
common in Homeric similes, where it is usually to be translated 
by the present. £9. 

” ἊΨ ε o a A ” 

Ἦριπε & ὡς ὅτε τις δρῦς ἤριπεν, and he fell, as when an oak falls, 
(literally, as when an oak once fell), Il. xiii. 389. 

This can better be seen in the longer and more complicated examples 
which are quoted under 547 and 548, 


159. The gnomic aorist is found in indirect discourse in the 
infinitive and participle, and even in the optative. 1.7. 
(a) Ὅπου δ᾽ ὑβρίζειν δρᾶν θ᾽ ἃ βούλεται παρῇ, 

ταύτην νόμιζε τὴν πόλιν χρόνῳ ποτὲ 

ς΄ κε. ἢ nA ; ‘ A 

ἐξ οὐρίων ὁραμουσαν es βυθὸν πεσεῖν, 
but where man is permitted to insult and to work his own will, believe that 
that state, though it may run before fair breezes, must in time sink to the 
depths. Sopu. Aj. 1082. (Here πεσεῖν represents ἔπεσεν of the direct 
form, which can be only gnomic.) Ei σοι δέος παρέστηκεν ἡγουμένῳ 
χαλεπὸν εἶναι φιλίαν συμμένειν, καὶ διαφορᾶς γενομένης κοινὴν 
ἀμφοτέροις καταστῆναι τὴν συμφοράν, uf you fear, thinking that it 
1s hard for friendship to abide, and that when a quarrel occurs the calamity 
that arises is common to both (the direct form would be χαλεπόν ἐστιν, 
καὶ κοινὴ κατέστη ἡ συμφορά). Prat. Phaedr. 232 B. ᾿Ηγουμένης 
δὴ ἀληθείας οὐκ ἄν ποτε φαῖμεν αὐτῇ vo ὃν κακῶν ἀκολουθῆσαι 
vi oh n truth leads, we he gat td that a chorus of evils it 
her (ἠκολούθησεν), Prat. Rep. 490 α 

(b) Σμικρῷ χαλινῴ δ᾽ οἶδα τοὺς θυμουμένους ἵππους καταρτυ- 

θέντας, and I know that high-spirited horses are tamed by a small bit. 


4 »ὦ Α 4 , 5 \ ~ > > \ 
SopH. Ant. 478. Οἶδα τοὺς τοιούτους EV μὲν TH KAT αὐτοὺς βίῳ 
' 


λυπηροὺς ὄντας, τῶν δὲ ἔπειτα ἀνθρώπων προσποίησιν ξυγγενείας τισὶ 
καὶ μὴ οὖσαν καταλιπόντας, I know that such men, although in their 
own lifetimes they are offensive, yet often leave to some who come after them 
a desire to claim connexion with them, even where there is no ground for τί. 
THUC. vi. 16, 

(c) A clear case of the gnomie aorist in the optative is seen in Prat. 
Rep. 490 B, in the peculiar oratio obliqua introduced by ἀπολογησόμεθα 
ὅτι (in A), which implies a philosophic imperfect (40) and thus takes 
the optative. We have πεφυκὼς εἴη, ἐμμένοι, ἴοι, οἷο, representing 
πέφυκε, ἐμμένει, εἶσι, etc.; and afterwards γνοίη τε καὶ ἀληθῶς ζῴη 
καὶ τρέφοιτο (representing ἔγνω τε καὶ ἀληθῶς ὧ) καὶ τρέφεται), i.e. 
he attains knowledge (aor. 9 and then truly lives and 7s nourished (pres.), 
where the gnomic force of the aorist is plain, 


160. The gnomic perfect is found in the infinitive of indirect dis- 
course in Dem. 1], 18 : εἰ δέ τις σώφρων ἢ δίκαιος. παρεῶσθαι καὶ 








56 THE TENSES [16] 


ἐν οὐδενὸς εἶναι μέρει τὸν τοιοῦτον (φησίν), such a man (he says) is 
always thrust aside and is of no account. 

161. The imperfect was probably never used in a gnomic sense, 
except where the form is aoristic in other respects, as ἔκλυον in II. i. 
218, ix. 509; cf. xiv. 133. 


ITERATIVE IMPERFECT AND AORIST WITH "Av.—IoniIc 
ITERATIVE FORMS IN -σκὸον AND -σκόμην. 


162. The imperfect and aorist are sometimes used with 
the adverb ἄν to denote a customary action, being equivalent 
to our narrative phrase he would often do this or he used to 
do it. Eg. 


Διηρώτων av αὐτοὺς τί λέγοιεν, ΙΓ used to ask them (I would ask 
them) what they said. Puat. Ap. 22 B. Ei τινες ἴδοιέν πῇ τοὺς σφετεέ- 
βους ἐπικρατοῦντας, ἀνεθάρσησαν ἄν, whenever any saw their friends 
un any way victorious, they would be encouraged 1.6, they we ve encouraged 
in all such cases). Tuuc. vii. 71. Πολλάκις ἠκούσαμεν ἄν TL κακῶς 
ὑμᾶς βουλευσάμενους μέγα πρᾶγμα, we used very often to hear you, ete. 
Ar. Lys. 511. Eid tis αὐτῷ περί του ἀντιλέγοι μηδὲν έχων σαφὲς 
λέγειν, ἐπὶ τὴν ὑπόθεσιν ἐπανῆγεν ἂν πάντα τὸν λόγον, he always 
brought the whole discussion back to the main point, XEN. Mem. iV. 6, 13. 
Ordre προσβλέψειέξ τινας τῶν ἐν ταῖς τάξεσι, τοτὲ μὲν εἶπεν ἄν" ὦ 
ἄνδρες, κιτιλ, τοτὲ δ᾽ αὖ ἐν ἄλλοις ἂν ἐλεξεν. Id. Cyr. vii. 1, 10. 
So Hpr. ii. 109, iii. 51 and 148. 

This construction must be distinguished from the potential indica- 
tive with av (243), See, however, 249. For the iterative imperfect 
and aorist with ἄν transferred to the infinitive, see 210. 

163. The Ionic iterative imperfect and aorist in -cxov and 
-σκόμην express the repetition of such actions as the ordinary 
imperfect and aorist express. ΖΚ... 

"AAAovs μὲν yap παῖδας ἐμοὺς πόδας ὠκὺς ᾿Αχιλλεὺς περνασ χ᾽, 
ἂν tw ἔλεακε Il. xxiv. 751. “Oxws ἔλθοι ὁ Νέλον ξεὶ ὀκτὼ 
πήχεας, ἄρδεσκε Αἴγυπτον τὴν ἔνερθε Μέμφιος. Hor. ii, 13. 

164. Herodotus sometimes uses the iterative forms in -σκον and 
-σκόμην with ἄν in the construction of 162. He uses this form of the 
aorist in only two passages, in both with ἄν. Evy. 

Φοιτέουσα κλαίεσκε ἂν καὶ ὀδυρέσκετο. iii. 119. 
ὅκως ἔλθοι 6 Σκύλης, τὴν μὲν στρατιὴν κα ταλείπεσκε ἐν τῷ προα- 
στείῳ, αὐτὸς δὲ ὅκως ἔλθοι ἐς τὸ τεῖχος, λάβεσκε ἂν Ἑλληνίδα 
ἐσθῆτα. ἵν. 78, So λάβεσκον ἄν, iv. 130. See Kriiger, IT. § 53, 10, 5. 


7 


Ks TOVTOUVUS 


> 


DEPENDENCE OF MOODS AND TENSES 


DEPENDENCE OF MOODS AND TENSES. 


165. In dependent sentences, where the construction 
allows both the subjunctive and the optative, the subjunctive 
is used if the leading verb is primary, and the optative if it 
is secondary. (See 21) Eg. 

ΠΡράττουσιν ἃ ἂν βούλωνται, they do whatever they please ; but 
ἔπραττον ἃ βού λοιντο, they did whatever they pleased. 


166. In like manner, where the construction allows 
both the indicative and the optative, the indicative follows 
primary, and the optative follows secondary tenses. Eg. 

Λέγουσιν ὅτι τοῦτο βο ὕλονται, they say that they wish for this ; 
ἐλεξαν ὅτι τοῦτο βού λοιντο, they said that they weshed for this, 


167. To these fundamental rules we find one special exception. 
In indirect discourse of all kinds (including sentences denoting 
a purpose or olject after iva, ὅπως, μή, ete.) either an indicative cr 
a subjunctive may depend upon a secondary tense, so that th. 
mood and tense actually used by the speaker may be retained ἢ 
the indirect form. (See 667, 1.) Eg. 

Εἶπεν ὅτι βού) εται, for εἶπεν ὅτι βούλοιτο, he said that he 
wished (i.e. he said βούλομαι. ᾿Εφοβεῖτο μὴ τοῦτο γένηται, ἴοι 
ἐφοβεῖτο μὴ τοῦτο γένοιτο, he Seared lest it should happen (1.6, he 
thought, φοβοῦμαι μὴ γένητα. (See 318.) 

168. An only apparent exception occurs when either a potential 
optative or indicative with av, or an optative expressing a wish, stands 
in a dependent sentence. In both these cases the original form is 
retained without regard to the leading verb. It is obvious that a 
change of mood would in most cases change the whole nature of the 
expression. Eq. ᾿ 

᾿Εγὼ οὐκ οἶδ᾽ ὅπως ἄν τις σαφέστερον ἐπιδείξειεν, I do not know 
how any one could show this nvore clearly. Dem. XXVil. 48. Δεῖ γὰρ 


> , “w > ~ , “~ ε ε ~ > nw 5 / 
ἐκείνῳ τοῦτο ἐν TH γνώμῃ παραστῆσαι, ὡς ὑμεῖς ἐκ τῆς ἀμελείας 
, A ” ” ” ε , . - 13 ε A 
ταύτης τῆς ἄγαν ἴσως ἂν ορμήσαιτε. Dem. iv. 17. “6 ὃ υμεῖς 
4 ΄ 


” , } ~ / ” > \ / Ἁ “ 
ἄλλο τι γνώσεσθε, ὃ μὴ γένοιτο, τίνα οἴεσθε αὐτὴν ψυχὴν ἕξειν ; 
ΠῈΜ. xxviii. 21. 


ΝΣ 


A few other unimportant exceptions will be noticed as they occur. 

169. It is therefore important to ascertain which tenses (in all the 
moods) are followed, in dependent sentences, as primary tenses by the 
indicative or subjunctive, and which as secondary tenses by the 
optative, 


INDICATIVE, 


170. In the indicative the general rule holds, that the present, 





[17] ; DEPENDENCE OF MOODS AND TENSES 
58 THE TENSES Ἢ 


‘6 primary, and the imper- 
perfect, future, and future perfect are primary, and I 
’ 3 . ᾿ Γ tenses. 
are secondary te ; ! ᾿ 
fect, pluperfect, and aorist are = secondary tense, as it Ἶ 176. As the optative refers sometimes to the future and 
re oe > 2 ¢ sec c / Ww, S a . : . ‘ 
171. But the historical present is τ is a primary tense, as 4 sometimes to the past, it exerts upon a dependent verb some- 
° 1 St 15 é € , 3 . . . 
refers to the past ; and the gnomic aoris I times the force of a primary, and sometimes that of a secondary 
Se ] the optative follows an historical tense. 
ἢ T. i. 6: 33), where the é ei 
See Hot. 1, 69 (under ? . - Peer — Ἷ " 2 under 155), 
present . and Dem. il. 10, THUC. 1, 70, a Cyr. ᾿- 4 ( 
ὼ ies : tate 
ἐν r3 ic aorists. 
where the subjunctive follows gnom a aes 
172. The imperfect indicative in the . Or “er toe 
: wea in its sntial use (24: , . : κ ᾿ 
an unfulfilled condition (410) and in its os ( | B. When it refers to the future, as in future conditions, in 
it refers to present time, is a primary tense. 4.9. See its use with ἄν, and in Wishes, it is properly to be considered 
, > a νὼ . 4 LL UE f a ns ‘ ν 4 Ὁ γ Tan > ν Η 7 
pe ἂν ἡλίκα ὑμᾶς εὖ ποιήσω, εἰ εὖ poe, 1 woul 7 primary. In many cases, howey er, a double construction is here 
Kypagov av ἡ 7" if I knew, etc. Dem. ae τὲ eee , 
letter how great services I would render you, 1 ἝΝ allowed. On the principle of assimilation the Greeks preferred 
in my Lette ‘ 


, ) mn δι 
᾿ 5 a ᾽ LAT. Symp. ὺ τ , , ὃ . 
ey μην, μὴ ἀπορήσωσι λόγων. ἢ ἄμα. the optative to the subjunctive in certain clauses depending on 
xix. 40. [Πάνυ av ἐφοβούμην, μὴ , \ S46 7. A., I should be Ξ Ξ <_ 
193 E. "EdoBotpny av σφόδρα λέγειν, μὴ “ἜΝ _~ t 143 E an optative, the dependent verb referring to the future like the 
. y ae oe LAT. Theaet. o Τὰ, . : as ; : is “ 
very much afraid to speak, lest I should seem, ve ‘ xiii, ἡ (for the Ί leading verb, and differing little from a subjunctive in such a 
er" ἐκ. “ἢ , , , fF εἰδῶ EM. XXlll. / ( Ϊ ‘Say erg : 
Ταῦτ᾽ ἂν ἤδη λέγειν ἐπεχείρουν, ἔν τ ὦ. te τὰ τὰ [ position. A dependent indicative 1s, however, very seldom 
construction here see 336). See XEN. An ἘΝ ee pee ἴα ἐδώ j assimilated to a leading optative. Such assimilation of a de- 
173. On the other hand, the aorist — κε ᾽ν ram Ἢ pendent verb to an optative takes place (1) regularly in protasis 
᾿ : - ἃ wrtan , Ἢ i "erer’s i i ae . - ‘ 
constructions (172), and also the imperfect whe and conditional relative clauses depending on an optative of 
the past, are secondary tenses. Lg. ; . otk épbas | future time ; (2) seldom in final and object clauses after iva, 
poly © n . sisi a BN ‘on “ , η OUK ) i q ; @ , « . . . . . 
᾿Αλλὰ καὶ τοὺς θεοὺς ἂν ἔδεισας κου ον τὸ ρει το sie ὰ ἐπε. λῶν 4 ὅπως, μή, ete. ; (3) very rarely in the case of the indicative in 
͵ L ᾿ - > | ᾽ ὃςΕ LET 7 AU “ . . . " Mi aT. ; Ὶ ες ἐπ 
αὐτὸ ποιήσοις. ῬιΑτ. Euthyph. 15 Ὁ. ᾿Αλ n> ot Leger ese . indirect quotations or questions, but (4) more freely in the case 
τύρων ἀποδιδοὺς εἰκῇ Tis ἂν ἐπίστευσεν, ἕν ρον ane ie of the subjunctive in indirect questions, 
LA PTV ‘ as > tuty δύνηται. IM, XXX. SY, rr γέ . ‘: = 
διαφορὰ κομίσασθαι ῥᾳδίως Trap ὑμῖν ὃι Ν Ae 1 past tense (318), lhese four classes of sentences which depend on an optative 
’ ‘ ῳ π΄ is properly used aiter a pas we \e : : 
(Here the subjunctive δύνηται 18 — - ν : ondary.) See iva referring to the future are treated separately below (I.-IV.) 
a ween ading verb is secondary.) ἢ 
ative s 5 that the leading ve , male Ξ 
but the optative shows fact with dy, Puat. Men. 89 B. ἢ 177. I. (a) In protasis and conditional relative sentences 
ἴγνοιντο, after an imperfect Ee GF a Lp X nV | oe . 
i parle Sager po pe τὴν ἑωυτοῦ ἢ THY Κύρου λέ yo OPX'"s depending upon an optative which refers to the Suture, the optative 
Χρὴν aa ked whether the oracle meant his own or Cyrus’s empire. rather than the subjunctive 
᾿ t to have asker ; ᾿ Ξ a , 
he see oe future condition. £4. 
Hpr. ], . ν ᾿ 


ΟΡΤΑΤΊΨΕ. 


eas TS 
ogee 


A. When it refers to the past, as in general suppositions with 
εἰ and relatives after past tenses, or when it takes its time from 


a past verb (as in a final clause), it has the force of a secondary 
tense, 


buat nal ates nen oeteenl τ 


mi 





sere iat 


gt ae eS REL 
————— 2 
—_ asin STAD τ Ξ 


is regularly used to express a 


στενὰ AND IMPERATIVE. Kins φορητὸς οὐκ ἄν. εἰ πράσσοις καλῶς, you would be unendur- 
SUBJUNCTIVE AND IMPERé able, if you should be prosperous. ArscH. Prom. 979. 
» tenses of the subjunctive and imperative are εἰζειε μέγας Τελαμώνιος Αἴας, ὃς θνητός T εἴη καὶ ἕδοι Δημήτερος 
174, All the tens , Ὁ or to present time (89). Κ᾿... ἀκτὴν. Il, xiii. 391͵ Πῶς γάρ ἂν τις. ἃ YE μὴ ἐπίσταιτο, ταῦτα 
primary, as they reter ” ssciegt με Ι ἐς ithersoever any one leads the σοφὸς εἴη > for how could any one be wise in those things which he did 
"Exeo@ ὅπῃ av τις ἢγ ται, 10 ame * Par. Rep. 451 D. not understand ? Xen. Mem. iy. 6,7. Δέοιτο ἂν αὐτοῦ μένειν, ἔστε 
Σκοπῶμεν εἰ πρέπει ἢ οὔ. ῬΙΑΤ. τόξο, σὺ ἀπέλθοις. Id. ον δι Ri ἀποθνήσκοι μὲν πάντα ὅσα τοῦ 
175. But when ἃ subjunctive depends _—_ r oa . as (ὴν μετα λάβοι, ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἀποθάνοι μένοι ἐν τούτῳ, ap οὐ πολλὴ 
happens in final clauses (318), 1t may be yea * eee ce ae ἀνάγκη τελευτῶντα πάντα τεθνάναι; 1 all things partaking of life 
21, ἦγε τὴν ae οὐ - ee ie SA iva Ln) should die, and after dying should remain dead, must at not very certavnly 
i τὰ πυρὰ τῶν πολεμίων ἰδεῖν, ‘te follow that all things would Jinally be dead ? Prat. Phaed, 72 C. Ὥς 
ἀπόλοιτο καὶ ἄλλος ὅ τις τοιαῦτά γε ῥέζοι, may any other man 
also perish who shall do such things, Od. i. 47. TeOvainv, ὅτε μοι 
μηκέτι ταῦτα μέλοι, may I die, when I (shall) 710 longer CUTE Sor these | 


᾿Ανδρὲ δέ κ᾽ οὐκ 


way. ΤῊσσΟ. Ὦ ii. 


in Xen. Hell. vi. 5, 


ἀπαγαγεῖν τοὺς ὁπλίτας πρὶν “ἢ led ERS ἡ PaO Bd 
, 5 / mash j / r I] 
ΜΝ δις ἡ ΠῚ αταύνανοι. δὲ led on, ( 
ΚΕ Bees sad ats ee 8 the ha 
Hotes! Sage, εἰ > the enemies’ fires, that no one might say tha c 
before they even sau a ak a eo ding, ἵνα μή Tes «ἔτοι, 
4a wht (187). ith the τῷ 
led them off in flight (187) 


i Ivo 4 velow). 
the example would illustrate 176 A (below) 





60 THE TENSES [178 


Min. Fr. i. 2. (Here ὅταν μηκέτι μέλῃ might be used without 
change of meaning. See the second example under δ.) 

178. (0) On the other hand, the dependent verb is sometimes 
in the subjunctive or future indicative, on the ground that it 
follows a tense of future time, especially when the leading verb 
is an optative with ἄν used in its sense approaching that of the 


future indicative (235). Δ... 

Ἢν οὖν μάθῃς μοι τοῦτον, οὐκ ἂν ἀποδοίην, if then you should 
(shall) learn this for me, I would not pay, ete. Ar. Nub. 116. Ἔν σε 
ἀφέλωμαι, κάκιστ᾽ ἀπολοίμην. Id. Ran, 586. ᾿Εγὼ δὲ ταύτην 
μὲν τὴν εἰρήνην, ἕως ἂν εἷς ᾿Αθηναίων λείπηται, οὐδέποτ᾽ ἂν συμ- 
βουλεύσαιμι ποιήσασθαι τῇ yl I would never olein the city to make 
this peace, as long as a single Athenian shall be (should be or was) left. 
Dem. xix. 14. (Here ἕως λείποιτο would be the common form. 
Ὥσπ περ ἂν ὑμῶν ἕκαστος αἰσχυνθείη τὴν τάξιν λιπεῖν ἣν ἂν ταχθῃ 
ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ, as each one of you would be a: shamed. to leave the post at 
which he may be (might be) placed in war, AESCHIN. iii. 7. (Here 
ἣν ταχθείη would be the more common expre ssion.) Τῶν ἀτοπωτάτων 
ἂν εἴη, εἰ ταῦτα δυνηθεὶς μὴ πράξει, it would he one of the strangest 


thongs uf, when he gets the power, he fails ( shall farl) to do this. DEM. 1. 26. 


179. It will be understood that no assimilation to the optative can 
take place when the protasis is present or past, as a change to the 
optative here would involve a change of time. See 561. 


180. II. () ἡ Τὴ final and object clauses with ἵνα, ws, ὅπως, 
ὄφρα, and μή, the subjunctive (or future indicative) is generally 


used after a potential optative with ἄν or after an optative in 
protasis elicnia to the future. £.9. 

Ἦ ῥά κε νῦν ἅμ᾽ ἡμῖν οἴκαδ᾽ ἕποιο, ὄφρα idy, κιτιλ. Od, xv. 431. 
So Od. vi. 57, xvi. 87; Il. xxiv. 264. Δὲ ὠτὸς av παῦρα συμφέροι, 
ὡς ὀρούσῃ. ϑορΗη. El. 1439. Τίς αὐτὸν av κα λέσειεν, ὡς ἴδῃ με; 
Eur. Baech. 1258. ‘Oxvoiny ἂν εἰς τὰ πλοῖα ἐμ ἐβαίνειν, μὴ κατα- 


~ 


δύσῃ" hittin nV δ᾽ av τῳ ἡ εμόνι ἜΡΕΤΝ μὴ ἡμᾶς ἀγάγῃ ὅθεν 
οὐχ οἷόν τε ἔσται ἐξελθεῖν. Xen. πὶ 3.17. Tis οὖκ ἂν φεύ γοι, 


γῶν» 


ἵνα μηὸ ἄκων αὐτῇ περιπέσῃ; ts =xv, Sa. Οἴομαι ἄν ὑμᾶς 


μέγα Ov rae TO στράτευμα. εἰ ἐπ Les An Get ητε ὅπως ἀντὶ τῶν ἀπο- 
λωλότων ὡς τάχιστα STPeT yy οἱ καὶ λοχαγοὶ ἀν ΨΓΤΙΚΟΑΤΟΟΤΥΤ αθῶσιν. 
Xen. An. iii. 1. 38. Εἰ δὲ καὶ ὅπως ἐμὴν ἢ ἔσται φανεροὶ εἴ NTE 
ἐπιμελούμενοι. Id. Vect. v. 10 (see 180, / 

(b) The only examples of the optative here are one in Aristophanes, 
one in Plato, and six in Xenophon! : 

Διὰ τοῦτ᾽ εἰκότως βούλοιντ᾽ av ἡμᾶς ἐξο! Ws eval. iva τὰς 


, 


τελετὰς λάβοιεν. Ar. Pac. 411. Οὐκ av πω πάνυ γε μέγα τι εἴη, 


» 4 > a 


5 , ~ ad ἕ 4 » 
et βουκόλους eae προσθεῖμεν, iva οἱ γεωργοὶ €7Tt Τὸ αρουν εχοίεν 


1 See Weber, Absichtssitze, pp. 220, 221; 245-247. I have assumed that 


ει 


Weber’s collection of examples is complete. 








185] DEPENDENCE OF MOODS AND TENSES 6] 


βοῦς. Piat. Re Ῥ. ὁ 370 D. Πειρῴμ nv (ἄν) μὴ πρόσω »" εἶναι, ἵνα 
εἴ που 7“ εἴη, ἐπ πιφανείην. XEN. Cyr. ll. 4, 17, So Cyn: i. θ᾽ 
22; An. ii. 4, 3, iii. 1, 18 (with various readings in last two). ‘H 
φυλακὴ γελοία τις dv φαίνοιτο, εἰ μ ἢ σύγε ἐπ ἱμελοῖο ὅπως ἔξωθέν 
τι εἰσφέροιτο. XEN. Oecon. vii. 39. Εἰ δὲ καὶ ὅπως τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς 
ἱερὸν αὐτόνομον γένοιτο φανεροὶ εἴ ἡτε ἐπιμελούμενοι. _ . Vect. 
v. 9; but in the next sentence, ὅπως εἰρήν ἡ ἔσται (see 180, 


1 ᾿ 
181. (c) After an optative in a wish twelve ex: imples of “αὶ clauses 


with the pas itive and ten with the subjunctive are cited from Homer 
and the lyric and tragic poets. These are 


Ta ἀχιστά μοι ἔνδον ἑταῖροι εἶεν, ἵν ἐν κλισίῃ λαρὸν τετυκοίμεθα 

δόρπον. Od. xiv. 407. So xviii. 368, xx. 79. (Subjunctive in 1]. xvi. 
99, Xxiv. 74 ; Od. iv. 735, xviii. 202.) So THroa. 885, 1119; ΡΙΝΡ. 
Py. v. 120 (ἢ. (Subj. Prnp. Nem. viii. 35.) "EA@ou ὅπως γένοιτο 
ων εμοι λυτήριος. AEscH. Eum. 297. Tevoipav iv ὑλάεν ἔπεστι 
--- , 3 ς , ‘ 
ΜῊΝ πρόβλημ᾽ ἁλίκλυστον. τὰς ἱερὰς ὅπως προσείποιμε ν 
4 VAS. SOPH. Aj. 1217 ; so Ph. 324 and Tr. 953. (Subj. SOPH. 
rr. 1109.) Ee μοι γένοιτο φ θόγγος ἐν βραχίοσι., ὡς πάνθ᾽ ὁμαρτῇῃ 
τῶν ἔχοιν Το γου νάτων. Eur. Hee. 836 - so Hipp. 732. (Subjunctives 
in Eur. Hel. 174, Suppl. 621, IT. 439, Ion. 671.) 


182. No case of either subj yunctive or optative after an optative in 
a Wish in prose is cited by Weber. Perhaps one may be found i 
DEM. xvill. 89, where Cod. > , reads, Ov διαμάρτοιεν, καὶ μετάσχοιεν 
ὧν ὑμεῖς οἱ τὰ βέλτιστ a Bov λόμενοι τοὺς θεοὺς ς αἰτεῖτε. μ i) μετ ταδοῖεν 
ὑμῖν ὧν αὐτοὶ προήρηνται, which can best be translated, in which 
hopes) may they be disappointed ; and may they (rather) share the blessings 
for which you, who wish for the best, pray the Gods, lest they involve you 
in the evils whack the y have chosen for the mselves. Μή with the subjune tive 
in this sense occurs twice in Demosthenes, xix. 225 ὃ, Xxxvili. 26. The 
alternative, if we keep this reading, is to make μὴ stalin an inde- 
pendent gg as ‘if it were μηδὲ μεταδοῖεν, the usual reading. 
| 183. In relative sentences expressing a purpose the future indicative 
is regularly retained after optatives and even after past tenses of 
the indicative (566). For exceptional cases of the optative in this 
construction see 573 and 574, with 13 

184, III. In indirect quotations and questions depending 
upon an optative which refers to the future, the indicative is 
the only form regularly used to represent an indicative of the 


direct discourse. Eq. 

2 ; ΒΕ. Τ pet , Be ee 5 δι e oe ἀὰ Ἢ 
, On γὰρ av τοὶ TO Y εἰποῖς. WS ἐλαθεν. Α ESCHIN. 11. 15]. ’Exkeivo 
͵ eve 4 av ἐπιχειρήσειε Λεπτίνης, WS dal λειτουργίαι εἰς πένητας 
ἀν boca OUS ἔρχοντ αι (187). Dem. χχ. 18 : soxvi.4. Εἰ ἀποδειχθείη 
τίνα χρὴ ἡγεῖσθαι τοῦ λαισίου. XEN. An. iii. 2, 36 


185. But in Dem. XV1. 5 we find the ΟΡ itat ive in an indirect quota- 


tion: οὐ yap ἐκεῖνό 5 
- rely γαρ €KELVO γ ἂν εἴποιμεν, ὡς av ταλλά ξασθαι βου λοίμεθ᾽ 
ἀντιπάλους Λακεδαιμονί ίους ἀντὶ ( )ηβαίων. Τ here are no other 





come [186 
62 THE TENSES 
— 
: ase of assimilation (we 
it ¢ xxceptional case of assim 

hae , st call it an except Hage tae ἴω, 
readings, and we must cali 1 ἡ unless we emend it either by 
could not say this, that we wished, etc.) uniess aah a δὴ abe 

liz 4 βουλόμεθα (as proposed by Madvig, Be wa ΣΝ } "τῇ ἂν 
eal l is ω» ΝΞ = . > λω i SS. 
: ng dv. In Pua Rep. 515 D, we find in the re eed 
inserting et ὕ an mu) λένοι OTL τότε μὲν ἑώρα φλυαρίας, νυν 
οἴει αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν, εἰ τις αὐτῷ ACY : ould say, tf any one should 
St 6006 βλέποι; what do you think he would say, % agg 
‘ell 3 ie ll ti b ti ve he had been seeing foolish phantoms, mut tha 

. t me ve , 

tell him that a νι - Ag δι. 
now he saw more correctly? (Some Miss. read pe τ tee Se optative 

: TS 0, οὐκ ἂν Ὑνοίης ποτέροισι μετείη, 

In ΤΊ, v. 85, Tudeiony ov ὃν ὙΌΣ 3x ἂν γνοίης here 

nts μέτεστιν in the direct question ; but οὐκ ve —* 
—— lL not have known (442). 
a ‘Ou LO Lave ἤν \ j 

refers to the past, meaning you wor le 


, ative, the 
186. IV. In indirect questions depending on an a tl] 

e . = Ὁ". : . ; =e ~ 287 0 16 

optative may represent an interrogative subjunctive (564) 

direct question. fg. - δ ould withdraw, 

” Σδελθβὼν OT WO σαύυτῳ, UY You shoul Ξᾷ 

Οὐκ ἂν εχοῖς ἐξελί ων O Tt Xf i if Py T (rit 45 B. (Υὺκ 

͵ "OM? shat to do math yourse ye - Ψ : Σ - ὧδ 

you would not know αἱ eg >> Sp ore eee LO ULWO οὐκ 

; 4 > ἅ ,ρήσαιο σαυτῷ, ἀλλ᾽ tAvyyupys a akc ) Coad we ΠΕΣ 

αν — = Xf ! : , The clirect questions here were 


Ps » - ‘ore 486 B. 
" , ποις. Id. Gorg. : “Sven = alwava 
Ὡς uke Seas The subjunctive can always 


/ 


4 ἢ ᾿ τί ' γήσωμαι ᾿ Tt εἴπω; 
TL Xpwpat ;— χρὴ 


| ) » t ) | | . . ‘ ἴ (4 ᾿ 
ye ς Ine in 15 CU 5S ΟἹ y ἢ alte I pa t ( ἢ CS Pid 


INFINITIVE AND PARTICIPLE. 


of the infinitive and 
187. The present, perfect, and future of the infiniti Ps 
. oa ΞΘ 
. RSS Ge SS lion in indirect 
wticiple, and the aorist infinitive when it is not aig os 
AT LIC 9 ¢ ' ‘ xs em tes Pee, © ra to that o ) 
᾿ς course, regularly denote time which is Τὰ 5: . aces 
aise SU, acetate” wie ἡμὴ » Torce 0 i 
leading verb They therefore merely paneer 3 ft E.a 
Ce Θ " ΠΝ . denende ‘lauses. 4.4. 
verb, as primary or secondary, to the dependent ς ll what this is 
‘ 2 Gi, , i ushes to te wha Us 1δ. 
. ἔα , Tt TOUTO ECTLY, he wishes Ξ 
Βούλεται λε yee oe = ἴῃ. he wished to tell what this was. Φησιν 
2 .- δ Υ 18 r Γ ‘ 
ny ύλετο λέγειν τὶ TOUTO εἰ; js Ἢ ἱκηκοέναι 
Ἐβο Ἡρᾷ +f eee he says he has heard what vt 1. Key bi ἂν 
(NKOEVAL T oor 9 sly . a f , Oo Tt av 
afd he said he had heard what it was, Φησι πὰ 95 ᾿ ιν 
Ἵ 6 & we ‘ ποιήσειν 
β : a Me. he says he will doa whatever you may αἱ ish. ~ = 
) 7 σ σ of yo : ; . ᾿ Ὺ “LS 
Ρ οἱ “, , λ ? ie he «τὰ he would do whate vel you might ὩΣ: ᾿ "57 
O τι [ ον —— Ν ΄, IOs. τί ἐστι. "EK pevov βουλόμενοι ειθεναε 
Μένουσιν βουλόμενοι ὈΟΥΡΟΝῚ , νη, 
, ae , ; 3 β Γ _ ‘ey > , 
Tl εἴη. Mevovou AKTKOOTES ‘ St See Aer, Mevove ἀκουσόμενοι 
they watted having heard what at was (Tt ἐστιν; 4 
> ‘ 


: ' τς 
ἐστιν "ἥμενον AKYKOOTES TL Εἰ)» 


7 we 
Γ , μενον ἀκουσόμενοι TL εἰη.- Ἐς 
TL ἐστιν. Kpevor aK Hi seein wy. he wishes to learn what this 4s, 
f 7" iw al - , ͵ ἮΝ δ 
AE VYVWVal TL TOVTO EO . ei 
τυ sa 4 4 oT L he vished to learn what this meas, 
Ἐβούλετο γνωναι τι τοὶ ΤῸ Εἰ» ' 


sad ww 
a ae 


a ἢ’ 
- Ν δ ωῳ “αν ν οὐῳῦ av OOLITE, 
ὥς ὦ , τούτων δεδώκατε τὴν OWPEAY TAVT)) : 
᾿ "ἢ “ΦΤΟΤ OUTWV ὁεθυκαΊ / P = ae 
VOEVE Farore : =, 4 .9Ω im : τῶν ἑκάστῳ. ὁπότ αν βου λη- 
»Α κα λυ ἢν ς ἐγθρους υρριίί(ειν αὐτῷ ι » δ Ὁ 
ἐξειναι TOUS LOLOUS εν P 1D » 170 O08’ ὑμῖν οὔτε Θηβα:ι- 
LA. 0, δίνγνωσαι τούπον. DEM. xxl. 110. Γν- a 
Tat καὶ ὃν av δύνηται vaca , ruvexwpn On τοῦθ᾽ ὑπὸ τὼν 
᾿ς ~ rs ri W€TT WTOTE ( iy ι . 7 
: fENALLLOVLOLS OVOETT WA j . 
οἱ OUTE Aaxe μ Se : ‘canted vou, etc., to 
“EAA Ί ποιεῖν O τι βούλοισθε, never was this granted y | bit 
LAANVWY, 7 ty denotes a habi 
7 . Of re “7 aaenoves « ’ 
lo whatever you pleased. Id. ix, 23. Here ποιεῖν 
( oy 





191] DEPENDENCE OF MOODS AND TENSES 63 


and is followed by the optative (532); if the leading verb were ovy- 


χωρεῖται, we should have ποιεῖν ὅ τι ἂν βούλησθε. Compare the 
two subjunctives in the preceding example. 


188. The present infinitive and participle representing the imperfect 
(without av), and the perfect representing the pluperfect, are secondary 
tenses in themselves, without regard to the leading verb. Eg. 

Πῶς yap οἴεσθε δυσχερῶς ἀκούειν, εἴ τίς τι λέγοι; how unwill- 
ingly do you think they heard it, when any one said anything? Derm. vi, 
20. So Piar. Rep. 430 A. See these and other examples under 119. 

For the perfect see Xen. Cyr. i. 4, 27, and Tuvc. ν. 49, under 123. 


189. The aorist infinitive in indirect discourse is a past tense 
in itself, and is therefore secondary. E.g. 


A 
Φησὶ γνῶναι τί τοῦτο εἴη. he says that he learned what this was. 


Ἔφη γνωναι τί τοῦτο εἴη, he said that he had learned what this Was. 
Φησὶ yap ὁμολογῆσαί pe τοῦ κλήρου τῷ παιδὶ τὸ ἡ “λήριον 
ἢ γ Lf μ IAO Y4 at } Tol ͵ por 7 9 7TALOL TO 2 [AUK yplor 

~! , > o 4 ye 5 , . 
PETAOWTELVY EL νικήῆσαιμι τοὺς ἔχοντας αὐτόν (he says I promised, 


~) 5" . -. - 
μεταδώσω ἐὰν νικήσω). ISAK. xi. 94. Θαλὴν Θρᾷττά τις θεραπαινὶς 


5 ~ 5 ’ 4 
v ovpavy προθυμοῖτο εἰδέναι, τὰ 
5 an , » ’ Ἢ πο 
θεν αὐτου λανθάνοι αὐτον. PLAT. Theaet. 174 A. 
a ΄“ ~ a ~ ΟΙΧᾺ wy 
δοκῶ οὐ μαντικὼως ἃ νυν 07) € 


> ~ ; , ε A 4 > 

aTOTKWY at λέγεται, WS τᾶ μεν ε 

δ᾽ ἔμπροσ ἾΑρά σοι 

> ~ ¢ > , “~ 

Aeyov εἰπεῖν, ὅτι Αγάθων θαυμαστῶς 
~ o> ¥ 

ἐροῖ ἐγὼ ὸ ἀπορήσοιμι; Id, Symp. 198 A. In all these cases 


the optative depends on the aorist infinitive as a past tense. 


190. The aorist participle properly refers to time past relatively 


to the leading verb. It is therefore secondary when the leading 


verb is past or present, so that the participle refers to time 
absolutely past; but it may be primary when the leading verb 
is future, if the participle refers to time absolutely future. E.¢. 


” , A , ) , ” ~ ” 
lore ἡμᾶς ἐλθόντας iva τοῦτο ἴδο tev, you know that we came 
that we might see this, 


“” > ” Ν , > 4 yw Ἃ , 
ἐν ἐχοι δικάζειν, αἰγιαλὸν ἔνδον τρέφει, 
and once he took Fright lest he might sometime lack pebbles (for votes 
enable him to he a judge, and SO he 


7 4 ¢ 4 
Ψήφων δὲ δείσας μὴ δεηθείη ποτὲ 


) to 
keeps a beach on the premises. AR. 
Vesp. 109. Ipods ὀργὴν ἐκφέρει, μεθεῖσ ά μοι λέγειν ἃ χρήζοιμι, 
you rush into a passion, after you gave me leave to say what I wished (Le. 


ἃ av xp7 (ys). SopH. El. 698, 
- 4 » ad > 4 5 ~ , , . 

Ὑπειπὼν τἄλλα ὅτι αὐτὸς τἀκεῖ πράξοι, ᾧχετο. THUC. i. 90. 

Ty μάστιγι τυπτέσθω πληγὰς i 


‘ ’ > ~ 3 a 
TO κήρυκος ἐν TH ἀγορᾷ, Κηρ ύξα ντος 
o , 7 
ὧν ἕνεκα μέλλει τύπτ 


εσθαι, i.e. let the crier flog him, after proclavming 
(having proclaimed) for what he is to be flogged. Pua. Leg. 917 E. 

191. The tenses of the infinitive and participle with ἄν are 
followed, in dependent clauses, by those constructions that 
would follow the finite moods which they represent, if these 
stood in the same position. See Chapter IIL. 





CHAPTER IIL. 
THE PARTICLE “AN. 


ic κέ ‘ic xa) has 
192. The adverb ἄν (with the epic κέ, Doric xa) 


‘t be distinguished. 
two uses, which must be disting 


Ὶ “ἢ > ΤΟΥ͂ 0 
; th action of the verb t 
1. In one use, it denotes that the acti 


some condition, ex- 
it is joined is dependent upon some condition, 


_ This is its force with the secondary 


yressed or implied. } ΓΒ ΝΡ. οἹ 
: of the indicative, and with the optative, infi : > 

| } Υ̓ . rayrTr 0 
with these it belongs strictly to the verb, t 
4 


tenses 
and participle : 7 et 
oree re ult 
which it gives a potential force, like our wo oes 
2 In its other use it 18 joined regularly to νῷ ᾿ : 
ti β ᾿ times ie fina 
lative and temporal words, and sometimes to : ‘ | 
ἐν oe | Γ : se are IOLlOWe! 
ticles ὡς, ὅπως, and ὄφρα, when any of these are οἱ 
articles ὡς 7 4 oe 3 z 
ἐξ β Here, although as an adverb it qualies 


by the subjunctive. relative οἱ 


. " γ Te 4 rith the 
οἷ : sg closely connected wi — 
ae α, ἐάν, ἥν, 


: ᾿ oalesces with it, forming 
article, that it often coalesce erat Es 
eee Ξ (lonic ἐπεαν). 


; " ’ : ae ; ; 
iy, ὅ “πόταν, ἐπειδάν, ἐπὰν OY ΕπΠῊϊ 
Av, ὅταν, OTOTAV, ἐπεις σ΄... 
ἘΣ 7 lude only the constructions which ar in gor 
3 1 the subjunctive 
for κέ or av with 


These statements inc | ay 
use in Attic Greek. For the epic use τοῦ ince 
in a potential sense (as with the optative) see 201, 
the future indicative see 196. | 

193. There is no word or expression in Eng 


: ἘΞ ; 99 
In its first use (192, it by 
As ἔλθοι ἄν. hu would go; HAGE 


lish which can be used 
Ἰ 1) we express it by 
separately to translate av. 


. verb which we use ; : τ, 
δι τὰν τ νον, In its second use, with the subjunctive, 1t 


‘tible in translation. 
study of the 


i ) have done. 
av he would hea ( : Μ᾿ 
, lly has ho force that can be made p Τί κι 7 
| τ τὰ T oniv DV a 
iar use ιν can be unde rstoot | 
sree These are enumerated below, 


genera 
The pecu | 
various constructions 1 which it occurs. | 
« ᾿ Ξ . , aa weacar ἢ ῖ 16 
with references (when it is necessary) t t 


each in Chapter LV. 





more full explanation of 





THE PARTICLE ἄν 65 


194. No theory of the origin of either ἄν or κέ has yet helped 
to explain their meaning, however valuable the discussion of the 
question may have been to comparative philology. It seems to 
be clear that κέ is the older particle ; it occurs 621 times in 
Homer while ἄν occurs 155 times ; in Pindar the two are nearly 
balanced ; ἄν has a preference for negative sentences, being very 
often attached to the negative ; ἄν is more emphatic, as appears 
indeed from its fixed accent, while κέ is enclitic; κέ is much 
more frequent than av in relative clauses in Homer But, 
practically, it is still safe to assume that the two particles are 
used in substantially the same sense in al] epic and lyric poetry. 
In Herodotus and Attic Greek only ay is used. 


INDICATIVE WITH “Ap, 


195. The present and perfect indicative are never used 
with ἄν. 


When this seems to occur, there is generally a mixture of construc- 
tions; asin Par. Leg. 712 E, ἐγὼ δὲ οὕτω νῦν ἐξαίφνης ἂν ἐρωτηθεὶς 
ὄντως ὁπὲρ εἴπον, οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν, Where ἄν was used with a view to 
a following οὐκ ἂν εἴποιμι or some such construction, for which οὐκ 
ἔχω εἰπεῖν was substituted. The meaning is, if I should suddenly be 
asked, I could not say, ete. In Plato, and more frequently in Aristotle, 

" Ψ 4 ys > . \ 5 . i 
Kav εἰ (= καὶ ἂν, εἴ) may be used like καὶ εἰ, without regard to the 
mood of the verb which is to follow, to which κἄν really belongs. 
See Prat. Men. 72 C, κἂν εἰ πολλαί εἰσιν, ἕν γέ τι εἶδος ταὐτὸν πᾶσαι 
ἔχουσι, Le. even if they are many, still (it would seem to follow that) they 
all have one and th same form. So Rep. 579 D, Soph. 247 E. See 
Arisror. Pol. iii. 6, 1, κἂν εἰ πλείους, followed by εἰσίν. 
= τ᾿ ὩΣ τὰ ; 

196. The future indicative is often used with κέ OF ἄν 
by the early poets, especially Homer. The addition of ἄν 
seems to make the future more contingent than that tense 
naturally is, sometimes giving it a force approaching that of 

ι. ! 
the optative with ἄν. Ey. 

᾿Αλλ’ ἴθ᾽, ἐγὼ δέ KE τοι Χαρίτων μίαν ὁπλοτεράων δώσω, ὀπυι- 
έμεναι καὶ σὴν κεκλῆθαι ἄκοιτιν, I will give you one of the younger Graces, 
etc. 1], xiv. 267. Kai κέ τις ὧδ᾽ ἐρέεει Τρώων ὑπερηνορεόντων, and 
some one will or muy) thus speak, Il. iv. 176. Ὅ δέ κεν κεχολώ- 
σεται ὅν KEV ἵκωμαι, and he may be angry to whom I come. 1]. 1. 139. 
Ki δ᾽ ἄγε, τοὺς ἂν ἐγὼν ἐπιόψομαι" οἱ δὲ πιθέσθων. Il. ix. 167. 
Παρ᾽ ἔμοι ye καὶ ἄλλοι, of κέ με τιμήσουσι, others, who will honour 


1 See Monro, Homeric Gram mar, pp. 265-267. For Pindar, see Gildersleeve 
in Am. Jour. Phil. iii. pp. 446-455, where may be found a complete enumera- 
tion of the passages in Pindar containing either ἄν (30 cases) or κέ (33 cases), 

EF 





» 97 
66 THE PARTICLE av [197 


” Ψ ? δ ΓᾺ a αν 
TL. i. 174 ki δ᾽ Ὀδυσεὺς ἔλθοι καὶ ἵκοιτ ἐς πατρίδα a ’ 
me. τ, tim © , ee. 2 vil. 539. ere 
iy Ἵ σὺν © παιδὶ βίας ἀποτίσεται ἀνὸρων. Od. - ll. 3 
αἶψά κε σὺν WT : 1: ‘a (201. 1), is used nearly 
, = > he ist 5 unctive (ZU1, 1), i 
: ‘ -¢ which may be aorist subj 
ποτίσεται KE, WD \ να te the 
i the sense ‘of the optative, corresponding to the optatives 
in le εκ 3 Ψ 
rotasis. ; ae, ἘΞ 
᾿ Ké is much more common with the future than ἂν 6 Greek i 
: : indicative 1 » Greek 18 
197. The use of ἄν with the future indicative in πεν iv oa 
ἢ ὃ “4 e care ‘evision Ὁ 
: > δυλδέῥα 3 the more careiul ΤῈ 
- denied by many critics, and ; ' 
absolutely denied by Be ber of examples cited im 
+a hag creatly diminished the number - , 
the texts has greatly dimi ‘aces. even of the best prose, we 
support of it. Still, in several passages, ev σ᾿: κὰν Si 
- : ; 18 > ἡ 1e cons - 
stihl either emend the text against the Mss., or admit 
5 , 
i ; ‘are exception. Eg. , 
ton ies — P ὁρῶ ποίᾳ δυνάμει συμμάχῳ χρησάμενοι μᾶλλοι 
)ῆκξ. OC / opW Tot , j / a ᾿ wore 
At UTTTLOVs O€ νχ Pp « ι x 4 ” a XEN An. il. 5, 13. φη 
ἂν ΚΟ λάσεσ θε THS VUV OUV εμοι οι O7)S. - one Ξ ,» ἡ “ be Sev 0 h 3 
- μ , “ “ , ο i ’ ‘ 
0 ὃ! ἐρωτώμενον εἰπεῖν, οὐχ KEL, φάναι, OVO ἂν ἧς 1] Po 
OUV TO , i ᾿ , ὰ ¢ 4 5 ᾿ . Ὶ ( é won 
‘d th εἰ the one who was ashe εἶ replu d, ‘ He ha: nt on ν °F The 
sau ( ᾿ ma ᾿ PY Te; “15 7-Ot. y 
| this way.” Puat. Rep. 615 D. (The only other reading 1s γῇ aoe 
come vs {fe 4d . . “ . 4 ; le > see SopH. Ant. 394 
° ] 3 7 Ἢ } re makes αν less obje tional le > sec al ἜΣ Ἢ ’ 
colloquial style he τ; ὃς ὑμᾶς ws, εἰ διαφευξοίμην, ἤθη ἂν 
ted in 208.) "Edy λέγων T pos υμᾶς WS, μὴ ᾿ ς * 99 Ο 
quous rhs ᾿ΕΝ Ἐ διαφθαρήσονται. Id. Ap. 29 ©. 
a οἱ υἱεῖς πάντες παντάπασι Ola ρΊ) Fl 484 
υ ae 2 ” Φ f ’ ΨΩ \ <u R. 4, : O44, 
Kav ἔτ᾽ ἔτι φόνιον ὄψομαι atpa (SO the Mss.). I το πὰς 
See 908 and 216, on the future infinitive and participle 
we maVsO ¢ - 


Μ a Ξ . . ative 
198. The most common use of ἂν with th a2 ᾿ 
= ͵ imperfect an 
ig with the secondary tenses, generally the imperfect an 
| Ξ : onditi or in 
aorist, in the apodosis of an unfulfilled condition (410) 
« ? : : on 243) 
a potential sense (249). = eae 
199. The imperfect and aorist indicative are sometimes ὉΡ : 
ith Ἂ in an iterative sense (162), which construction mus 
with av ‘ at ; | ἐρᾷ 
not be confounded with that just mentioned (198). 


SuBJUNCTIVE AND OPTATIVE WITH 1 


900. In Attic Greek ἄν is regularly used with ead 
junctive in protasis and in conditional relative casey ee 
sometimes in final clauses with ws and ὅπως, — : ci 
closely joined with the particle ἐμ the — 
in independent sentences. See 325, oe Ι and 522 - 

201. 1. In epic poetry, when the Se eae ε 
tive has nearly the sense of the future incicnve es “ 
sometimes takes κέ Or av. This forms a future poe π᾿ 
expression, nearly equivalent to the future oe “3a 
κέ or ἄν, and sometimes approaching the optative 


ἄν. Eg. 


these tenses has ἄν joined with the verb in a finite mood. Lig 


they would (now 


> ” 
σαν GV). 


says that they would (hereafter) be Sree, if they should 





205] THE PARTICLE ἄν 67 


73> as 4 


ul O€ KE μὴ δώῃσιν, ἐγὼ δέ κεν αὐτὸς ἕλωμα t, and if he does not 
gwe her up, I will take her myself. Il. i. 324; see also i. 137. 


See 285 and 452. For the variety of nearly equivalent future 


potential forms which the Homeric language’ presents, reduced to one 
in Attic Greek, see 235. 

2, The epic language has κέ or ἄν with the subjunctive 
in the constructions of 192, 2; but its use of κέ or ἄν in 
conditions is less strict, and that with final particles is 
more free, than the Attic use of ἄν. 


See 325-328; 450-454; 468-471; 538-541. 
202. The optative with ἄν forms the apodosis of the less 
vivid future condition (like the English form with would or 


should), or has a potential sense. Ly. 


Ki τοῦτο ποιήσειεν, ἄθλιος ἂν ein, Uf he should do this, he would be 


wretched. Ἡδέως ἂν ἐροίμη ν αὐτόν, I should like to ask him. (See 
233 and 455.) 


For construction of ἄν or κέ with εἰ or the final particles and the 
optative, see 460 ; and 329, 330, 349, 350, 351. 


203. As the future optative came into common use after the future 
indicative with ἄν (196) was nearly extinct, it was never used with ἄν. 


INFINITIVE WITH "Ap, 


204. The infinitive can be used with gy in all cases in 


which a finite verb would have ἄν if it stood in its place. 


This is found chiefly in indirect discourse, in which each 
tense of the infinitive with ἄν represents the corresponding tenses 


of the indicative or optative with ἄν in the direct form. The 
context must decide whether the indicative or optative is repre- 
sented in each case. 

205. (Present.) The present infinitive, which represents also 
the imperfect (119), when used with ἄν, may be equivalent either 


to the imperfect indicative with av or to the present optative 
with av. 


It can represent no other form, as no other form of 


4 > ‘ ᾽ , ” > > A » 
Φησὶν αυτους ἐλευθέρους αν εἰναι. εἰ τοῦτο ἔπραξαν, he says that 
be free, uf they had done this (εἶναι ἄν representing 


Φησὶν αὐτοὺς ἐλευθέρους ἂν εἶναι, εἰ τοῦτο πράξειαν, he 
do this (εἶναι ἄν 
Oier Ge yap τὸν πατέρα οὐκ ἂν φυλάτ- 
τειν καὶ τὴν τιμὴν λαμβάνειν τῶν ξύλων; do you think he would 
not have take nw care and have TCCE ived the pay for the tumber ? Dem. xlix. 
35, (Here the direct discourse would be ἐφύλαττεν ἂν καὶ ἐλάμβανεν.) 


represent ing ει ησαν av), 





vv 206 
68 THE PARTICLE av [ 


> 7 
, - ‘ ν᾿ , 5 ail / j ὦ ᾿ γντας ε 1 τι 
Ma pt Uf ἐ βων ο ! ] av ‘ ους 3 ισ OY Por Ὗ ακ 5 } ] ha 
Ot 4 5 LY } y , ( 7 τὰ - 3 
ἡδίκο “7 σι , -VOT a7 EvELY, they used us as ai ard i U, I I 
VV ol €7i ) at 5 G [ 4 ] } i ] 20 li ls, US would no he 8. rving 
peo le γ / ) & witil LETNSELVES \ i δ = 
/ vho had an equal pol Ϊ Ἷ 3 ᾿᾿ | τὰ Ἐπ 
ΠΣ th va ᾿ st the ur will unt ss those whom they a tacke aged 4 { “hal 
ie vé oo | “ἴ ov j il ] ] ἐς ( 1 και γὰρ ἂ V οὐκ a χαρίσ TWS μοι € xX εἰ Vv, jo 
ry ν᾽ Ὺ yy Ld ~ 1 5 — ἃ ! 
Γ i ὯΝ : ; + 2 } ‘ a V € Ol e XEN. An. ll. V5 ] ξ . 
] think ut would nol ve a thankle δὲ la OUT οι K . χ 
uv ως ἤ Lv 


: eee ich represents also 
206. (Perfect.) The perfect infinitive, which or ee @ 
= : νὰ Με ay be equivalent 
the pluperfect (123), when used with av, may be ᾿ i sa 
Ρ Ἵ i : : : VY ry ἣν or to ie perie 
either to the pluperfect indicative with ἂν ΟἹ I 
ἘΝ 2 ] » ᾿ EB q Ε 
optative with αν. 4.4. ed § Μαραθῶνι καὶ Σαλαμῖνι 
Si μὴ τὰς ἀρετὰς ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἐκείνας οἱ Map ι κα ἶ 
Εἰ μὴ TAS ἀρετι 5 aS βαρβάρων ἂν ἑαλωκεναι 
ie TavTa ταυῦ΄ VTO TU ; ; Be ae 
‘OVTO a, ek, A ‘7 > ot & ha τε 
aa ake — — τις if those at Marathon and ΝΟ ΠΝ 8 had . ( 4 ἐν 
(sc. φήσειεν αν Τὸν» & ‘ " would say that a LeESE 
᾿ . elie wy Ol } 
those deeds of valour vn th ul beh lf, κῷ Dy M X1X 312 Here 
Ϊ ] € been captured by the barbarvans. : = “ Se “ t See. ἜΝ 
would have ε ν᾽. , ἄν.) AAA οὐκ ἂν ἡγουμ , 
c he κέναι ἄν represents ἐἑαλώκεσαι .} ἤχει μι : αψηφί 
EAAWKEV με , ν Ἔ: 4 UTWVY KAT po 
τοὺς δίκην ἀξίαν δεδωκεναι. εἰ cxpoarepcyes © μ᾿ Ϊ ficient 
1 IS ᾿ . @ | " Si ‘ 
pati I Ἶ ,0t hy lr ve the yf would tive i have ᾿ uf sony a ss 
σαισθε, but — ὑγμου ; : 8] thould condemn them. Lys, XXvu. 
yunishment, if you after hearing them sh δεδωκέναι ἄν repre- 
᾿ ' Ἤ Ι͂ the protasis in the optative shows that ϑεθὼ hte oe 
Y. ( ere , ᾿ ὁ ὦ ee — “ATEWN DLO OA 5 
ts bed sres ἂν εἶεν (103); but if the protaSis were εἰ KaTeyy pl γαν 
sents δεὸωκοτες α Sieg : Ἢ enresent ἐδοδώκοσι 
if had condemned them, oeOwkevat αἱ would “i page Say ἱπολω 
uy YOu Me : ; 5S, οὐκ GV aTOAW- 
” y Ἶ ld } ,2 sult red.) Pee also. in XxXVll. " ἰς "a 
δ΄, Oey meee ee ting perfect optatives with av. 
᾿ Ἢ . δίκην δεδωκεναι. representing pt ς , 
V ὁεόρωκεμαάαις ] Ξ Ε : 11 
Aevat ἀλλα ΟΥΚΉ δ Soe ae XEN. Mem. i. . 
> Ἂ . Dre ἂν δικαίως κεκλησθαι Ἡγέειτο. 
ἈΑνδραποὸδωδεις ΟΝ « \ : ἂν BIS 
κ᾿ ial sents KEKAYMEVOL ἃ . é 
(Here κεκλησθαι av repre : μ are. as are the forms of the 
These constructions are of course rare, a 
_ 7; | 
finite moods here repres¢ ntea, : a tad 
907. (Aorist.) The aorist infinitive with av may be equiv: 
Aorist. ohne age aori tative 
. : i ‘i is ' . AOI ist ) εἰ 
either to the aorist indicative with ἂν or to the 
Φ » BK. 
with av. L.9. 


m ‘ " > ‘ se do vou not heli a4 
»" c > Φ ἐμ LW “ἂν €T tO \LULELV: 
Οὐκ αν Ί) γεμ αὐτὸν κα ! i 


᾿ 5 


that 


€- 


hather ? i.e οὐκ ἂν ΕΠ 

9 had | Ὁ he would even have run thither? 1.0. - a ἐς 
Ὶ 8 hat wen 80 -ι ΙΝ κ᾿ ι Ἢ ᾿ κει TO 
(uf this — δὲ "Avev 6€ σεισμου οὐκ ἂν μοὲ OO a 
δ ,. DEM. xxv. 806. - gpm ting οὐκ ἂν 
ὃραμεν; περι ἢ , ‘x ἂν ξυμβῆναι representing οὐκ ¢ 
TOLOUTO Ct i 


ξ ε ) I ss Ϊ t] Ι f foes nol SHO TIL LU Tite 
7 arthouadhe ! f 
UV f ἢ) bu u nl 8s hue re hi εἶ hy ii (tii f : i | ; “te ; τ 
Ὶ γ ἽΝ ἐ({ὺ if PPE . . . 
t} ἑ Ν Cit f ; uld by anu cha i j ! / | ] ) } 
va SU J a thing cv ‘ ‘ 


> 
> 


aad " : } Vv ᾿ ; "Οὐκ av 
‘ ” ” ᾿ ‘ L\ Cet ἱ Kal 7 i /1) 

l‘ovs 07 α OUS WAG l εν LOWS ai επί ες : } | 
A ᾿ ᾿ jA ¢ ᾿ > j 


-~ ~ ~ ” > ‘ ᾿ ᾿ ᾿ 
͵ { σως LI “< λ 70. και , } ace ἰ rt . 
7 ε ὲ δέ ει} LT 7 μαι l, . l εὐ ε ξς \ €} \ UA pe οι ΕἸ 


Id. ii. 20. Οὐδ᾽ ἂν κρατῆσαι αὐτοὺς τῆς γὴς ἤγοῦμαι (Le. KPaTy- 

» av). Id. vi. 37. , ” nivale 
ae (Future.) The future infinitive with ay can ἐν Ὁ, πβόροθνα 
only io the Homeric construction οἵ the gree os aire 
ἄν. But as av is not found in Homer seer Βν : ἊΝ χαῖρ a 
this construction rests chiefly re se sgn and suspicions 
Attic writers, and is subject to the same doubts ὲ 








TuHuc. ii. 49. Μιᾶς T ped 





211] THE PARTICLE ἄν 69 


as the future indicative with ἄν in those writers. (See 197. 
Unless we exterminate the latter, there 
this as its representative. In the followi 
retained on the best Ms. authority. 
Nopifovres, 


can be no objection to 
ng passages it is still 


εἰ ταύτην πρώτην λάβοιεν, ῥᾳδίως ἂν σφίσι τἄλλα 
προσχωρήσειν. ΤῊσοΟ, ii. 80. (Here the direct discourse would 
regularly have had either the future indicative without dv, or the 
aorist optative with ἄν) The same may be said of Tauc. v. 82, 
νομίζων μέγιστον ἂν σφᾶς ὠφελ σειν (where one Ms. reads by cor- 
rection ὠφελῆσαι. See also Tuuc. vi. 66; vill. 25 and 71; and 
Puat. Crit. 53 D; Crat. 391 A. Σχολῇ ποθ᾽ ἥξειν δεῦρ᾽ ἂν ἐξηύ- 
χουν ἐγώ, I declared that I should be 


very slow to come hither again. 
SopH. Ant. 390. 


(Here the colloc uial stvle may account for 
A 3 3 

as for ἥξει ἄν in Puar. Rep. 615 D, unless we tal 
See 197.) In Pryp. Ol. ij. 
γλυκυτέραν KEV ἔ) 


ἥξειν ἄν, 
τ av with ἐξηύχουν. 
108, we have εἰ δὲ μὴ ταχὺ λίποι, ἔτι 
πομαι σὺν ἅρματι θοῷ κλεΐξειν. 
As the future optative is never used with ἄν 
be represented by the future infinitive with ἄν. 
209. The infinitive with ἄν is rare in the early poets, occur- 
ring but once in Homer, Il. ix. 684 (quoted under 683), and 
three times in Pindar, Pyth. vii. 20 (present), Pyth. 11. 110 
(aorist), and ΟἹ, i. 108 (future, quoted in 208) 
210. The infinitive with ἄν sometimes represents an iterative 


imperfect or aorist indicative with ἄν (162). This must be carefully 
distinguished from the potential use. E.q. 


᾿Ακούω Λακεδαιμονίους τότε ἐμβαλόντας 
χώραν ἀναχωρεῖν ἐπ᾽ οἴκου πάλιν. I hear that the Lacedaemonians 


at that time, after invading and ravaging the country, used to γι 
again, Drm. ix. 48. 


(203), this can never 


” A , Ἁ 
αν και κακωσαντας ΤῊΡ 


turn home 
Here ἀναχωρεῖν ἄν represents ἀνεχώρουν ἄν in 
its iterative sense, they used to return.) Paci μὲν γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐρεπτό- 
μενον τὰ τῶν ἐχόντων ἀνέρων οὐκ ἂν ἐξελθεῖν ἀπὸ τῆς 
τοὺς δ᾽ ἀντιβολεῖν ἂν ὁμοίως, they 560 that, when he Was | eeding on 
men of wealth, he never would get away from the meal-tub 3; and they all 
alike used to umplore him (οὐκ ἂν ἐξῆλθεν. οἱ δὲ ἠντιβόλουν av), AR, 
Eq. 1295, 


211. The infinitive with ἄν, in the cases already mentioned, 
stands in indirect discourse after a verb of saying or thinking. 
Sometimes, however, it is found in other constructions, where 
the present or aorist infinitive (without av) would be expected. 
In such cases there is an approach to the usage of indirect dis- 
course, so far at least that the infinitive with av has the force of 


the corresponding tense of the indicative or optative. E.g. 
To > " ‘ 


, 
σίπυης ᾿ 


fad 5 , or “ἄς Ἃ » an 4 “~ 
ME ἐντὸς OVTWS EKGALETO, WOTE NOLTTA ἂν ες voWp ψυχρὸν σφάς 


αὐτοὺς ῥίπτειν, so that th y would most gladly have thrown themselves 
. ” . . ” ” 
into cold water iv here being equivalent to ἐρριπτον ἄν). 
4 4 o 4 Oe \ Pe ae 
“ἰ πρὸς νυκτὸς, ὥστε μήτ᾽ ἐμὲ μήτ᾽ ἄλλον, 


ρίπτειν ( 





70 THE PARTICLE av [91 


ὅστις φῶς ὁρᾷ, βλάψαι ror’ ἄν, so that you could harm (βλάψειας ἄν) 
neither me nor any other who beholds the light. Sopn. O0.T. 374. So Tr. 
669. ᾿Ἑφθασαν παρελθόντες τὴν τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων οἰκοδομίαν, ὥστε 
μηκέτι μήτε αὐτοὶ κωλύεσθαι tr αὐτῶν, ἐκείνους TE καὶ παντάπασιν 
ἀπεστερηκέναι, εἰ καὶ κρατοῖεν, μὴ ἂν ἔτι σφᾶς ἀποτειχίσαι, 80 as 
to be no longer themselves obstructed by them, and so as to have deprived 
them absolutely of the power of ever again walling them in, even of they 
should be victorious. THuc. vii. 6. “Yoopev τὴν νύκτα πᾶσαν" ὥστ᾽ 
ἴσως βουλήσεται κἂν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ τυχεῖν Ov μᾶλλον ἢ κρῖναι κακῶς, 
we will rain all night long, so that perhaps he will wish to have the luck to 
be (that he might by chance find himself) in Egypt rather than to judge 
unfairly. Ar. Nub. 1130. (Here τυχεῖν ἄν follows βούλομαι like the 
future infinitive in Tauc. vi. 57: see 113.) We have ἐλπίζω followed 
by the infinitive and ἄν in ΤΉσο. vii. 61, τὸ τῆς τύχης κἂν μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν 
ἐλπίσαντες στῆναι, hoping that fortune may take sides with us (σταίη 
dv). See also ὅρη. El. 1482, ἀλλά μοι πάρες κἂν σμικρὸν εἰπεῖν, 
but permit me at least to say a little (that I might say even a little, 
εἴποιμι ἄν). 

See the corresponding use of the future infinitive in similar expres- 
sions, where there is the same approach to indirect discourse (113). 

912. Even the infinitive with the article occasionally takes ἄν, as in 
ANT. V. 8, TOUTO ὑμᾶς διδάξω, οὐ τῷ φεύγειν ἂν τὸ πλῆθος τὸ ὑμέτερον, 
this I will teach you, not because I would avoid your people. In SoPH. 
Ant. 236, τῆς ἐλπίδος τὸ μὴ παθεῖν ἂν ἄλλο, the hope that I could 
not suffer anything else, the construction is practically that of indirect 


discourse (794). 
PARTICIPLE WITH “Ap. 


913, When the participle is used with ἄν, each tense 
represents the corresponding tenses of the indicative or 
optative with av. 

The participle with ἄν is not, like the infinitive with ἄν, found 
chiefly in indirect discourse ; but ἄν is more frequently added to 
an attributive or a circumstantial participle (822) to give ita potential 
force equivalent to that of the indicative or optative with ἄν. 
The participle with ἄν is not found in Homer or Pindar. 

914. (Present.) The present participle (like the present 
infinitive) with ἄν represents the imperfect indicative or the 
present optative with ἄν. ig. 

Οἶδα αὐτοὺς ἐλευθέρους ἂν ὄντας, εἰ τοῦτο € 
would (now) be free, uf they had done thes. Oida αὐτοὺς ἐλευθέρους ἂν 
ὄντας. εἰ τοῦτο πράξειαν, I know they would (hereafter be free, uf they 
should do this. (In the former ὄντας ἄν represents ἦσαν ἄν, in the 
latter εἴησαν av.) Tov λαμβανόντων δίκην ὄντες ἂν δικαίως (1.6. 
ἦμεν av), whereas we should justly be among those who inflict punishment, 


πραξαν, I know they 





218] THE PARTICLE ἄν 71 


Dem, lvii. 3. Ὁ é ὴ ὶ 
4 . ᾿ . T < , 3 Ἁ 
Thon Ke ἐσχε μὴ κατὰ πόλεις αὐτὸν ἐπιπλέοντα τὴν 
ΤΟΡΨΡΏΉσΟν TOopl IV ty ἄν κα 
= ce πορῦειν, ἀδυνάτων αν OVTwWY (ὑμῶν) ἐπιβοηθεῖν, when 
Εν" have been unable to bring aid (ἀδύνατοι ἂν re. THue. i. 73 
¥ . a « \ . eo le £WDe 
OAX ἂν ἔγων ἕτερ᾽ εἰ man? intel , , 
ΤΥ x Tep εἰπεῖν περὶ αὐτῆς παραλείπω, although I might 
ye able to say many other things about it, I omi ae 
᾿Απὸ π δ κ Ψ ἐπα ἦγ ut, 1 omit them, Dem. xviii. 258. 
dino 7 — αν φέρων λόγου ὁικαίου μηχάνημα ποικίλον (i.e ὃς ἂν 
ἐροις), thou w ᾿ oa = mia sige 
pow), thou who wouldst derive, etc. SopH. O. C. 761. 


215. (Aoris ‘ist partici ith ¢ 
215 ( rist.) The aorist participle with ἄν represents the 
aorist indicative or the aorist optative with ἄν. ἢ. 
O Ur ὄ 4 " 7 , 16 Π ' ‘dl 
ἢ : ε a οὔτε ἂν γενόμενα λογοποιοῦσιν, they relate things which 
are not real, and which never could happen (i.e. οὐκ ἂν γένι Tau 
vi. 38. Ἐφ ᾿ ὧν > . ὝΞ 2909 38 "Paha β Y VOUTO), HUC., 
POV οὐ γεγονὸς οὐὸ οἶδα εἰ γενόμενον av (a thing 
which has not occurred 7 "ἃ | ΠΣ 
πε ι ed wn our day, and I doubt whether it ever could occur 
EVOL ). Piat. Re ; χὰ pad a 
γένοιτο ἄν). PLA. Rep. 414 6 ᾿Αλλὰ ῥᾳδίως ἂν ἀφεθεὶς, εἰ καὶ 
LETPLWS τι τούτων ἐποί προςεί. λ , δὲν 
, ρίως τι τούτων ἐποίησε, προείλετο ἀποθανεῖν, whereas he might easily 
Lave been acquitted, etc. XEN. Mem. iv. 4, 4. Kai εἰ ἐνή θησθ 
ὠσσερ ἡμεῖς εὖ ἴσ- LEV Ly ” ὗ Ε. ε ἴω \ b . 4 Ἵ 4 NX noe € 
; » εὖ ἰσμεν μὴ ἂν ἧσσον ὑμᾶς λυπηροὺς γενομένους τοῖς 
ὑμμάχοις, καὶ ἀναγκασθέντας ἂν ἢ ἄρχειν, κιτ.λ. (i DK ἃ 
ἐγένεσθε, καὶ ἡ ὦ ease }) ἄρχειν, K.T.A. (Le. οὐκ ἂν 
" Ὶ at ἡναγκάσθητε av), if you had become odious as we have, we 
are sur the 
é sure that you would have been 10 less Oppressive to your allies and that 
you would have bee nv Jorced ete. THuc i 76 ‘Oo oe “ὌΝ = $ 
, rage Ξ “gt ; . i. (0,2 σρὼν TO 1 ἀρατειίχισμα 
ἁπλοῦν ὃν καὶ, εἰ ἐπικρατήσειξ τις τῆς a Ἵ 50.6 
ase age , εἰ ἐπικρατήσειε τις τὴς ἀναβάσεως, ῥᾳδίως ἂν αὐτὸ 
7) « ie > Ἀ . ἦν , f , Ὶ : 
ppUeEv (1.6. ῥᾳδίως ar ληφθείην, seeing that it would easily be tak 
etc. Id. vii. 42. Sows tay ἂν συμβά τ : as af 018) 
Baga LX vp pavtwv, DEM, xxiii. 58 (see 918). 
. (Future. A few cases ; iC] i 
; (Future.) A few cases of the future participle with ἄν 
‘e . ᾿ς Ν᾿ ΝΞ ᾿ _ . . 7 . " i 
epresenting the future indicative with ἄν, are found in Attic 
writers. These rest I ity a ae 
i S. se rest on the same authority as those of the future 
indicative and the future infinitive with av (197 and 208). E.g 
"9 ; Ρ Ν ; 2 5 ; = « — - . doy? 
f Αφέετε 1) μι) ἄφιετε, WS εμου οὐκ ἂν ποιήσοντος ἄλλα ο "δ᾽ 
μέλλω πολλάκις τεθνάν Ί 1K ἃ i alk Ms. 
D, , S TEUVAVGL (1.6. OUK ἂν TOlLNTW ἀλλα): SO all Mss 
AT, J . > πῶ πα ὼ Ἃ Su ed 
: τι Ὁ. 30 B. l'on S$ OTLOVV αν ἐκείνῳ πο ιήσοντας ἀν COTES 
ἐκ της πόλεως ἔσεσθε. Dem. xix. 342 7 of ημθοα 
γος ; . Dem. xix. 342. (Here most Mss., including &, 
ave ποιήσοντας A has ποιή ( 
; ποιήσοντας, αὖ A has ποιήσαντας.) Πάλαι τις ἡδέως ἂν ἴσως 
δ δῶ, ἘΣ 
ρωτήσων κάθηται, many a one has long been sitting here who perhaps 
would be very glad to ask (so all Mss.). Dem. ix. 70 


ἷ 217. Che participle with av can never represent a protasis, because 
ere ς ν : ita + . . ai sty -Ξ 
τ is no form of protasis 1n the finite moods in which ἄν is separ- 
able from the conditional particle, (See 224.) 7 


ok th 


POSITION OF “Ap. 


218. 1. When ay is used with the subjunctive, if it does not 
coalesce with the relative or particle into one word (as In ἐάν 
ὅταν, etc.), it is generally separated from it only by such mono- 
syllables as μέν, δέ, τέ, γάρ, καί, νύ, πέρ, ete. rarely τὶς 

See examples under 444 and 529. : 





THE PARTICLE av [219 


2. In Homer and Hesiod two such words may precede κέ; as εἴ περ 
γάρ κεν, εἴ γάρ νύ κε, εἰ yap τίς κε, ὃς μὲν γάρ κε. This is rare with 
ἄν in prose ; see Dem. iv. 45, ὅποι μὲν yap ἄν. Exceptional are ὅποι 
τις dv, οἶμαι, προσθῇ, Dem. ii. 14 ; ὅ τι ἄλλο ἂν δοκῃ ὑμῖν, XEN. 
Cyr. iv. 5,52. The strange καθ᾽ dv μηνύῃ ἄν τις, ANT. Υ. 38, is 
now corrected to ἂν μηνύῃ, but still stranger is ὅποσον ἡ φάρυγξ av 
ἡμῶν χανδάνῃ (ἢ ΑΚ. Ran. 259. 

919. When ar is used with the optative or indicative, it may 
either stand near the verb, or be attached to some other emphatic 
word. Particularly, it is very often placed directly after inter- 
rogatives, negatives, adverbs of tue, place, etc., and other words 
which especially affect the sense of the sentence. Eq. 

᾿Αλλὰ τίς δὴ θεῶν θεραπεία εἴη ἂν ἡ ὁσιότης ; ΡΠΑΤ. Euthyph. 13 
D. ᾿Αλλ’ ὁμῶς τὸ κεφάλαιον αὐτῶν ῥᾳδίως ἂν εἰποις. Id. 14 A. 
Οὐκ ἂν δὴ τόνδ᾽ ἄνδρα μάχης ἐρύσαιο μετελθὼν, Γυδείδην, ὃς νῦν γε 
ἂν καὶ Διὶ πατρὶ μάχοιτο; Il. v. 460. Ilws av TOV αἱμυλώτατον, 
ἐχθρὸν ἄλημα, τοὺς τε δισσάρχας ὀλέσσας βασιλῆς, τέλος θάνοιμι 
καὐτός. ὥϑοΡρη. Aj. 389. Πολλὰ κἂν ἄκων ἔδρων. Id. 0. [. 591. 
Τάχιστ᾽ ἄν τε πόλιν οἱ τοιοῦτοι ἑτέρους πείσαντες ἀπολέσειαν. THUC. 
ii. 63. 

920. 1. By a peculiar usage, av is often separated from its verb 
by such verbs as οἴομαι, δοκῶ, φημί, οἶδα, etc. In such (8808 care 
must be taken to connect the av with the verb to which it really 
belongs. £.9. 

Kai νῦν ἡδέως ἄν μοι δοκῶ κοινωνῆσαι, and now I th ink I should 
gladly take part (av belonging to Kowwvyrat). XEN. Cyr. vill. 7, 25, 
So AESCHIN. iii. 2 (end). Οὐδ᾽ ἂν ὑμεῖς οὐδ΄ ort ἐπαύσασθε πολε- 
μοῦντες, nor would you (I am sure) have ceased fighting. DEM. V1. 29. 
Πότερα γὰρ dv οἴεσθε ῥᾷον εἶναι; εν. xlix. 45. KxAefavra ἃ 
μήτε προΐδει μηδεὶς μήτ᾽ ἂν φήθη τήμερον ῥηθῆναι, selecting what 
nobody knew beforehand and nobody thought would be me ntioned to-day. 
Dem. xviii. 225. (Here ῥηθῆναι ἄν = ῥηθείη ἄν. If av were taken 
with φήθη, the meaning would be, what nobody would have thought had 
been mentioned.) Τί οὖν ἄν, ἔφην, εἴη ὁ "ἔρως ; PLAT. Symp. 202 D. 

2. Especially irregular are such expressions as οὐκ ova αν εἰ, ο: 
οὐκ ἂν οἶδα εἰ, followed by an optative or indicative to which the ἂν 
belongs. Fg. 

Οὐκ ofS ἂν εἰ πείσαιμι, Ι do not know whether I could persuade 
him. Eur. Med. 941. (The more regular form would be οὐκ οἶδα εἰ 
πείσαιμι av.) So Ale. 48. Οὐκ ἂν οἶδ᾽ εἰ δυναίμην. PiLat. Tim. 

26 Β. Οὐκ οἶδ᾽ ἂν εἰ ἐκτησάμην παῖδα τοιοῦτον. XEN. Cyr. v. 4, 12. 
So οὐκ dv οἶδ᾽ ὅ τι ἄλλο εἶχον ψηφίσασθαι, I do not know what other 


, os” 


vote I could have given (ri ἄλλο εἶχον ἂν ψηφίσασθαι ;), DEM. xlv. 7. 
. ” . 
221. (Tay av.) Among the words to which ay is very 


frequently joined is τάχα, perhaps (1.6. quickly, soon), the two 
forming τάχ᾽ av, which expression 1s sometimes supposed to 





224] THE PARTICLE ἄν 


mean perhaps. But τάχ᾽ av cannot be used unless the ἄν belongs 
in its ordinary sense to the verb of the sentence. 

Thus τάχ᾽ ἂν γένοιτο means i might perhaps happen, and τάχ᾽ ἂν 
ἐγένετο means ut might perhaps have happened ; but the latter can never 
mean perhaps ἡ happened, like ἴσως ἐγένετο. Τάχα alone often means 
perhaps, as in XN. An. v. 2, 17. Aristotle writes τάχα and ἄν 
separately in the same sense as τάχ᾽ ἄν; as τάχα δὲ καὶ μᾶλλον av 
ταύτην ὑπολάβοι, Eth. Nic. i. 5, 6. 


” . 

222. “Av never begins a sentence, or a clause before which a 
comma could stand. But it may directly follow a parenthetic 
clause, provided some part of its own clause precedes, 1... 

> 5 > ΝᾺ» νΝ , Ἂ ΜᾺ wa - : Υ 

AAN ὦ per αν μοι TLTLWV OLTAWV €0EL, Ar. Pac. 137. So τὸ 


, > > 4 , , μὰ 
μέλλον, ἐπεὶ γένοιτ᾽, ἂν κλύοις (or without the commas), the future 
You can hear when it comes, ArscH. Ag, 250. 


REPETITION OF "Ap. 


223, "Av is sometimes used twice, or even three times, with 
the same verb. This may be done in a long sentence, to make 
the conditional force felt through the whole, especially when the 
connexion is broken by intermediate clauses, It may also be 
done in order to emphasise particular words with which dy is 
joined, and to make them prominent as being affected by the 
contingency. £.9. 


Ὥστ᾽ av, εἰ σθένος λάβοιμι, δηλώσαιμ᾽ ἂν οἷ᾽ αὐτοῖς φρονῶ. 
SopH. El. 333. Οὐ τἂν ἑλόντες αὖθις ἀνθαλοῖεν ἄν. ARSCH. Ag. 
340. “AAAous γ᾽ ἂν οὖν οἰόμεθα τὰ ἡμέτερα λαβόντας δεῖξαι ἂν 
μάλιστα εἴ τι μετριάζομεν. THUC. i. 76. (See 220.) Our’ ἂν κελεύσαιμ᾽, 


ww 5 ” 5 7 vy , 

“© ) BS ag ee ee ge Tg ee en δ 5 
ovr av, εἰ θέλοις ἐτι πράσσειν, ἐμοΐ Y ἂν HOEWS ὁρῴης μετα. SOPH. 
4 A 


ens 


Ant. 69. Λέγω καθ᾽ ἕκαστον δοκεῖν ἄν μοι τὸν αὐτὸν ἄνδρα παρ᾽ 
ἡμῶν ἐπὶ πλεῖστ᾽ ἂν εἴδη καὶ μετὰ χαρίτων μάλιστ᾽ ἂν εὐτραπέλως 
TO σωμα αὔταρκες παρέχεσθαι. ΤῊστΟ. ii 41. (Here ἄν is used 
three times, belonging to παρέχεσθαι.) “Y pov δὲ ἔρημος ὧν οὐκ ἂν 
ἱκανὸς οἶμαι εἶναι οὔτ᾽ ἂν φίλον ὠφελῆσαι οὔτ᾽ ἂν ἐχθρὸν ἀλέξασθαι. 
Xen, An. i. 3, 6. (Here ἄν is used three times, belonging to εἶναι.) 


> " 4 - 5 > \ ” > ~ ~ ** 
Ovuk ἂν nye αὑτὸν kav ἐπιὸραμεῖν; DEM. xxvii. 56. 

224. A participle representing a protasis (472) is especially 
apt to have an emphatic av near it. This, by showing that the 
verb is to form an apodosis, tends to point out the participle as 
conditional in an early part of the sentence. 1.7. 

Ὑ , ; ᾿ ἴω , Ἀ 4 BS 

Νομίσατε ΤῸ ΤΕ φαῦλον καὶ τὸ μεσον καὶ Το πάνυ ἀκριβὲς av Ev) ~ 

> x” > , . “» . 
αν lo xX VELV, belie ve that these, uf they should be united, 
would be especially strongq. THUC, Vi. 18, (Here Evykpaber, not with 
ἕω me ' ivale t ᾽ Fog a ρ , ᾿Ανῶν " ” Pe Ἂ A ΕΣ 
av, 15 equivalent to εἰ ξυγκραθείη.) “Aywvas av τίς μοι δοκεῖ, ἔφη, 
φ , \ , > ” 
ὦ πάτερ, προειπὼν ἑκάστοις καὶ GOAa προτιθεὶς μάλιστ᾽ ἂν 


κραθὲν μά) {ΓΤ 





74 THE PARTICLE av 


ποιεῖν εὖ ἀσκεῖσθαι, it seems to me, said he, father, that of any one 
should proclaim contests, etc., he would cause, ete. XEN. Cyr. i. 6, 18. 
(Here the protasis implied in the participles is me rely enphasie by 
av, which belongs to ποιεῖν.) See also λέγοντος ἄν τινος πιστεῦσαι 
οἴεσθε; (ie. εἴ τις ἔλεγεν, ἐπίστευσαν av;) do you think they would 
have believed it, if any one had told them? Dem. vi. 20. (Here ἄν stands 
near λέγοντος only to point this out as the protasis to which its own 
verb πιστεῦσαι is the apodosis, with which ἄν is not repeated. ) 
225. (a) Repetition of κέ is rare ; yet it sometimes occurs. 
To KE μάλ᾽ ἢ KEV ἔμεινε καὶ ἐσσύμενός ai περ ὁδοῖο. 
ἢ κέ με τεθνηυῖαν ἔνι μεγάροισιν ἔλειπεν. Od iv. 793, 


(b) On the other hand, Homer sometimes joins ἄν and κέ in the 
same sentence for emp! asis. Lg. 


Kaprepat, as OUT AV KEV "Apys ὀνόσαιτο μετελθὼν 
οὔτε K ᾿Αθηναίη λαοσσόος. Ll. xiii. 127 


226. When an apodosis consists of several co ordinate clauses 
with the same mood, ἄν is generally used only in the first and 
understood in the others, unless it is repeated for emphasis or 
for some other special reason. £.9. 

Οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἐμὲ, WV ίκα δεῦρο ἀποπλεῖν ἐβουλόμην, κατεκώλυνεν, οὐδὲ 
τοιαῦτα λέγειν τού τῳ 17 προσέτατ TEV, ἐξ ὧν ἥκισθ᾽ ὑμεῖς ἐμέλλετ᾽ 
ἐξιέναι. ὍΕΜ. xix. 51. (Here ἄν is understood with προσέταττεν.) 
Οὕτω δὲ δρῶν οὐδὲν ἂν διάφορον 1 τοῦ ἑτέρου T οιοῖ; ἀλλ' ἐπὶ TAV TOV 
ἴοιεν ἀμφότεροι. PLat. Rep. 360 C, Οὐκοῦν κἄν, εἰ πρὸς αὐτὸ τὸ 
φῶς ἀναγκάζοι αὐτὸν βλέκειν, ἀλλ γεῖν τε ἂν τὰ ὄμματα καὶ φεύ γειν 
ἀποστρεφόμενον (οἴει) . Ib. 515 E. Kay be lon; os to the infinitives ; 223.) 
See also Xen. An. il. δ, 14. Ἰ]άντα ἥρει ὁ i} urmos, πολλὰ λέγ γοντος 
ἐμοῦ καὶ ὀρυλοῦντον. ἀεὶ. τὸ “μὲν πρῶτον ὡς ἂν εἰς κοινὸν 5 γνώμην ἀπ O- 
φαινομένου, μετὰ ταῦτα δ᾽ ὡς ἀγνοοῦ! ντας διδάσκοντος, Ἐν et τῶντος δὲ 
ὡς ἂν TT pos TET PAKOTAS av TOVS Kal ἀνοσιωτάτους ἀνθρώπους οὐδὲν 
ὑποστελλομένου. ΕΜ. xix. 1ὅ6. The clauses w ith ws represent (1) ws 
ἔλεγον ἂν εἰ ἐφαινόμην, as Γι should have spoken if I had been merely 
informing my colleaques; (2) ὡς ἔλεγ ον (av) εἰ ἀγνοοῦ ντας ἐδίδασκον, as 
I should have spoke n if I had . instructing ignorant men; (Ὁ) Ws 
λέγοιμι ἂν, (ὃ I should speak to men who had sold themselve ἊΝ ete, In 
the second clause, the construction remaining the same, av is omitted ; 
but in the third, where an optative is implied, av reappears. 

In Prat. Rep. 398 A, we find ἄν used with two co-ordinate optatives, 
understood with a third, and repeated again with a fourth to avoid 
confusion with a dependent optative in a relative clause. “Av may be 
understood with an optative even in a separate sentence, if the con- 
struction is continued from a sentence in which ἄν is used with the 


optative ; as in Puat. Rep. 352 E: Ἔσθ᾽ ὅτῳ ἂν ἄλλῳ ἴδοις ἢ 
ὀφθαλμοῖς; Οὐ δῆτα. Τί δέ; ἀκούσαις ἄλλῳ ἢ ὠσίν; So with 


πράττοι after yap, ib. 439 Β. 





aA aA TIA ete grt et =P 


THE PARTICLE ἄν 


ELLIPTICAL USES oF ἾΑν. 


» . . . . . 
227. “Av is sometimes used elliptically without a verb, when 
one can be supplied from the context. Lg. 
ε wee e7. : bes > ’ > Ἁ ἈΝ Α 
Ou οἰκέται ῥέγκουσιι ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἂν πρὸ τοῦ (se. ἔρρεγκον), the slaves 
are snoring; but they wouldn’t have been doing so at this hour in old 
. ate ¥ 5 ε Ἔ Μ » x” » » 
times. AR. Nub. 5. Qs ovr av ἀστῶν τῶνδ᾽ ἂν ἐξείποιμί τῳ, οὔτ᾽ ἂν 
ow Se a ὦ 3 Υ 
τέκνοισι τοῖς ἐμοῖς (sc. ἐξείποεμι), στέργων ὅμως. ΞοΡΗ. Ο. C. 1528. 
᾽ν : Ἂ A 'y ἐ Ἂ “Ak 2 / » Φ 
Pi ἂν δοκεῖ σοι Τ]ρίαμος (se. πρᾶξαι), εἰ τάδ᾽ ἤνυσεν; but what think 
you Priam would have done if he had accomplished what you have? ἈΈΒΟΗ. 
Ac 02% Sed ξο ἢ “ ἝΝ, 
Ag. 935. Σώφρων μὲν οὐκ ἂν μᾶλλον, εὐτυχὴς δ᾽ ἴσως (sc. οὖσα). 
Eur. Ale. 182: cf. ΑΒ. Eq. 1252. (See 483.) 
DO WwWs yap av (se, εἰ); how could at ? πῶς οὐκ ἄν; and similar 
"Aha ὁ v1 she r x4 -- be > / ᾿ 
phrases ; especially ὥσπερ ἂν εἰ (also written as one word, wo7epavei), 
in which the av belongs to the verb that was originally understood 
5 . ἘΝ > Ξ ἀμ δὰ , es sd Ἃ > A > . . "4 . . 
after εἰ; as φοβούμενος ὥσπερ ἂν εἰ παῖς, fearing like a child (originally 
᾿ ae πυνῖσις Ὁ" ” > Jr hae > 
for φοβούμενος WOTEP ἂν ἐφοβεῖτο εἰ παῖς V). PLAT. Gorg. 479 A, 
‘ ᾿ τς ἀλνο ᾿ aa 4 A “ y » i 
See Dem. xvill. 194: τί χρὴ ποιεῖν; ὥσπερ ἂν €l τις ναύκληρον πάντ᾽ 
\ : , _ ’ “ 5 “ 
ἐπὶ σωτηρία πράξαντα... τῆς ναυαγίας αἰτιῷτο, what are we to do? 
(We are to do) just what a shipowner would do (ποιοῖ av) if any one should 
blame him for the wreck of his ship, ete. See φήσειεν av, which ex- 
plains the omitted verb, just afterwards, 


228. Kav in both its meanings (as καί with the adverb a, 


and as καί with ἄν = ἐάν) may stand without a verb. 1.5. 
᾿Αλλ᾽ ἄνδρα χρὴ δοκεῖν πεσεῖν ἂν κἂν ἀπὸ σμικροῦ kK δ ἃ 
: ; VY ἀπ μικρου κάκου. SOPH, 
Aj. 1077. (Here κἄν, for καὶ ἄν, which we may express by even or 
though it be, belongs to πεσεῖν understood.) ‘Ikavos οὖν τοῦτο ἔχομεν, 
κἂν εἰ πλεοναχῇ σκοποῖμεν ; are we then satisfied of this (and should we 
be so) even uf we were to look at it in various ways? Prat. Rep. 477 A. 
(We must supply ἱκανῶς ἔχοιμεν with κἄν.) See different cases of 
κἂν εἰ in 195, in which a verb follows to which ἄν cannot belong. 
Kai ὅποι τις ἄν, οἶμαι, προσθῇ κἂν μικρὰν δύναμιν, πάντ᾽ ὠφελεῖ, 
and, I think, wherever we add even (though ut be) a little power, at all helps. 
Dem. ii. 14. (Here xav=kat ἄν τις προσθῇ, even though we add.) 
Μέτρησον εἰρήνης τί μοι, κἂν πέντ᾽ ἔτη, measure me out some peace, 
even vf it be only for five years (καὶ ἂν μετρήσῃς). AR. Ach, 1021. 


: 229. "Av may be used with a relative without a verb, as it is with 
εἰ an av = εἰ ἀν) in the last ex: amp les (228). Soin XEN, An. i. 3, 6, 
ὡς ἐμοῦ οὖν ἰόν τος ὅπ ) av Kat ὑμεῖς, οὕτω τὴν ὙΡ ώμην ἔχετε (1. 6, ὅπῃ 
ἂν καὶ ὑμεῖς inte), be of this mind, that I shall go wherever you go. 





CHAPTER IV. 
USE OF THE MOODS. 


230. This chapter treats of all constructions which re- 
quire any other form of the finite verb than the simple 
indicative in absolute assertions and direct questions (2). 
The infinitive and participle are included here so far as 
either of them is used in indirect discourse, in protasis or 
apodosis, and in other constructions (as with πρίν and ὥστε) 
in which the finite moods also are used. 

931. These constructions are discussed under the follow- 
ing heads :— 


I. The potential optative and indicative. 


[I. The imperative and subjunctive in commands, 


exhortations, and prohibitions—subjunctive and 
indicative with μή and μὴ ov in cautious asser- 
tions.— πως and ὅπως μή with the independent 
future indicative or subjunctive. 

The subjunctive (like the future indicative) in 
independent sentences, The interrogative sub- 
junctive. 

[V. Οὐ μή with the subjunctive or future indicative. 
V. Final and object clauses after iva, ὡς, ὅπως, ὄφρα, 
and μή. 
VI. Conditional sentences. 
VII. Relative and temporal sentences, including con- 
secutive sentences with ὥστε, etc. 
VIII. Indirect discourse. 
IX. Causal sentences. 


X. Expressions of a wish. 














POTENTIAL OPTATIVE 


SECTION I. 
The Potential Optative and Indicative. 


232. We find fully established in the Homeric language 
a use of the optative and the past tenses of the indicative 
with ἄν or κέ, which expresses the action of the verb as 
dependent on circumstances or conditions; as ἔλθοι av, he 
might (could or would) go; ἦλθεν av, he might (could or 
would) have gone. Such an optative or indicative is called 
potential. 


I]. POTENTIAL OPTATIVE. 


233. It has already been seen (13) that Homer sometimes 
uses the optative in a weak future sense, without κέ or ἄν, to 
express a concession or permission. Such neutral forms seem to 
form a connecting link between the simple optative in wishes 
and the optative with av, partaking to a certain extent of the 
nature of both. (For a full discussion of these forms and their 
relations, see Appendix I.) Such expressions seem to show that 
the early language used forms like ἔλθοιμι and ‘dors in two senses, 
I may go and I may see, or may I go and may I see, corresponding 
to ἔλθω and ἴδω in their two Homeric senses J shall go and TI shall 
see (284), or let me go and let me see (257). 


234. The neutral optatives like 1]. iv. 18 are rare even in 
Homer, the language having already distinguished the two mean- 
ings in sense, and marked them in most cases by external signs. 
The optative expressing what may happen in the future took the 
particle κέ or av, and was negatived by οὐ, denoting the re- 
lations which we express by our potential mood with may, can, 
might, could, would, and should. Thus ἕλοιμί KE ἤ KEV ἁλοίην, ᾿ 
Ὁ} slay or I 101} be slain, Τ]. XXil. 253: ἀνὴρ δέ KEV οὐ τι Διὸς 
νόον εἰρύσσαιτο, a man cannot contend against the will of Zeus, Il. 
viii. 143.1 On the other hand, the simple optative (without κέ 
or av) was more and more restricted to the expression of a wish 
or exhortation, and was negatived by μή ; as μὴ γένοιτο, may tt 
not happen, πίθοιό μοι, liste n to me (Od. lV. 193), as opposed to οὐκ 
ἂν γένοιτο, it could not happen. The potential forms ἔλθοιμι ἂν 


1 When the idea of ability, possibility, or necessity is the chief element in 
the expression, and is not (as above) merely auxiliary, it is expressed by a 
special verb like δύναμαι, δεῖ, or χρή. Especially, the idea of obligation is 
generally expressed by δεῖ or χρή with the infinitive ; as τοῦδε χρὴ κλύειν, 
him we must obey, SoryH. Ant. 666, 





8 THE POTENTIAL OPTATIVE AND INDICATIVE [235 


and ἴδοιμι av differ from the more absolute future indicative 
and the old subjunctive forms ἔλθω and ἴδω, 1 shall go and I shall 
see, by expressing a future act as dependent on some future cir- 
cumstances or conditions, which may be more or less distinctly 
implied. The freedom of the earlier language extended the use 
of the potential optative to present and sometimes even to past 
time. See 438 and 440. 


935. In most cases the limiting condition involved in the 
potential optative is not present to the mind in any definite 
form, and can be expressed in English only by such words as 
perchance, possibly, or probably, or by the auxiliaries could, would, 
should, might, etc. with the vague conditions which these imply 
(like if he should try, if he pleased, if he could, of what is natural 
should happen, ete.) Sometimes a more general condition is 
implied, like an any possible CUsé > as οὐκ ἂν θέεχοὶμὴν TOUTO, I 
would not accept this (on any terms) 1 here the expression becomes 
neatly absolute, and may often be translated by our future, as 
οὐκ ἂν μεθείμην τοῦ θρόνου, I will not give up the throne (AR. 
Ran. 830), or (in positive sentences) by must, aS TavTes θαυμάζοιεν 
ἂν τοῦτο, all must admire thas. 

The optative thus used with no conscious feeling of any 
definite condition, but still implying that the statement 1s con- 
ditioned and not absolute, is the simplest and most primitive 
potential optative. It is equivalent to the Latin potential 
subjunctive, as credas, dicas, ceTndas, pute S, @UC., you may bel ve, SAY, 
perceive, think, ete. The Homeric language has six forms, all 
expressing futurity with different degrees of absoluteness and 
distinctness ; as ὄψομαι, ὄψομαί ΚΕ, ἴδωμαι, ἴδωμα!ί KE, ἰθοέμην, 
ἰδοίμην KE (or av), containing every step from Ϊ shall 866 ἴο Ϊ should 
see. Of these only the first and the last (with a tradition of the 
second) survived the Homeric period, and the others (especially 
the fifth) were already disappearing during that period (240), 
being found unnecessary as the language became settled, and as 
the optative with κέ or ἄν became more fixed as a future potential 
form. 


936. In the following examples of the potential optative no 
definite form of condition is present to the mind :— 


~ 


4 as " \ , ‘ ” ᾿ ἊΞ ᾿ , 4} ἐγ ͵ } +] 
Ἔμοὶ o€ αν πολὺ KEPOLOV εἰεῆ; but it would at that tum κ likely 


. 9 ἐς ᾿ a eupe _ ae m - , 4 4 “ 
to) profit me far more. Il, xx. 108. Pevywpe ἐτι yap κεν ἀλύξαι 
} ᾿ " 


7] 


μεν κακὸν ἦμαρ, let us flee μ for pe rchan lei ne Stull — the ev 
day. Od. x. 269. Πλησίον ἀλλήλων "καὶ κεν OLOLOTEVTO ELAS, the 
rocks are close ἑοῦ! ther - you might i rhaps shoot an arrow across the Space. 
Od. Xl. 102. So Od. ΧΗΣ, 125. Οὐκοῦν πόροις ἂν τήνδε δωρεὰν 
ἐμοί; would you then grant me this favour? AESCH. Prom. 616. So 





238] POTENTIAL OPTATIVE 79 


πᾶν yap av πύθοιό pov, for you can learn anything (you please) from 
me. Ib. 617. Τί τόνδ᾽ av εἴποις ἄλλο; what else could you say of 
this man? Sopn. Ant. 646. So Ant. 552 and 652. Πολλὰς ἂν 
εὕροις μηχανάς, you can find many devices. Eur. And. 85. "Evopai 
τοι καὶ οὐκ ἂν λειφθείην, I will follow you and in no case will I 
be left behind. Hor, iv. 97. Οἱ μὲν (sc. λέγοντες) ὡς οὐδενὶ ἂν τρόπῳ 
ἔλθοιεν οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι. ΤΉσο. vi. 35. Ἔνθα πολλὴν μὲν σωφροσύνην 
καταμάθοι ἄν τις. XEN. An. i. 9, 3. So Mem. i. 3, 5, iii. 5, 1 and 7. 
Ais ἐς τὸν αὐτὸν ποταμὸν οὐκ ἂν ἐμβα ίη S, you cannot step twice into 
the same river (saying of Heraclitus), Puar. Crat. 402 A. Ov μὴν 
ἔστι καλλίων 660s οὐδ᾽ ἂν γένο ιτος there 18 none and there could be 
none. Id. Phil. 16 B; so 64 B. ᾿Ακούοις ἄν. you can hear. Id. Rep. 
487 E. Δειξάτω ws οἱ Θετταλοὶ viv οὐκ av ἐλεύθεροι γένοιντο 
ἄσμενοι, let him show that they would not now gladly become free. Dem. 
li. 8. Ἡδέως δ᾽ ἂν ἔγωγ᾽ ἐροίμην Λεπτίνην, but I would gladly ask 
Leptines. Id. xx. 129. Ei ἡγνόησε ταῦτα, γένοιτο γὰρ ἂν καὶ τοῦτο, 
uf he did not know this,—and it might easily so happen. Ib. 143. Od’ 
dv οὗτος ἔχοι λέγειν οὔθ᾽ ὑμεῖς πεισθείητε. Id. xxii. 17. Ilo? οὖν 
τραποίμεθ᾽ ἂν ἔτι ει what other direction could we possibly turn ? 
Prat. Euthyd.290 A. Οὐκ ἂν μεθείμ ἣν τοῦ θρόνου, I will not give 
up the throne. AR. Ran. 830. So οὐκ ἂν d€ XO ίμην, ἈΈΒΟΗ. Eum. 998. 
Τίς οὐκ ἂν ἀγάσαιτο τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐκείνων τῆς ἀρετῆς ; who would not 
admire the valour of these men? (i.e. every one must admire their valour), 
Dem. xviii, 204, 

Βουλοίμην av, I should like, is used like velim. For ἐβουλόμην ἄν, 
vellem, see 246. 

237. The potential optative in the second person may have 


the force of a mild command or exhortation, ἢ... 
Σὺ μὲν κομίζοις ἂν σεαυτὸν 7 θέλεις, you may take yourself off 


whither you please (a milder expression than κόμιζε σεαυτόν). Sop. 
Ant. 444, So Ant. 1339. Κλύοις ἂν ἤδη, Φοῖβε προστατήριε, 
hear me now, Id. El. 637. Xwpots av εἴσω. Id. Ph. 674. 

So probably Il. ii. 250: τῷ οὐκ ἂν βασιλῆας ἀνὰ στόμ ἔχων 
a yope vous, the refore you must not take kings upon your tongue and talk (or 
do not take, etc.) 


238. Occasionally the potential optative expresses what may 
hereafter prove to be true or to have been true. 1... 


[lov δῆτ᾽ ἂι € ie V οἱ ξένοι ng where may the strangers he 2 (1.6. where 1s 
ut likely to turn out that they are?) Sorpn. El. 1450. ‘H yap ἐμὴ (se. 
σοφία φαύλη τις ἂν εἴη, for it may turn out that my wisdom 18 of a 
mean kind, Prat. Symp. 175 E. «Ἑλλήνων τινάς φασι ἁρπάσαι 
Εὐρώπην " εἴησαν δ᾽ ἂν οὗτοι Κρῆτες. and these would prove to be 
Cretans (or to have been Cretans), Hpt. i. 2. Αὗται δὲ οὐκ ἂν πολλαὶ 
εἴησαν, and these (the islands) would not prove to be many. THuc. i. 9. 

This has nothing to do with the Homeric use of the optative with 
K€ or ἄν in a present or a past sense (438; 440). See the similar use 
of the subjunctive with μή after verbs of fearing (92). 


΄ 





80 THE POTENTIAL OPTATIVE AND INDICATIVE [239 


239. The potential optative may express every grade of 
potentiality from the almost pure future οὐκ ἂν μεθείμην, I will 
not give Up (unde r any circumstances), to οὐκ ἂν δικαίως ἐς κακὸν 
πέσοιμί Tt, I could not justly fall into any trouble, SOPH. Ant. 240, 
where δικαίως points to the substance of a limiting condition, 4} 
justice should be done. From this the step is but slight to such 
cases as οὔτε ἐσθίουσι πλείω ἢ δύνανται φέρειν , διαρραγεῖεν γὰρ 
av, they do not eat more than they can carry; for (if they should) 
they would burst, XEN. Cyr. viii. 2, 21, where εἰ... ἐσθίοιεν 1s 
necessary to complete the sense and is clearly understood from 
the preceding words. A final step in the same direction 15 taken 
when the condition is actually stated as part of the sentence. 
As ἔλθοι ἄν means he would go (under some future circumstances), if 
these limiting circumstances are to be definitely expressed it 15 
natural to use the corresponding form of condition, εἰ with the 
optative, as εἰ κελεύσειας ἔλθοι av, if you should commuand he would 
go. The protasis is thus assimilated to the apodosis in form, as 
it conforms to it in sense and general character. So when a 
conclusion is to follow such a condition as εἰ κελεύσειας, the 
corresponding optative with ἄν, i.e. the potential optative, 15 
naturally chosen, although nothing but regard to harmony and 
symmetry makes either if you should command he will go or if you 
command he would go, or the equivalent Greek forms, objectionable. 
In fact, these very forms are far more common in the more fluid 
Homeric language than in the fixed and regular style of Attic 
prose. There is, therefore, no necessary or logical bond of union 
between two forms like εἰ κελεύσειας and ἔλθοι av. This connexion 
is, indeed, far more the effect of assimilation in form, as appears 
especially when the apodosis contains an optative in a wish ; as 
in ὡς ἀπό! OLTO καὶ ἄλλος ὅτις τοιαῦτά γε ῥέζοι, vay another pe rish 
also who shall do the like (Od. 1. 47), where if ἀπολέσθω had been 
used we should naturally have had ῥέζῃ. 

For examples of the optative with ἄν or κέ with a definite protasis 


expressed or implied in the context, see 455 and 473, 


940. The use of ἄν or κέ with the potential optative had already 
become fixed in the Homeric language. A few cases of “neutral 
optatives” in Homer, which seem to show an early potential use 
without κέ or av, have been given above (13). Besides these, a few 
more distinctly potential optatives without ἄν or κέ occur in Homer, 
but they are exceptions to the general usage even there. Sui h are the 
following :— 

Od Tl κακώτερον ἄλλο πάθοιμι, IL. XIX. 321. Τούτου γε σπομέ- 
VOLO καὶ ἐκ πυρὸς αἰθομένοιο ἄμφω νοστήσα ἐμέν, Il. x. 246. Peta 


, . , 5 7 . , mm > 6 ] 111 3° 
θεός Ὗ ἐθέλων ἀμείνονας r WPT alTo, LL xX. 0ΌὉΌ : See Od, lll. 931. 
ἢ ». ι᾽.Ὺὸδ 


- sa σ΄, . 3 = \ = f : y γι ‘ y 4 
Χερμαι [ΟΡ λάβε, ὃ οὐ δύο 7 ανὸρε PE POLEV. Il. v. 302: so xx. 285. 


probable that no definite limiting circumstances wer 


would have been lik ly to go, sometimes that he must have 


appears in crederes, etc. is the original 
junctive in this use, 
with dy. See 435. 





243] POTENTIAL INDICATIVE 8] 
Οὐ τις πείσειε γυναῖκα. Od. xiv. 199. 


So also 1]. vii. 48, xiv. 190 
Xv. 45, 197. | 


Soe . 5 ὦ ἼΩ rr Ψῃ μ-ς : Or . 
ee, further, Hes. Theog. 723 and 725: Prnp. Ol. x. 21, Py. iv. 118. 


941. some cases of the optative without ἄν occur with the ind 


ἐστιν os in Homer, and with ἔστιν ὅστις. ἔστιν ὅπ 
the Attic poets. 


efinite 
' : ως, ἔστιν ὅποι, in 
These form a class by themselves ΓΑ 
5 vw > «“ ἴω , "i é = 
Ovk ἔσθ᾽ ὃς ons γε κύνας κεφαλῆς ἀπαλάλκοι. Il. xxii. 348 


, P 4 ” > a es » 4 4, e ** 
Ov yap Env os τίς σφιν ἐπὶ στίχας ἡγήσαιτο. Il. ii. 687. Οὐκ 
ex omws λέ 


A ξα μι τὰ ψευδῆ καλά. Α ESCH, Ag. 620. Οὐ 
fo : .- , > ” : 
μείζονα μοίραν νείμαιμ ἢ σοι. Id. Prom. 292. Οὐκ ἔστιν ὅστις 
πλὴν evos κείραιτὸ νιν. Id. Cho.172. "Ear’ οὖν ὅπως ᾿Αλκηστις 
ἐς γηρας μόλοι; Eur. Ale. 59, Ἔσθ᾽ ὅποι τις στείλας παραλύσαι 
by s 7 . 5 I] . ] © f ν 

ψυχάν ; Lbid. 113. 


») » oe 
k eo @ ὁτῳ 


242. On the other hand, a few other cases in the Attic poets are 


mere anomalies, even if we admit that the text is sound. L.q 


νι ΔΝ : r + ν᾿ , : es . ‘ = c 
leav, Ζεῦ, δύνασιν τίς ἀνὸρων ὑπερβασία κατάσχοι; what 


transgression of men can check thy power? ὅορη. Ant. 605. ᾿Αλλ’ 

ὑπέρτολμον ανόρος φρόνημα τίς λέγοι ᾿ AESCH. Cho. 594. Πῶς οὖν 
» WS ELTOL τις, ἐξημάρτανες ; Le. as one might say. (?) Eur. Andr. 
Θᾶσσον ἢ λέγοι τις πώλους ἐστήσαμεν. Id. Hipp. 1186. 

bs κα €’LTot Tes Tore as one would 801} τόπος. (2) AR. AV. 180. 

lhe cases cited from Attic prose are how generally admitted to be 

corrupt. See Kriiger, ii. 54, 3, Anm, 8 


say 


Tao 
929, 


ὡσπ 


I]. ῬΟΤΈΝΤΙΑΙ, INDICATIVE. 
243. As the potential optative represents a future act as 
dependent on future circumstances (234), so the potential in- 
dicative originally represents a past act as dependent on past 


circumstances. Therefore, while ἦλθεν means he went, ἦλθεν ἂν 
means he would have Jone (under 


some past circumstances). It is 


€ present to 


the mind when this form first came into use, so that ἦλθεν ἄν 
naturally signified merely that it was likely, 
that he we nt or 


possible, or probable 
(as we express it) that he might have gone or 
gone. 


In this sense it appears as a past form of the potential optative, 


6.0. οἱ ἐλθοι αν 1n the sense he might perchance go or he would be 
likely to go (in the future), 


he same relation appears in Latin, 


where credas, putes, cerns, dicas, you would he likely 40 believe, think, 
etc., are transferred 


e . 
: to past time as crederes, putares, ccrneres, 
diceres, you would have believed, thought, etc. 


Here putet and 

We are probably justified in assuming that the past meaning which here 
181 meaning of the Latin imperfect sub- 
as it certainly is that of the Greek imperfect indicative 


G 





ἷ β ᾿ λων 244 
THE POTENTIAL OPTATIVE AND INDICATIVE | 


{ ( l ‘ , Oo { t ) av, he woult "4 f Li 


putaret ae likely to think. 
ν ” ΞΡ tive been ἐκ 
think, and wero ay, he would hav 


ies ae oe τὰ ὦ st, use (last 
944. We find the potential indicative in 108 simpl om ᾿ . 
. ᾿ ᾽ finite condition, pub 
: ference to any definite c 
.J)\—with no reference ὦ ond 
mentioned)—wit age ae SY , or necessity— 
rely expressing past possibility, probability, οἱ : 
mere ‘ ego «᾽ : ’ 
+n all classes of Greek writers. 4.9. Ἐς a δ 
᾽ Ἢ , ‘ P κ᾿ ; vVt - b 
Οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἔτι φράδμων περ ἀνὴρ Σαρπηδόνα ovov cyy' Ὑπό κεν 
vo y : 6238 TO 
- Ὥ . xvi. 638. 
an 4 even a shire wal pian have know il Sarpedon. ᾿ Ἴ , τὰν of steel 
3 λ 'φρονά περ δέος εἷλεν. fear might have serzed even @ Ἢ ’ 
TAAGaGTLDPOVa T , : ε- on ὦ ᾿ ᾿ 
] t i. iv. 421 See other Homeric example: be ἴον f 
Leart. : . 421. : τ : Sa Δ ν opYy? 
gV ts ἦ λθε μεν 07) ΤΟΥ͂ΤΟ TOVVELOOS a I Siam from violence 
Ἃ 4 " χω ) has repro teh mau M rita ps cout . 
γνώμῃ) Φρενων, but this repro a ἢ av naAGe expresses past 
ε΄ th. etc. Sopu. O. T. 523. (Here tax { 2 ‘ulfilled or 
4.0 ' δ ri . . \ 4 *,* : ) 
of wrath, ele, ference to any definite condition, unfulfi θα ( 
Te ‘ , - , . 
1 no Τὶ ἄν τι μηνιουσὲεν εἰς yevos 
leasing to Gods who of old 


Jac bev μᾶλλον 


possibility, wil zi - Ι Ἃ : ro 3 
Θεοῖς yap Vv οὕτω PLAOV τάχ 
4 . 

, 4 7 Tinh heen thus / 

erchance at may h “dling to the 

' OG (Accor Ine 

i ne wrath against our race, Id, Ὁ. © ἢ 4. eer ot τάχ᾽ 
wre sore ‘ al eee : " LOVELY, =O } 
anctuation Tay’ ἄν would be taken with μὴ! . Lig 

common ΡΠ λυ die? wrath, see PLAT. 

may pereneree 


otherwise.) 
πάλαι, for 1 


Ϊ᾽ , ] have horn SOTIU 
av τι ἐμήνιον, who Ι 
Phaedr. 265 B, below ; but the Anas) 
. πες Ὁ , ; TOVO G“UTUS 
: Ὁ. Ilpos ποίον av τὸ “--- 6 h. 572 
interpretation. f ‘~Tneaee was sailing? Id. Ph. 572. 
] : 8} this an have heen to whom Ulysses was Βα ΕἸ 

who mtd ἐδ Vit “gate fi : ν ἘΠΕ Ἐ 

ie is ὧν TLS AVI)pP par θη Oatos Eeltval, ὁ 
cal ous . ---- { . 
0 θεασάμενος as : . r Ὶ ] ᾿ 9 would have hee it eae to wu 
this drama the “ Seven against Chebes } f . 
iis i ren . : ac form () Tas 
22 This is the past 
werrnor ὶ Ran. 10 22. . ὦ proterence ) 
warrior, AR. : Sone ae hy ΘΕΟΥ͂. having no more relerenc ᾿ 
; - εἰναι. every one : ‘a : ὧν 

σθειη ὁάαιτος εἰ ‘ ι ΞΡ ῷ Διεδησαν. Ws } 
‘ulfilled condition than the latte has. ’ / ἼΘΕΕ ΒΥ’ 
an untuln νὰ ᾿ . ἊΝ . » αλλως TWS €0TAEU- 


- πὶ , τά LV O€ KA 
> > 4 Γ ἡ. Ὁ} TAX a at 

ἊΝ . mic Νὰ. ΧΕ ὺ εἰ ( | : 
εικὸς Και λεέγετι : X h] . εἶ on ratts they may perhaps have 
ha] tiie } yVODaADLY CTOSsel y ὃ ἱ 

ἘΠ {4 i } 


v of QO. T 523 favours the other 


, 


οὐδυσσεὺς € πλε Es. eG 


rer wai who ΜΠ 


we » 
av Tt €pa- 


σαντες. 1.6. = ' ) ἶ “ pee ; ἅν in the latter 

: ὶ t} " way by sailing OLE yTah with TAX G ; . 
crossed 1}. SOME OLE . ‘ : “δὶ have pe rhaps ; rossed unde r ot ΥΩ, 
i) piiditi ἂ | 


; So ee a 

, ᾿περρώσθη ὁ ἂν τις EKELVO 
: bs ¢. Ἶ 

ymeraded who sai that. XEN, He ll. 


)" than one would have 
‘ 


clause meaning they may lave, 

po ible circumstances), HI ἔν Vie 
Oss 

would have heen 


᾿δών Ϊ ΝῊ Ole 

ιν. ANE ¢ ¢ ee ae 

11] ἸαΤΤΟΡ 1 Ws , ᾿ : 

11}, t, 18. f ὦ, Ξ / Ἢ . Ν » , FU 
ι ) Ὶ 


thought. Γὰ Am. 3. ὅδ, bit learned, etc. Id. Cyr. Vil. 
φιλεῖσθαι ἄρχοντα, τὸς ἐν ας ie τες πρὺς ὑμᾶς ἐν ἡ ἄν μα; τὰ 
1, 38. Ἔν ἜΝ ΤΥ ἘΠῚ τὰς. fe τὸ whic h you would have been 
ἐπιστεύσατε. talkina a μὴ = “get kp. is. Ἴσως μὲν ἀλη- 
most Ike ly to hare put frust a Φ 5 ᾿ μὲν 1) Seas παραφερόμενοι, μυθι- 


ὦ κι τ , τανα, ὁ ai : 
θους TLVOS €T AT TOPEVOL, i X ἡ i erhans we were clinging 
γωΤα. Wii pera) 


led aside nto ΟΊ 


ὅσου αξιον εἰἢ TO 


ALi rah 


4 MVOV τσροσεπαίισαμεν ι΄ 
κὸν τινα ὕμνον TPOTE ' f 


ly a PT? hance 
to some truth, alth Legit i 


i 


] Ἵ 
ΤᾺ may ive heen ' 
i’ cele hrated Eros im a 


το 4 . ri’ ιεῦα (1 
} , I TApPEDEPO! 
érTrTvor TAPAPEPOPEVOE Ct | | | 


. ᾽ 
707 math 


: Yhaedr. Θ᾽ ‘ 
muthical ham LP Ld. I naear. «Ὁ B 
« ” ν * 4 5 ; , ; i OLE yO 
rer GV αὐτοῖς EV TOLTH TH κάνε 
“ι ᾿ 


, : ~~ 2 
fhem at thas tame! 


hly have heen summMoneig ; 
. | : : = » 
ET LOT ey w Γι σε / 


ΠΝ 
} 
- : 


, ) TapWwy L7}O 
av ὁ μι] ται " } } 


~% 


Τί γὰρ καὶ βουλόμενοι μετέπεμ- 
what wish eve could you 


Dem. xviii. 24. Ilws 





ὃ ik nod, 1.6. how was I 


245] POTENTIAL INDICATIVE 83 


likely to do you any wrong? Id. xxxvii. 57. Τὸν χορὸν συνέλεξα ὥσπερ 
ἂν ἥδιστα καὶ ἐπιτηδειότατα ἀμφοτέροις ἐγίγνετο, I collected the 
chorus in the way which was likely to be most agreeable and convenient to 
both. ANT. vi. 11. 

Two Homeric examples are peculiar in their reference to time :-— 

᾿Αλλὰ τάχιστα πείρα ὅπως κεν δὴ σὴν πατρίδα γαῖαν ἵκηαι" ἢ γάρ 
μὲν ζωόν γε κιχήσεαι, ἤ κεν Ὀρέστης κτεῖνεν ὑποφθάμενος, σὺ δέ 
κεν τάφου ἀντιβολήσαις, but strive with all speed to come to your father- 
land; for either you will Jind him (Aegisthus) alive (and so can kil] him 
yourself), or else Orestes may have already killed him before you come, and 
then you can go to his funeral, Od. iv. 544. (Here ἤ κεν κτεῖνεν, by a 
change in the point of view, expresses what will be a past possibility 
at the time of the arrival of Menelaus, to which time the following 
optative is future.) Kai yap Τρῶάς φασι μαχητὰς ἔμμεναι ἄνδρας, οἵ 
κε τάχιστα ἔκριναν μέγα νεῖκος, for they say that the Trojans are men 
of war, who would most speedily have decided a mighty strife (implying 
that they would therefore speedily decide any impending strife). Od. 
ΧΡ, 261. (This was said by Ulysses before he went to Troy. See 249.) 


245. In most cases of the past tenses of the indicative with 
av there is at least an implied reference to some supposed cir- 
cumstances different from the real ones, so that ἦλθεν av com- 
monly means he would have gone (if something had not been as it was). 
When we speak of a past event as subject to conditions, we are 
apt to imply that the conditions were not fulfilled, as otherwise 
they would not be alluded to. This reference to an unfulfilled 
condition, however, does not make it necessary that the action 
of the potential indicative itself should be unreal, although this 
is generally the case. (See 412.) The unfulfilled past condition 
to which the potential indicative refers may be as vague and in- 
distinct as the future condition to which the potential optative 
refers (235); as if he had wished. if he had tried, if it had been 
possible, in any case, and others which are implied in our auxi- 
liaries might, could, would, should. etc., but are seldom expressed 
by us in words. Compare οὐδὲν av κακὸν ποιήσειαν, they could do 
710 harm (1.6. if they should try), with οὐδὲν ἂν κακὸν ἐποίησαν, they 
could have done no harm (i.e. if they had tried). Eg. 

Ov γάρ Kev δυνάμεσθα θυράων ὑψηλάων ἀπώσασθαι λίθον. for 
we could not have moved the stone from th high doorway. Od. ix. 304. 
Μένοιμ᾽ ἄν: ἤθελον δ᾽ ἂν ἐκτὸς Ov τυχεῖν, I will remain; but I should 
have preferred to take my chance outside. Sopn. Aj. 88. Τούτου ris ἄν 
σοι τἀνδρὸς ἀμείνων ε ὑρέθ n; who could have been Sound, etc.? Ib. 119. 
‘ExAvov ἃν ἐγὼ οὐδ᾽ ἂν 7 λπισ᾽ αὐδάν. I heard a voice which I could 
never even have hoped to hear. Id. El. 1281. Av ἐξέλεξας, οἷν ἐγὼ 
ἥκιστ' ἂν ἡθέλησ᾽ ὀλωλότοιν κλύειν. Id. Ph. 426. Κλύειν ἂν οὐδ᾽ 
ἅπαξ ἐβουλόμην, I should have wished not to hear at even once, Ib. 
1239. Οὐκ ἔσθ᾽ ὅπως ἔτεκεν ἂν ἡ Διὸς δάμαρ Λητὼ τοσαύτην 





as ς πε a ἊΨ» 
84 THE POTENTIAL OPTATIVE AND INDI ATIVE i 


᾿ 40 
no circumstances would Leto hav been the mother of 60 
/ ‘ e = , SF , Ἃ Ξ é ὃν τ 
Eur. L T. 385. Οἰκεῖα πράγματ εἰσάγων, ἐξ ' Ἢ 
᾿ ᾿ posed. AR. Ran. 959. 


it was then dark, and 


ἀμαθίαν, under 
great ignorance. ‘ Ἶ 
ἂν ἐξηλεγχόμ nv, by which I might have been ea 
/ τι ' 4 ‘ Ψ = eae te Ξ θεώ ων 
Τότε ὀψὲ ἦν, K ὶς γεῖρας οὐκ GV κα { : | my ane 
i aa i ade i Ὶ v of hands (in voting). XEN. Hell. 1. by be 
they would not have seen the show ὁ in votin: Ὁ 
εἰν Ἂν . Ν Ψ ) 
Ποίων 0 av ἐργὼν ᾿ ] L hack (ie. if they had been required of 
: , they have shrunk back (Le. ἃ 
acts, etc., would υ πον rolage riage ad 
them)? Isoc. iv. 83. II pd πολλὼν μὲν a χρημάτων τιμησάμη 
᾿ ᾿ We Ἷ Ἢ ι 7 πὰ » ὡς YAO OUK αν ἡμεῖς 
A . ee a vy φιλοσοφίαι Tos YO} Sigs 
τοσουτον ὀυνασϑθαι ibe μ ; ee lS , μέρος ἀπελαύσαμεν αὐτῆς 
οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἐλάχιστον pepos ἀπ ape ] 
χει βουλοίμην ἂν παύσασθαι TOVS pAvapor V- 
? i 


4 ν . i, μμμῶ 9 @ rom 
πόνων ἢ κινδύνων ἀπεστησάν; J 
’ 


πλεῖστον 


ἀπελείφθημεν. 
» ὟΝ “> 5 ς ΒΡ ἢ 
επειθὴ O οὐκ OUTWS € 
. a“ > 
ras. Id. xiii. 11. O8 ὁ " 
: te , ᾿ Ἵ . σρουτους εἐβράσταταν αἱ 
γα 4 TWS TOUT S ἕ 
pense ΝΕ «ὦ +} . . “led themselves 
f hut mho might perhaps hare quar ( 


wv 


ὩΣ - δ 

gas " ὌΝ ‘ rs P >) 
ποίησαν μὲν OVOEY ἂν KAKOV, μῆ) παθεῖν ¢ 
Ξ | a ee } ould 

per Oat, these who ¢ 

ave done him no harm, Ee ee ee a Σ Pe ἑοῦ, 
h 6 13 ore δ αὐτὸ τὸ TT pa. γμ al ek pt 
would then have heen, decided on ats own 


oo es > c ) = Α πον ; 7 9 WwTOS 
[Πῶς av OuV VP PUTTLKOTEPO! ar f . 


against suff rang ({1)}}}. Dem. 1X. 


VETO ep αὑτοῦ. but the case 


merits. Id. xviii. 224: so 101. 


‘ . Ως ἊΜ 905. Ἀὼ paws ιπτεν ὄνειδος. 
Id. xix. 85. Ov μεῖζον οὐδέν ἂν Κατ ἐλι 
ε 


ΞΡ aie , ine . 
ὕμιν ε ΧΡ α iad, , ” ΜᾺ i oe ane t mV Fe fag 
“ιν δικ : ὑπ εν ἐκ τὴς εἰρη ΨΉη 9, 

Id. xlv. 35. A δ' ἡμῖν δικαίως αν uTypxX : ] cu I ' 


S& ’ = ty  ν GAY ὁμοίως 
2 )? ΩΝ + AL -_ αὐτοὶ Noyiler Gat . ἀλλὰ TU Ta με] ph b 
ἀνθ᾽ ὧν amedovTo I γι ; Sere 


5 5 =| 4 
” ~ τὰ ot υς 
~ ca ν᾿ , -- ᾿ εἰ μ1) OL TOV TO 4 
se TOUVUTOLS GV ἡ OT 1] : 
— lives sold what would justly have 


a > 


ἡμῖν, ἐκεῖνα . 
ritht) to set off aqainst what they themrse 


} re Sane in 
i by the peace - hut these would have heen ours all the se 
wen ours yl \ ᾿ 


if 5 a ld 71000 hy added) 
{ tse ) woh ile the othe rs mould haw hee ii {1 i, / Ol i pibie 
ami COLSE 4 4 


rag ω 
. ix. | re vTnpYev av 
to them had wa not been for these men. Id. ΧΊΧ. 91. . (He > ! If XS el 
δ . possession of certain places; th 
5.» ἄν refer an actual fact, the posse 
and ἦν av re fer to a - a 5 ‘eve : from 
lo ἧς προσῆν av refers to something W hich was “νι .- : } 
_ shows the natural steps from the 


) 


becoming a fact. rhis er ρῶς 
potential form to the apodosis. See 550. 


- *,° pi = ἢ { . 
946. When no definite condition 1s understood w ith 
licative the imperfect with ἂν regularly reters to 


antial ine Ξ ι; a ar 
potential Ider usage (499), like the aorist ; 


past time, according to the o 
rs 3 above 
as in the examples a ἢ - ich is common 
The imperfect referring to present time, which 1s ‘ 
μ ; ὦ ὦ ; ' ᾿ { e T 4 ‘XY Dres 
in apodosis after Homer (410), appears In these p de ways ν᾿ 
- : eee Φ ᾿ ᾿ -T ry OVAOLLTV GV, 
sions chiefly in a, few simple phrases, esp ( ially ἊΝ Ὑ ι O} if 7) 
᾿ : τ Ν ᾿ ] Lala ‘ ehoule ἐ{{ {4 ΝΑ, 
vellem, J should wish, I should lin ee | the infinitive 
aaa δ, ss ee e infin 
Fven in Homer the construction with ὥφελον and th Ἐ a 
4 s = 3 ὲ ΕΞ ᾿ ae sy. 
(424). which includes a form ΟἹ potential indicative (415 ; 
sometimes refers to present time. £9. Ξ =e | 
2 . ᾽ ‘ > “ a = » , mye VY Και 
Ἔ ἃ 8 2 ϑουλόμην ἂν αὐτους ἀληθὴ λέγει! με .} ) ip ( 
aye ) he ͵ ‘ ἊΝ 


+ 3 - 4 - ’᾿ὃέ οὔτε TPOS ΤῊΡ 
᾿ sum ΒΗ vA AQGAYtoOTOV [LEPOs. Vut 
τούτου τάγαῦθοι οὐκ ἐλ xX. pS] é' 


> 4 Ξ e 4] 
ξ . > , Ἵ ᾿ | " 

τὰ πρὸς ἐμέ, and I slu uld like Ϊ they 
i j 


~ ε f 
, ᾽ν δὼ μὰ ,5- TAOYVEL OUTE 
πόλιν αὐτοῖς TOLAVTA UVTEPX !] + of this advantage would 
ke tl truth: for (were that so) no smatt part ὁ ve M δί ὃ 
spoke tie ᾿ ς \ . Ἢ ᾿ +3 99 ειὸιαν. OV 
b mine: but thas is not true of them, etc. Lys. xu. 22. Ϊ 
a ° , . , ι ; 
“ - “ ΒΡ, ἽΝ Vion ΤΟΥ many reasons 
ἐβο υλόμη ν ἂν πολλὼν εἐνεκεν (Ἢ, Midias, wh 4 : 


248] POTENTIAL INDICATIVE 85 


should like to have alive. ἈΈΒΟΗΙΝ. iii. 115. See Lycure. 3. (For 
ἐβουλόμην ἄν as past, see ΞΌΡΗ. Ph. 1239, quoted in 245.) See also 
AR. Nub. 680, ἐκεῖνο δ᾽ ἦν ἂν καρδόπη, Κὶλεωνύμη, and this would be 
Kapoo7Tn, etc. 

For ὥφελον and the infinitive as present in Homer, see 424. 


247. It is but a slight step from the potential forms quoted 
in 245 and 246 to those which form the conclusion to an unful- 
filled condition definitely implied in the context. After Homer 
the imperfect with av may here refer to present time. £.g. 


> , - , Ὶ A 
Αλλά κε κεῖνα μάλιστα ἰδὼν ὀλοφύραο θυμῳ, but you would have 


lame nted most an your heart uf you had seen this (ἰδών = εἰ εἶδες). Od. Xl. 
418. Οὐδέ κεν αὐτὸς ὑπέκφυγε κῆρα μέλαιναν, ἀλλ᾽ Ἥφαιστος 
ἔρυτο, nor would he by himse lf have escaped, but Hephaestus rescued. him. 
Il. v. 22. “AAN εἰκάσαι μὲν, ἡδύς" οὐ γὰρ ἂν κάρα πολυστεφὴς ὧδ᾽ 
εἷρπε, but, as at seems, he has good news : for (otherwise) he would not be 
coming with head thus thickly crowned, ὥΟΡΗ. cs, 83: so ce ἃ. 125, 
146, IToAAov yap ἂν τὰ ὄργανα ἣν ἄξια, for instruments would be 
worth much (uf they had this pow r). PLAT. Rep. 374 D. 


5 


Ἤνγετε τὴν 
» 7 a 
ΕἸΡΉΡΉΏΡ ομως" Ov 


yap ἦν ὅ τι av ἐποιεῖτε, for there was nothing that 
You could have done af you had not kept the peace). Dem. XViii. 43. 


‘ - x7 5 4 ” Ἂ, a 3 : ε “~ 1 , . Ἢ 
Σημεῖον O€* OV γὰρ ἂν oEevp KOV WS ὑμᾶς, jor (otherwise) they would 


not have come hither to you. Id. xix. 58. Tore Φιλίππῳ προδεδωκέναι 
πάντας ἂν ἐσχεν αἰτίαν, in that case she (Athens) would have had 
the blame of having betrayed all to Philip. Td. xviii, 900. 


See other 
examples in 472, 


248, The final step is taken when an unreal condition is 
expressed as part of the sentence, forming the protasis to which 
the potential indicative is the apodosis ; as ἦλθεν av εἰ ἐκέλευσα, 
he would have gone if I had commanded him. The dependent 
protasis, by a natural assimilation, has a past tense of the indica- 
tive corresponding to the form of the apodosis. On the other 
hand, when an unreal condition has been expressed, as εἰ ἐκέλευσα, 
the potential indicative is the natural form to state what would 
have been the result if the condition had been fulfilled. (See 390, 
2; and 410.) The potential indicative does not change its’ 
essential nature by being thus made part of an unreal conditional 
expression, and it is not necessarily implied that its action did 
not take place (see 412). Although the latter is generally 
implied or inferred, while the reverse seldom occurs, still it is 
important to a true understanding of the nature of the indicative 
with ἄν to remember that it is not essential or necessary for it either 
to refer to an unreal condition or to denote in itself what is 
contrary to fact. 


For a periphrastic form of potential indicative with ἔδει, χρῆν, ete., 
with the infinitive, see 415. 





80 IMPERATIVE AND SUBJUNCTIVE [249 


For the Homeric use of the present optative with κέ or ἄν as a 
present potential form (like the later imperfect with ἄν), see 438. 

For the rare Homeric optative with κέ in the sense of the past 
tenses of the indicative with κέ or av, see 440. 

949. From the primitive use of the past tenses of the indicative to 
ly to occur under past circumstances, we may explain 
162), which is generally 
l indicative with ἄν. 


express what was like 
the iterative use of these tenses with av ( 
thought to have no connection with the potentia 


Thus ἦλθεν av, meaning originally he would have gone 
a frequentative sense, he would 


(under some past 
circumstances), might easily come to have 
ices Or wheneve γ᾽ Occasion offered), and hence 
opu. Ph. 443, ὃς οὐκ ἂν εἵλετ᾽ εἰσάπαξ 
who used never to he content to 


have gone (under all circumstan 
to mean he used to go. Seed 
εἰπεῖν, ὅπου μηδεὶς ἐῴη, (Thersites) 
speak but once when all forbade him 
Originally οὐκ ἂν εἵλετο would mean he would not 
(under any circumstances), hence he was never conte nt. The optative ἐῴη 
(532) shows the nature of the expression here. See the examples 
under 162, and the last example under 944, 

This construction is not Homeric; but it is found in Herodotus 
and is common in Attic Greek. There is no difficulty in under- 
as an offshoot of the potential indicative, when it is seen 
denial of its own action. 


(lit. when nobody permitted him). 
have been content 


standing it 
that the latter did not involve originally any 


SECTION II. 


The Imperative and Subjunctive in Commands, Ex- 
hortations, and Prohibitions.—Subjunctive and 
Indicative with μή and μὴ ov in Cautious Asser- 
tions. —”O7ws and ὅπως μή With the Independent 


Future Indicative, etc. 
IMPERATIVE IN COMMANDS, ETC. 


250. The imperative is used to express a command, all 


Υ 


exhortation, or an entreaty. «0. 

Aeye, speak thou. Pevye, begone ! Ἐλθέτω, let him come, Χαι- 
ρόντων, let them rejouce, : ρχεσθον κλισίην ΠΠηληιάδεω "A χιλῆος. 
Il. i. 322. Zev, θεωρὺς τῶνδε πραγμάτων γενοῦ. AgscuH. Cho. 246. 

For prohibitions, ie. negative commands, see 259 and 260. 

951. The imperative is often emphasised by aye or ἄγετε, 
φέρε, ἴθι, δεῦρο or δεῦτε, ΤΑ look he 78, UF by εἰ δ᾽ ἄγε ( 174 ). "Aye, 
φέρε, and ἴθι may be singular when the imperative is plural, and 
in the second person when the imperative 18 in the third. £.g. 


FIRST PERSON OF SUBJUNCTIVE AS IMPERATIVE 


ὟΝ 5 wy 

kK ἐσ ¢ 4 , a. , 7 e 
slr AYE μοι καὶ τόνδε, φίλον τέκος. ὅς τις ὅδ᾽ ἐστίν. IL. iii. 199 
Αλλ AYE μιμνετε πάντες. ἐυκνήμιδ : ieee 
a ee f πάντες, ευκνήμιδες Αχαιοί, Il. ii. 3381. Βάσκ᾽ 
- Ἢ " ε ὄνειρε, θοὰς ἐπὶ νῆας ᾿Αχαιῶν. 1]. 11. 8. "A γε δὴ ἀκούσ 
τὴν ¢ ᾿ , : = & .οὔσατε. 
ΧῚ Ρ. 14: Ὁ γετε δειπνήσατε. XEN. Hell. ν. 1. 18. Φέρ᾽ εἰπὲ 
on μοι. SOPH. Ant. 534. Φέρε δή he del thas Ga πον 
iF gece nt. A ρε δὴ μοι τόδε εἰπέ. Piat. Crat. 385 Β 

, On Λέξον ἡμῖν πρῶτον τοῦτο. XEN. Mem. iii. 3,3. "IG 
παρίστασθον. Ar. Ran. 1378. ὍΘ ἐν Rated: eet 
Pri “ἀρ οὐ wy. : Ἐς ba Ξ Jt νυν λιβανωτὸν δευρὸ τις καὶ πῦρ 
ze ω. . oe ° ms μοι O€UpPO, ὦ Μέλητε, εἶπέ. Piat. Ap 34 ( 

evte, λείπετε στέγας. Eur. Med. 894 es 


252. The poets s i 
. 3 5. sometimes use the secon ὶ . 
perative with πᾶς in } nee penn Ἣν ἣν. 
i πᾶς in hasty commands. E£.9 
Ἄκουε πᾶς. hear τι 
* : “Ass ἐ (17 ΟΊ ry one! A R ᾿ 1g =o) ae wn A 
ὑπηρέτης" TOLEVE, π Tees ary. “48 : ene 372. Χώρει δεῦρο πᾶς 
9. i ς 9 - (LLE opevoovnv TL μοι OOTW. Id. A Vv 1 186 ” A 
0 σιώπα Tas ἀνὴρ. Id. Ran. 1125 . Aye 


253. The i ae ae 
Peng Eg Imperative is sometimes used by the dramaticte 
bela ye lly ia similar interrogative expressions, the imperative 
lng really the verl ; ς Ὕ , ζ 
5 rei e verb of the relative el . ἢ" . 
oe ative Clause Che difficul 
translating sue fe eee . τρῶν ἐ ihe difficulty of 
relati i. — expressions is similar to that of asad dat 
‘elatives and interrogatives wi . ᾿ Bia a 
pier ge: prrogatives with participles. 1... 
4 οἱἷἱσ Ξ . , ΄ . , ᾿ 
fret Ad ( Ne ba shy ; TH σκέλει θένε Τὴν TETPAV but do you know 
( . + ° b ν 7 
ἐν you must do: strike the rock with your leg (Bee τᾶν τὰ ‘ ae > 
O μοι μπ δον" : g! Ar. Av. 54. “a 
ee ‘O46 pacor μ do you know what You miust do for me 2 Eur H 
91, Le L a BD 4 ΝΥ r , Ὁ ᾿ r ΗΝ . 4 . er, 
ὑπο: abe , : UV α μοι γενεσ ϑω ᾿ οεσμα τοις ξένοισι πρόσθες do 
0.4) Vie , > ' Pe 
I = 13 3 ᾿ 0? must be done Jor me?—put bonds on the strang Td 
- 1. 1208. ! "ὧς , : : : gers. 1a. 
a ee sed ws ποίησον; do you know how you must act? Sopy 
. . 045. ara 7. ry ae 4 ΡΥ > - : ἢ Β΄ ἫΝ . 
- (Compare Eur. Cye. 131, οἶσθ᾽ οὖν ὃ δράσεις- d 
ὑπ ῖῦ what You are to do?) ide ts, do you 
The English may ae -elativ . 
Pye ἂν μ- ὶ se ἃ relative with the imperative as in which do 
wT ‘vs’ " “4 ) , ’ὔ 3 . 
sag, J re . see Hprt. i. 89, κατισον φυλάκους οὐ λενένα e 
ἀναγκαίως exer. So Sopu. O. C. 473 : YOVT@V ὡς 
A peculiar interrogative imperative is found 


= A > 27 
In js? ς . δὲ δ᾽ 
not to be allowed $ Prat. Polit. 295 E; ie “S Τὼ we 


and ἐπανερωτῶ εἰ xed 
5 ae "F ; 1 των 
ask whether it is to stand, Id. Leg 800 E ies ae eto Ou, I 
> ὡς (See 291. 
254. The imperative ¢ . ͵ 
something i perative sometimes expresses a mere assumption where 
᾿ iF ῳ: ῷ ) » > , 
ITA Ryle 5 γον d to be true for argument’s sake, E.q 
asses: ἫΝ yap κατ᾽ οἶκι , ‘oy , : il de 
~ ” " ‘ 1 ° ει IOV λει - ‘ \ - ᾿ 
σχῆμ᾽ ἔχων : . ὦ , " , : / ͵ . με γα, Kat ζῆ TUPAVVOV 
rech te. g, 6. grant that you are rich and live tn tyrant’s state (lit. 1 
rich, ete, SOP j 20 2 : : o« . ve 
oe ς ἐδ, a PH. Ant. 1168. Ιροσειπάτω τινὰ φιλικῶς ὅ νὰ ἀρχὼν 
OLWTHNS > 0 L 
° ἡ βὰς ἀν Suppose that both the rule r and the private ma Idr τ 
δ) a ΤΩΣ ndly way, XEN Hier wits « ΄ nw address one 
- . sind ᾽ . ὦ), 


FIRST PERSON OF SUBJUNCTIVE AS IMPERATIVE 


255. The w: a fir 
ant of a first person in the imperative is supplied 


1 See Postgate in 


Transacti » of Υ . . 
l, pp. 50-55 aint (Us of the Cambridg Philological Society III 
ae. ‘ J? . 





88 IMPERATIVE AND SUBJUNCTIVE [256 


by the first person of the subjunctive, which expresses both 
positive and negative exhortations and appeals (the negative 


with μή). "Ayé ἄγετε, εἰ ὃ aye, φέρε, ἴθι, δεῦρο, and δεῦτε (251) 
may precede this subjunctive ; so sometimes ἔα, permit, let. 


256. The first person plural is most common, and generally 
expresses an exhortation of the speaker to others to join him in 
doing or in not doing some act. Eq. 

Ἴωμεν, let us go; μὴ ἴωμεν. let us not go. Οἴκαδέ περ σὺν νηυσὶ 
νεώμεθα, τόνδε δ᾽ ἐῶμεν, let us sacl homeward with our ships, and 
leave him. Il. ii. 236. ᾿Αλλ' aye μηκέτι ταῦτα λεγώμεθα. but come, 
let us no longer talk thus. IL. xiii. 292; so 11. 435. ᾿Αλλ᾽ aye δὴ καὶ 
νῶι μεδώμεθα θούριδος ἀλκῆς. Il. iv. 418. Εἰ δ᾽ ἄγετ᾽ ἀμφὶ πόλιν 
σὺν τεύχεσι πειρηθῶμεν. Il. xxii. 381: so 392. Δεῦτε. φίλοι, 
τὸν ξεῖνον ἐρώμεθα. Od. viii. 133. Μὴ δή rw Xr ύωμεθα ἵππους. 
ἀλλ᾽ ἰόντες Πάτροκλον κλαίωμεν. Ll. xxii. 7. ᾿Αλλ εἰ δοκεῖ, 
πλέωμεν, ὁρμάσθω ταχύς. ὅοΡΗη. Ph. 526. Ἐπίσχετον, μάθωμεν. 
Ib. 539. Φέρε δὴ διαπεράνωμεν λόγους. Eur. And. 333. Δεῦρό 
σου στέψω κάρα. Id. Bacch. 341. Ἐπίσχες; ἐμβάλωμεν εἰς ἄλλον 
λόγον. Id. El. 962. Ilapopev τε οὖν ὥσπερ κῦρος κελεύει. ἀσ κῶ- 
μέν τε δὶ ὧν μάλιστα δυνησόμεθα κατέχειν ἃ δεῖ, παρέχωμέν τε 
ἡμᾶς αὐτούς, K.T.A. Xen. Cyr. viii. 1, ὅ. ΝΜ ἡ ποτε φῶμεν ἕνεκα 
τούτων μηδὲν μᾶλλόν ποτε ψυχὴν ἀπόλλυσθαι. Prat. Rep. 610 B. 
"Ea δὴ νῦν ev σοὶ σκεψώμεθα. Id. Soph. 239 B. 


957. The less common first person singular is, in affirmative 
exhortations, generally preceded by a word like dye, ete. (251), 
or by some other command, and the speaker appeals to himself 
to do something or to others for permission to do it. In negative 
appeals with μή the first person singular is rare and poetic ; the 
speaker may call on others to avert some evil from himself, or 
he may utter a threat or a warning. £.9. 

"AAN aye δὴ τὰ χρήματ᾽ ἀριθμ Vow Kat ἴδωμαι, come, let me 
count the things and see. Od. xiii. 210. "AAN ἄγεθ᾽ ὑμῖν τεύχέ ἐνεί- 
κω θωρηχθῆναι. Od. xxii. 139. Θάπτε με ὅττι τάχιστα, πύλας 
᾿Αίδαο περήσω. bury me as quickly (8 possible ; let me pass thi gates if 
Hades. Il. xxiii. 71. ᾿Αλλ aye νῦν ἐπίμεινον, ἀρήια τεύχεα δύω. I. 
vi. 340. Φέρε ἀκούσω. come, let me hear. Hor. 1. 11. Diya, πνοὰς 
μάθω “i φέρε πρὸς οὖς βάλω. EUR. H. F. 1059. ; Eric χετ᾽, αὐδὴν 
τῶν ἔσωθεν ἐκμάθω. Id. Hipp. 567. Λέγε δὴ, ἰδω. PLAT. Rep. 
457 C. 

Μή oe, γέρον, κοίλῃσιν ἐγὼ παρὰ νηυσὶ κιχε iw, let me not find 
you at the ships ! 11. i. 26. M ἤ σευ ἀκούσω εὐχομένου. Il. xxi. 479. 


> 


’ , ” a Ὁ ὡς 4 ν 4 U 
Αλλά p’ ἐκ ye τησὸε γῆς πόρθμευσον ὡς τάχιστα, μὴ ἀὐτὸν sidan 


Sopu. Tr. 801. Ἢ ξεῖνοι, μὴ δῆτ᾽ ἀδικ ἢ θῶ. Id. 0. ὦ 174. 
958. In the first person (255-257) both present and aorist sub- 
junctive are used with μή, the distinction of 259 applying only to the 


HEY NPS. Od. iii. 55. 


τεύξητε. AxEscH. Eum. 800. “Ov μήτ᾽ 
KaKOV. SOPH. O. C. 73] 


OLKAOHTE’ ; My) TE TW ) Ἵ 
η1 €* μὴ po ἡσησητε τῳ πεπονθότι ὁεινά" 
Id. xxi. 211. ) 


ae 2) » 7 κ 
if oAap 1) pe βούλεσθαι λαθεῖν. Isoc. v. 93 
μ αγνοειν. Id. lV. 4a 


used with μή in prohibitions ; 
very rare and only poetic. δ... 


μελησάτω. AxscH. Prom. 332; so 1002 
OOKYNTATW ἄλλως. PLAT. Ap. 17 C 


xxiv. 248. 


260] IMPERATIVE AND SUBJUNCTIVE IN PROHIBITIONS 89 


second ; ir ‘rsons affi 

a ind third persons. In affirmative exhortations the second and 
1} T's ; ) i Ἔν : | 

τ Ps rsons of the subjunctive are not regularly used, the imperative 
e1NLE > r TACO } > ‘OT : Ἷ Ἔ : : 
eing the only recognised form. But in Ξορη. Ph. 300, φέρ᾽, ὦ τέκ 

νῦν καὶ TO τῆς Vi) , ace | " δὴ ’ Pep, ® TEKYOV, 

THs νήσου μάθῃς (if the text is sound), the positive μάθῃς 

eems } trang ly to follow the analogy of the negative μὴ μάθῃς. Nar ok 

reals μάθε here. See also Ι , Spelt Ee 


4A , > 
i τὸ ψάφισμα avateOa in an inscripti 
quoted in Appendix I. p. 385 ἜΤ 


IMPERATIVE AND SUBJUNCTIVE IN PROHIBITIONS. 


259. In prohibitions, in the second and third versons 
" a . e . “ . . 5 ὺ ; τῷ 
the present imperative or the aorist subjunctive is used with 


μὴ and its compounds. The distinction of tense here is solely 


the ordinary distinction between the present and aorist (87) 
and has no reference to the moods. Ly 585 


4 7 τ 
Μ; - a ΑΒ : Ἶ 
) OLE TOUTO.,. do not do this halitually), or do not go on doing 
y ‘ / 


this (or stop doi δ. ἃ , - ; 
ΤῊ i = αὐ this); μ1) = Osye 15 TOUTO, (simply) do not do this 
Es paging. ra κευθε VOW, ἐνὰ ELOOMEV ἄμφω. ll. i. 363 
ψευὸξς ἐπιστάμενος σάφα εἰπεῖν iv , κα 

9 fi : ἃ μ up ᾿ ει7 εὐ. Π]. lV. 404, Ἀργεῖοι, μή TW τι 
με téeTeE θούριδος ἀλκΊ S I] lV 92 { ὃ p= ’ 4 , 

ἘΣ : 15" -1V. 204. ATE μοι εἰρομέενῳ νημερτεα. 
μὴ0 επικευσῇϑἙ. Od. xv. 263 "Hd VOY ees δεν τ" , ΕΣ 
‘ae ) i . / UI oe 7TOALOL ETTOS pao, ΜΊ oO 
ἐπίκευθε compare the last ex; ] ; . Ἴ ] 

i a example), Od. xvi. 168 Μηκέτι νῦν δ θ᾽ 
αὖθι λεγώμεθα LNO ἔτι δηρὸν ἃ ) , . / μέ 
Vl "(ye πὶ 5 [ / 7 07)pol aL Pa A Awpe ba. εργον. I] il 435 

es > - Ὰ ᾿ . easewe 
4211) OF) με eAwp Δαναοῖσιν εασῃ 9 κεισθαι I] v. 684 
t ᾿ ° . . 


» ΤᾺ 4 
. Ἀτρείδη, μΊ) 


, ἴω ἊΝ 
Sag age we : ; Κλί Gt μηδε 
Γ ; 9 i ) 7TWS ανόρασι ουσμένεεσσιν ἕλωρ καὶ 
Ἢ ) Π -; "ἢ 4 
PI au Ὶ € Ae af ες do not hecome pre y and spoul to hostile wien I] ν {87 
Ί δ . o Ve 2O 4 


1) ΤΟΤΕ ἀπὸ πᾶσι , - 4 = a ᾿ ᾿ a ig 
' πὸ πάσαν ὀὁλέσσῃς ἀγλαΐην. Od. xix. 81. Ὑμεῖς δὲ τῇ 
ι 


YN ΤῊ δε μὴ βαρὺν κότον OK ny noe, μὴ Ov 


an ‘> 5] 
μουσθε. μηὸ ἀκαρπίαν 
> 5 ΜΝ 


5 = 7 ~ 
: Ἵ μὴτ ὀκνεῖτε. μὴτ ἀφῆτ ἐπος 
Μὴ θησθε νόμον μηδενα, ἀλλὰ τοὺς βλά- 


4 ~ 7 
TTOVTAS vuas Avo aT ‘M. 11] c 
| ; ας ὕμας λύσατε. Dem. il. 10. (Here Geo Ge would not be allowed : 
ut λύσατε, an affirmative command, is regular.) 


M ὴ κατὰ τοὺς νόμους 
Μὴ πρίῃ; παῖ. δάδα Ar. N ) — Wak wees 

, oaoa, AR. Nub. 614. Ka μηδεὶς 
Kai μηδεὶς οἰέσθω 


260. The third person of the aorist imperative is sometimes 
but the second person with μή is 


Μ; ‘> e 7 Ἂ ~ 
MnO ἢ βία σε μηδαμὼς VLK γάτο SOP i = δέ 
} ] | ἤσατω. : OPH. A}. 18: Μηδε σοι 
=. aa ν de 
Kat PANOELS VILWV προσ- 
[wo μὴ μοι πατέ γας rol ὁμοίη ἔνθ TLULY) j ; 
! Μ΄ wt, pe! io / ) ”) εἸ τὸ» TUL). Il. lV. 410; see Od. 
i - ‘ i Ν ; ᾿ ee 4 
) TALOVOEO μωλοι Δρηος. Π]. ΧΥ 1]. 134. Μὴ 


; ~ > r ~ 7 

WEVTOV Ἵ ᾿ ofl — Ν ἔς : 

4 ors Zev, μὴ μ ελῃς avev ὁορος IN SOPH. Peleus, Frag. 450 

1S parodied in AR, Thes, 870 μὴ ψ εξ ῦσο ν. ὦ Ζεῦ. Ti) : se 2. δος, 
; . » W LEV, TIS ETLOVONS EATLOOS. 





90 IMPERATIVE AND SUBJUNCTIVE 


, IMPLYING FEAR (HOMERIC). 
INDEPENDENT SUBJUNCTIVE WITH μή IMPLYING FEAR (HOMERIC) 
i + 1 


. ᾿ independent 
low ric examples the indey 
961. In the following Homeric ex: Ρ ‘ouvled with a 
subjunctive with μή expresses os , ΠΝ πώ, ἰω 
. . Ξ ideas being inhere 
er biect of fear, both ideas being 
desire to avert the object ¢ : ἰδ νὰ here. 
the construction. The third person is the most common 
= = ‘ a I ὑκτὰ πέλωνται, may they not 
Νὴ δὴ νῆας ἕλωσι καὶ — We ag ad possible to escape. 
: πὰ \ seize the ships and make WU NO Longer Pool 
as I fear they may) sevz ἢ ‘ = eS LG vy the 
᾿ " oa Μὴ δή μοι τελέσωσι θεοὶ κακὰ κήδεα θυμῳ, my i 
iy 4 ὁ “ὦ. 4 : . . anoes tor ἢ soul, . 
Gods not bring to pass (as I fear they may) bitter woes 70: Si ] t 
ς . rh Ν ov f > 70 
" +3 8 My τι χολωσάμενος ῥέξῃ κακον VLGS Α χαιων, muy 7 a 
xV¥ilk. ὦ, 4 ὦ i : . ὶ >» sons 1é 
( I ἢ re he mat) cn his wrath do anything to harm the son 0 
as eu J/ > ‘4 / , 
. og - ” ) ~ Ds L τις LOU 3 
Achaeans. 1]. 11. 195. Q δ᾿" ud ῥα " ᾽ f λα ίνοντα βάλῃ λίθακι 
ἦ θανάτων. Od. ν. 356. Μὴ πων pf ἐκβαινο ς Fa ce 
GUTE ἅν! ᾿ς ἘΞ ΕΔ λέ JE μοι ἔσσεται Opp), I fear 
wenwl πέτρῃ κῦμα pey ἀρπάξαν, μελεὴ ὁ I } ok anil] 
i : i . q : mele 0 
th t some great wave May dash me aqavnst a solid ro k, ant my él ti \ 
vat some | © ‘ νὰ co sored in ἢ asserti1on ). 
(then) he in pain the expression of fear being merc d τ un ᾿ oe 913 
1. v. 415. See also Il. xxi. 563; Od. v. 467, xvil. 24, xx. 2to, 
Od. ¥, cae πολύπικρα Kat αινα βίας =" 
punish thr ir mole nce only to our 
Od. xvi. 255. My τι κακὸν 


ὑφαίνῃσιν δόλον 


, »] ,’ὕ ᾿ Β., 
Tov εἴ κεν πάντων ἀντήσομεν. μὴ 
τίσεαι ἐλθών. 1.6, Ϊ jear you may 


, : ( t do th 1s e 
I t or “Le (and may you 710 Γ 3 
: γῇ οἰ 7 ἄλλων δ᾽ ἀφικώμεθα γαιᾶν, 
5 L } 


δέ it ἡμέας ἐξε λάσωσιν 
(αι YUMEAS ε Λα ; " 
— : : ν harm and drive ws out, and may we 


(as I fear) do us some were 
may they not (as I Je ar) iat Σ, , , ἐνὼ μὲν ἵκωμαι 
not come to some land of others. Od, xvi. 381. M ἢ μὲν ἐγὼ ἢ 


ἰὼν, ὁ δέ pe οὐκ ἐλεήσει, I fear I may approach ΜΕΝ Ϊ ea 
will not pity me, 1]. xxii. 122 (see Od. v. 415, μον ᾿ oo fe ote 2 
πάντα φάγωσιν κτήματα ὀασσάμενοι, ov ὁέ THVT ἢ ͵ 
Od. xv. 12. : 
The present subjunctive 
in xvi. 87, μή μιν κερτομεωσιιν. 


occurs in Od. xv. 19, μὴ τι φερηταῖι, and 
; : Νὰ 
See also πέλωνται in Il. xvi, 128, 


above. (See 258.) 
In these exam | 
desire to avert its object, is more prominent. . 
962. (a) By prefixing δείδω or φοβοῦμαι to any of the ore 
we get the full construction with verbs 
\ they may seize the ships, 


i ‘ear itself, : sometimes the 
ples sometimes the fear itself, and 


junctives with μή in 261, , 
of fearing ; as δείδω μὴ νηᾶς ἔλωσι, [ fea : ἘΡΕ ἘΠ at 
in which μὴ ἕλωσι represents an original construction : 
first followed δείδω paratactically Pag aig 
and afterwards became welded with it as ἃ like Seid 
lause. So if δείδω were removed from a sentence 1K¢ “eA 
clause, . a ' ‘lause 
1 te πάθῃσιν, 1]. xi. 470, we should have an independent — 
μὴ Ti @ i why . Ἂ.:, ; ᾿ Ν ᾿ , ᾿ ( δείδω Ly VEVWLLGAL 
like those quoted above. See μὴ ὁὀαμασσῃ and δείδω μὴ γένωμαι, 
- ied mye) 
Od. v. 467 and 4753. ἐξ her verbs than those of 
(b) In like manner, by prefixing other verbs sth aul 
the original negative final clause with μὴ 
- we mill fight that they 


y . τ fear 2 may the " not SELLE the 


dependent 
ships 


fearing to such clauses, ginal ne 
is developed ; as μαχούμεθα μὴ vyas ἕλωσι, 


264] INDEPENDENT SUBJUNCTIVE WITH μή 91] 


may not seize the ships. Again, if the leading clause were removed 
from a sentence like αὐτοῦ μίμν᾽ ἐπὶ πύργῳ, μὴ παῖδ᾽ ὀρφανικὸν 
θήῃς χήρην τε γυναῖκα, remain here on the tower, lest you make your 
child an orphan and your wife a widow, I. vi. 431, there would 
remain μή... θήῃς, do not make, or may you not make, in the 
originally independent form, like the clauses with μή in 261. 
(See 307.) 


263. (Mi) οὐ with the Subjunctive.) The clause with μή eX- 
pressing desire to avert an object of fear, in its original simple 
form as well as in the developed final construction, may refer to a 
negative object, and express fear that something may not happen. 
Here μὴ οὐ is used with the subjunctive, like ne non in Latin. 

Thus μὴ νῆας ἕλωσι being may they not seize the ships, μὴ οὐ νῆας 
ἕλωσι would be may they not fail to seize the ships, implying fear that 
they may not seize them. Homer has one case of μὴ ov after a verb 
of fearing: δείδω μὴ οὔ τίς τοι ὑπόσχηται τόδε ἔργον, Il. x. 39. He 
has several cases of μὴ οὐ in final clauses and one in an object clause 
(954). Il. i, 28, μή νύ τοι οὐ χραίσμῃ σκῆπτρον καὶ στέμμα θεοῖο, 
is often cited as a case of independent μὴ οὐ, meaning beware lest the 
staff and fillet of the God shall prove of no avail to you, So Delbriick 
(I. p. 119), who nevertheless quotes 1]. i. 565, ἀλλ᾽ ἀκέουσα κάθησο 
ἐμῷ δ᾽ ἐπιπείθεο μύθῳ, μή νύ τοι οὐ χρα ίσμωσιν ὅσοι θεοί εἰσ᾽ ἐν 
Ὀλύμπῳ, as containing a dependent final clause. In the two other 
cases of μὴ ov with the subjunctive in Homer, 1]. xv. 164 (an object 
clause, see 354), and xxiv. 569 (final), the dependence of the clause 
with μὴ od is even more obvious; and in II. xxiv. 584 we have in μὴ 
οὐκ ἐρύσαιτο the decisive proof that this clause is felt to be dependent 
in the change from the subjunctive to the optative after a past tense. 
[t is therefore more than doubtful whether μὴ οὐ xpaiopy in IL. i. 28 
is not dependent on μή σε κιχείω in vs. 36. Plato in paraphrasing 
this passage (Rep. 393 E) takes the clause as final and dependent (see 
132). But, whether we have a case of independent μὴ οὐ with the 
subjunctive in Homer or not, there can be no doubt that this is the 
original form from which came the dependent final clause with μὴ οὐ. 


264. After Homer we find no examples of the independent clause 
with either μή or μὴ οὐ until Euripides, who has independent μή in 
Ale. 315 (μὴ σοὺς διαφθείρῃ γάμους), Orest. 776 (μὴ λάβωσί σ᾽’ 
ἄσμενοι), Η, F. 1399 αἷμα μὴ σοῖς ἐξομόρξωμαι πέπλοις), and μὴ οὐ 
in Tro. 989 μὴ οὐ πείσῃς σοφούς), besides Rhes, 115 (μὴ οὐ μόλῃς). 
Aristophanes, Eccl. 795, has a doubtful μὴ ov λάβῃς (Heindorf and 
Meineke, for Mss. Aa Bors). Besides these six cases, we have in Plato 
three of μή with the subjunctive implying apprehension in the 
Homeric sense (261): Euthyd. 272 Ο (μὴ οὖν τις ὀνειδίσῃ), Symp. 
193 B μή μοι ὑπολάβῃ), Leg. 861 E (μή Τις οἴηται). 

Euripides and Herodotus are the first after Homer to use μὴ οὐ in 


dependent clauses of fear (306). 





9925  SUBJUNCTIVE AND INDICATIVE WITH μή AND μὴ οὐ = [265 


SUBJUNCTIVE WITH μή AND μὴ οὐ IN CAUTIOUS ASSERTIONS. 

965. In Herodotus v. 79 we have ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον μὴ οὐ τοῦτο ἢ 
τὸ μαντήιον, but I suspect rather that this may prove not to be the 
meaning of the oracle. ‘This is the first example of a construction, 
very common in Plato, used also by Aristotle, and found once 
in Demosthenes, in which μή with the subjunctive expresses a 
suspicion that something may be (or may prove to be) true, and μὴ 
οὐ with the subjunctive a suspicion that something may not be 
true; the former amounting to a cautious assertion, the latter 
to a cautious negation. Examples from Plato are :— 

Μὴ ἀγροικότερον } τὸ ἀληθὲς εἰπεῖν. Ϊ am afraid the truth may he 
too rude a thing to tell. Gorg. 462 E. Μὴ ὡς ἀληθῶς ταῦτα σκέμματα 
ἢ τῶν ῥᾳδίως ἀποκτιννύντων, I suspect these may prove to be considera- 
tions for those, ete. Crit. 48 C. Μὴ φαῦλον ) καὶ οὐ καθ᾽ ὁδόν, Ϊ 
think it will be bad and not vn the right way (1.6. μὴ οὐ i): Crat. 425 B. 
᾿Αλλὰ μὴ οὐχ οὕτως ἔχῃ» ἀλλ ἀναγκαῖον ἢ εἰδότα τίθεσθαι 1.6, μὴ 
ἫΝ Crat. 426 B. ᾿Αλλὰ μὴ οὐ τοῦτ᾽ ἢ χαλεπὸν, θάνατον ἐκφυγεῖν, 
but I suspect this may not he the hard thing, to escape death. Ap. 39 A. 
Ἡμῖν μὴ οὐδὲν ἄλλο σκεπτέον 1), 1 am inclined to think we have nothing 
else to consider. Crit. 48 C. Μὴ οὐ δέῃ) ὑπολογίζεσθαι, I think there 
will be no need of taking into account, ete. Crit. 48 Ὁ. Μὴ οὐκ ἢ δι- 
δακτὸν ἀρετή, it will probably turn out that virtue is not a thing to b 
taught. Men. 94 E. ᾿Αλλὰ μὴ οὐχ οὗτοι ἡμεῖς ὦμεν, but I think we 
shall not prove to be of this kind. Symp. 194 C.! 

See also Aristotle, Eth. x. 2, 4, μὴ οὐδὲν λέγωσιν v. ἃ, λέγουσιν), 
there can hardly be anything un what they say. See 269, 

In Dem. 1. 26 we have μὴ λίαν πικρὸν εἰπεῖν ἽΝ Ϊ (tin afraid ul may 
be too harsh a thang to say, 

The present subjunctive here, as in dependent clauses of fear (92), 
may refer to what may prove true, 

266. In these cautious assertions and negations, although no clesire 
of the speaker to avert an object of fear is implied, there is always a 
tacit allusion to such a desire on the part of some person who is 
addressed or referred to, or else an ironical pretence of such a desire of 
the speaker himself, 

967. The subjunctive with μή in this sense is sometimes 
found in dependent clauses. £9. 

Ὅρα μὴ ἄλλο Tl TO yevvatov καὶ τὸ ἀγαθὸν 7 τοῦ σῴζειν καὶ 
ou εσθαι, see to it lest (at prov true that) these may he diffe rent thangs, 
etc. PLAT. Gorg. 512 D. The common translation, see whether they nmuay 

1 Other examples in Plato are Phaed. 67 B, 69 A; Theaet. 188 D; Crat. 
429 C, 482 A, 432 B, 435 C, 438 C, 440 C: Men. 89 C, 94 B; Lys. 209 A, 219 
D, 220 A ; Symp. 214 C; Parm, 150 D, 132 B, 134 E, 186 D; Leg. 635 E ; 
Theag. 122 B; Amat. 137 B. See Weber (pp. 191, 192), who gives these 
examples in Plato, with Hpr. v. 79 and Dem. i. 26, as the only cases of 


independent μή or μὴ οὐ in this peculiar sense before Aristotle. 





270] SUBJUNCTIVE AND INDICATIVE WITH μή AND μὴ οὐ 93 


not he differs oives > Canar , ; 
; μὴ ἄλλο τι ἢ (265) transferred toa dependent clause, 
268. In a few cases Plato has μή with the subjunctive in a cautious 
quest:on with a negative answer implied, As μὴ ἄλλο τι 2 δι 
means this may possibly be something else, so the question μὴ Gddo 3 
; : 1) 


OUTO 4 means Can this possibla he \ 7 ᾿ ls € m ] 

͵ S Ss ᾿ oe { oUTILE hing ¢ 14 Th f 

Sellen , “ ‘ . . e our Xa | 25 
gfiven by ἢ eber are ; : Ess 


\ , = ” > le 4 “~ 

ans i psig U ᾿ αρα τάντα “ Con there he any other heside 5 these ? Rep 
; 3C. “Apa μὴ ἄλλο τι ἢ θάνατος ἢ τοῦτο ; is it possible that death 
can prove to be anything but this? Phaed. 64 C 


Q Ε΄. i ” > » 
= : WO ΓΝ] TL ἄλλο 7) 7 

K.7.A.; Parm. 163 ἢ, ᾿Αλλὰ μὴ ἐμὴ « Pap eer: soa 
ibe ' μὴ εμὴ 7 ερίιεργια 1) και TO ἐρωτῆσαί 
€ περὶ τούτου ; but can it be that even asking you about this ¢ 
tiveness on my part? Sisyph. 387 C (this can be und 
at may he that at LS, ete, ). 


In XEN Me} “he ἮΝ . 
AEN, 1 n. IV. Σ 2 > ΩΣ , , : . 
, 12, the same interrogative construction occurs 


3 inquisi- 
erstood positively, 


with L? οὐ: Ί ἦν ἀν ae δι ἡ - ᾿ 
μὴ . βὴ οὖν OV ὀυνωμαι eyw τὰ τῆς δικαιοσύνης ἔργα 


ἐξηγήσασθαι ; do you suspect that I shall be unable to explain the works 


of Justice ? 
> , ee : 

’ 2 » Ε ε- 

: In PLAT. Phil. 12 Ὁ we have πῶς 

ομοιότατον αν εἰ hy for how could 


another ? 


a 4 c ΄Ν Ὗς ea ~ 
yap ΘΟ γε ὨΘΟΨΡΉ μὴ οὐχ 
one pleasure help being most like 


Here εἴη ἄν tak ἐξ. 

] a eS " ‘ ‘ve ‘ ὩΣ Ν 
iginal for Ai Sag pecs: the place of 7, and πῶς shows that the 
original force of μὴ is forgotten. 


INDICATIVE WITH μή AND μὴ οὐ IN CAUTIOUS ASSERTIONS. 


9 Tl 8 pare ᾿ ΟΥ̓͂ΣΙ a . . . . 
Ἷ 69 16 present ΟἹ past tenses of the indicative with μή or 
μὴ ov may express a similar cautious assertion or suspicion about 
a present or past act. | 


Fea _ As φοβοῦμαι μὴ πάσχει (or erabev) means 
Jear that he is suffering (or suffered), so μὴ πά sy 
may mean J susne ἢ af » SO μὴ πάσχει ΟΥ̓ μὴ ἐπαθεν 
a suspect he is suffering or I suspect he suffered, and μὴ 
a , 3 Ν δ. oe ᾿ εἰ ile " “ 
οι sag ἐχα ΟἹ μη οὐκ ἐπαθεν may mean Ps suspect he does not (or did 
mot) suffer. (Cf. 265.) Eg. 
Μὴ Yep TOUTO μὲν, τὸ ξ 


᾿ 


nw ΄ a 4 ’ 
nV OTOCOVO?) ae ‘OV τό . Ἵ , 
ἄνδ “el f / ἂν )ὴ XPOvor, TOV γε ως ἀληθῶς 
ἱ ρα ξεάτεον εστιέ Και OV 


! ! ὩΣ »- - . 4 Ἁ ‘ 

ἂν τε φιλοψυχητέον (1.6. καὶ μὴ οὐ φιλ.), for I am 
of v opinion that this, 7) 6 7} ly living for a Ct rtain time 
is truly am man should disregard. and that he should 
Puat. Gorg, 512 D. (This 


_ 8 what one who 


not he fond of life. 
μέρη πως, δου Ak S passage is often strangely emended and 
xpli ) LAA apa μὴ ov τοιαύτην ὑπολαμβάνεις cov 
μάθησιν ἐσεσθαι, 7 suspect that you do not think 
this. Id. Prot. 312 A. 


τὴν 
fot οὐ your learning will be like 
ἢ ν᾽ - oe 3 ~ “ c ᾿ , 
ho : a see 9 2 Aa Pa TOUTO ” KaAws W {40 λογήσαμεν, 
ΠῚ I i. we du not do well in ass nting to this. Id. Men. 89 (@ 
11S May be rrocative (PER): ¢ ee ΡῈ : 
; ~ A. πέρα he egal 268, : can u be that we did not do we ll, etc. ἢ 
; : Aristotle, Eth. M Beo ak μὴ ποτε δὲ οὐ καλῶς λέγεται, but if 
may be that this is not well said: compare x. 2, 4 quoted in 265 
270. A art fro1 Ι͂ Says) ) 7 Ξ ἃ τ j 
wae aoa’ : a independent sentences with μὴ οὐ (263-269), 
t oe ( — occurs chiefly in ordinary clauses after 
verbs of tearing where the objec i τ 
g ect of fear is negative (305 - κ᾿ 
J ls negative (305 ; 365). 





94 “Ὅπως AND ὅπως μή WITH FUTURE INDICATIVE, ETC, 


“Ὅπως AND ὅπως μή WITH THE INDEPENDENT 
Future INDICATIVE, ETC. 


971. The Athenians developed a colloquial use of ὅπως or 
ὅπως μή With the future indicative to express either a positive 
exhortation or command ora prohibition. Thus ὅπως τοῦτο ἐρεῖς, 
see that you say this, is a familiar way of saying εἰπὲ τοῦτο. So 
ὅπως μὴ τοῦτο ἐρεῖς 15 equivalent to μὴ τοῦτο εἴπῃς. This expres- 
sion was probably suggested and certainly encouraged by the 
common Attic construction of ὅπως and the future after verbs of 
striving, taking care, etc. (339); so that it is common to explain 
this form by an ellipsis of σκόπει iN σκόπει ὅπως τοῦτο ἐρεῖς, see to 
it that you say this, But we may doubt whether any definite 
leading verb was ever in mind when these familiar exhortations 
were used (see 273). 

972. The earliest example is AESCH. Prom. 68, ὅπως μὴ σαυτὸν 
οἰκτιεῖς ποτε, beware lest at some time you may have yourself to pity, which 
conveys a warning, like μή σε κιχείω, Il, 1. 26. In ArscH. Ag. 600, 
we have the first person singular with ὅπως (used like the subjunctive 
in 257): ὅπως δ᾽ ἄριστα τὸν ἐμὸν αἰδοῖον πόσιν σπεύσω δέξασθαι 
(not mentioned by Weber). In Sophocles there is only one case, ΕΑ. 
1518, γῆς μ᾽ ὕπως πέμψεις ἄποικον, send me forth an exile from the 
land (like πέμψον pe). Five examples in Euripides are simple 
exhortations, as ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως ἀνὴρ ἔσει, but se that you are a man, Cycl. 
595; so also Cycl. 630, H. F. 504, I. T. 321, Or. 1060 (with doubtful 
construction): one conveys a warning, Bacch, 367, Πενθεὺς δ᾽ ὅπως μὴ 
πένθος εἰσοίσει δόμοις τοῖς σοῖσι, beware lest Pentheus bring sorrow 
(πένθος) unto your house. 

273. We find the greater part of the examples of 271 in 
the colloquial language of Aristophanes,' who often uses the 
imperative and ὅπως with the future as equivalent constructions 
in the same sentence. δι. 

Κατάθου σὺ τὰ σκεύη ταχέως, χὦώπως ἐρεῖς ἐνταῦθα μηδὲν 
quickly, and tell no lies here. Ran. 627. 
᾿Αλλ’ ἔμβα χὥπως ἀρεῖς τὴν Σώτειραν. Ib. 377. See also Eq. 453, 
495, Feel. 952, Ach. 955. Nov οὖν ὅπως σώσεις με, 80 Now save Me. 
Nub. 1177. Ὅπως παρέσει μοι καὶ σὺ καὶ τὰ παιδία, be on hand, 
you and your children (an invitation), Av. 131. "A ye νυν ὕπως εὐθέως 


, - 
ὑφαρπάσει. Nub. 489. 


Wevdos, put down the packs 


274. (Examples from Prose.) Ozws οὖν ἔσεσθε ἄνδρες ἄξιοι τῆς 
᾽ , ἽΤ. ‘ _ - -« 
ἐλευθερίας, prove yourse lves men worthy of freedom. XEN. An. 1 7, 3d. 


1 See Weber, pp. 85, 95, 113,124, for the history of this usage. Weber cites 41 
examples from Aristophanes, besides A: h. 343; 13 from Plato, whose extra- 
ordinary use of the independent sentence with μή has been noticed ; 7 from 
Xenophon, 9 from Demosthenes, 2 from Lysias, and one from lsaeus. 


280] ° > AND ὅπως μή W 
] Ὅπως AND ὅπως μή WITH FUTURE INDICATIVE, ETC. 95 


it) WS A ͵ 5 u ξ DS 
ao nol tell {17 that tu Lcé ΕΥΝ are CWelve | LAT Re Ρ 33 B > 36 ] | 
. 242 . - . έ . 50 3 6 i 2 
. 21, 4 Σ, . ( 4 ω Οὐ 11 
ἢ “ Case IC ul } In Her - Ϊ l 5 . me « i ᾿ Μ 
( >] ( ~ ἐν] OC ot 1: 1η ] 14 Ss ls ¢ ] 


_ 216. Although the second person is naturally most common 

in these expressions, the first and third persons also occur. ΕΚ 
Ὅπως δὲ τὸ σύμβολον λαβόντες ἔπειτα πλησίον κα ΟΡ A 

AR. Eccl. 297. Οἴμοι τάλας, ὁ Ζεὺς ὅπως μή pe ὄψεται don't let 

Zeus see me ! Id. Av. 1494. Kai ὅπως, ὥσπερ ἐρωτῶσι thee 

geo καὶ ποιεῖν ἐθελήσουσιν. Dem. viii. 38. (See also 278) = 
76. "Ave an epe (251) 8 times intr | | 

ae μευρῆδς τα ca ‘Te uke times introduce this construction. 


7. In a few cases the prohibition with ὅπως μή takes the form 

ol a war sides Arsc . . Γ ; 
ἱ warning. Besides Arscu. Prom. 68 and Eur. Bacch. 367 quoted 
above, see AEN. Cyr. 1. 3 - ee | Ν A agit 
+e a : XEN. Cyr. i. 3, 18, ὅπως οὖν μὴ ἀπολεῖ μαστιγούμενος, look 
out that you are not flogged to death. So Puar. Prot. 313 C quoted in 283 
ν ᾿ ’ ν 2 Ξ 


᾿ = Ὅπως μή with the future indicative or the subjunctive 
5 ἌΤ, ag llIYTe ἢ : A 
ave as : . = = τ x : » δ. ἔ ? 
AVE rt something that is not desired, like μή with the subjunctive 
in Homer and sometimes in Attic Greek (261; 264) RE ᾿ 
"Or 5 4 5 Η ΝΜ ye 4 ὰ >] on . “4 Ὰ 
ως μὴ αἰσχροὶ μὲν φανούμεθα ἀσθενεῖς δὲ ἐσόμεθα let us 
not appear base and be weak (as I fear we may). Xen. Cyr. iv "9 39 
)π ‘ δ ’ ; “~ ΄ 4 F > 4 “dg wad . - Φ ἂν Od. 
) ve te ἀναγκάσωμεν (so most Mss.) αὐτοὺς, κἂν μὴ βιυῤλων τῶ 
χγα ΝΜ Ὁ ἢ ~~ 20 . ἃ 
ayaUovs B nay εσθαι, there is danger of our compelling them to become aes 
yf ἜΜ their will. Ib. ἵν. 1,16. Καὶ ὅπως γε μηδὲ τὸ χωρί. ’ 
TCEWS . . ay ee ΜῈ ca Ἢ DPLlLOV 
" - ἂν Ὁ eva κατέκανον ἡμῶν τοὺς συμμάχους, and let us not 
a }}" é % y “ m e f 
07 4 τὰ é7 " to njoy the sight of the place where they sle w our allies 
ea St SOc uke ne ee es. 
᾿ ως μ ἢ Φησῃ τις μας ῃηδυπαθεῖν, take care lest any 
one say of us, ete. Id. Symp. iv. 8. ’AAA’ 6 oor er ae : 
a 9 ‘ ΓΝ > a . -: p- V. . i λ OT WS μὴ OvxX OLOS τ ἔσομαι 
προθυμοῦ ne δ ’ ᾿ Λ by 
si th on en ὙΨᾺ now, but Iam afraid that I shall not 
Ve ͵ wer . 5 « ῆ 
κι t lé power, hut that tL MY zeal I shall male myself ridiculous Py ὦ 
Rep. 506 D. So Men. 77 A. ΙΝ. 


: 279. Phese cases (278) are analogous to those of ὅπως μή with the 
future indicative or the subjunctive after verbs of fearing, in place of 
the simple μὴ 370). They are also a connecting ΠῺΣ δύω the 
ΠΝ with μή in prohibitions and the rare future πο ρα 
Fe, δ᾽ ὐτῃ eA — sense ; as ταύτην φυλάξετε τὴν πίστιν. καὶ μὴ 

Ἰσεσθε εἰδεναι, hold fast to this security, and do not wish to know 
etc., DEM. xxiii. 117 (see other examples in 70), pas 


980. In a few cases ὅπως uh . : : 
ais: la few cases o7 WS μὴ with the subjunctive expresses a 
Cautlous assertion, where the simple μή is generally used (26 F\ Ey 
. δ᾿ " 7" Aedes 





Ὅπσως AND ὅπως μή WITH FUTURE INDICATIVE, ETC. [28] : 285] ates 
RIC SUBJUNCTIVE 

Kat ὅπως μὴ ἐν μὲν τοῖς ζωγραφήμασιν Ἷ τοῦτο, and it may be that natural than the positiv 
ee : ; : . = » = ἘΣ : Ds e ὅπ (ὴς διδέά W : 
thas well prove true wn the case | LAT. ( rat. 430 D. δ eber } such ani Llog and little or no M : us — ἣν ) tor which there is no 

ne y : ΓΝ ' . WIS, ὦ 4 
964 quotes Η ΡΥ. Vi. 85 tor this sense : OK@S EG VOTEPI)S μὴ Tl examples are Secs above aa wuthority. On this ground the 
> ᾽ ᾿ γ᾿ ‘ AS ey οὐ. 
Hv ταῦτα ποιήσητε, πανώλεθρον κακὸν ἐς ΤῊ χώρην ἐμβάλωσι, ἸΘῪ stand in the Mss. 
inlikelu that the 7 wall turn about and bring SoN¢ fatal harm On 


not 
your country ; but this can he understood like the examples in 278. 


981. ‘Os ἂν OKOT τοὶ ΡΝ τε τῶν εἰρημένων, mind now and quard εἶς 
‘ul to do it), θόρε. Ant, 215, must be SECTION IIL. 


what ] hav said 1.e, h watchful 
brought under this head 27 | In the early stage of the Attie eon Subi un 
future, of which only two cases occur In Junctive, like the Future Indicative, in Independent 


ws ἂν ἢτε was here used like Sentences. — Interro 
pax), XEN, Hipp. 1X. gative Subjunctive, 


of pu tures. 


struction of ὅπως with the 


Aeschylus and one m sig les (272), 


ὅπως ἔσεσθε. Compare πιμε λεῖσθαι ws αν 


J (see 35 | ) 


989. In Ar. Ach. 343 is the single case of ὅπως μή with a present 
984. [In the Homeric 


suspl ion an 1 appre he nsion concerning a present 


Homeric SuBJUNCTIVE 


tense, expressing ἃ language tl biunctive ἃ 
πα; , oa guage the subjunctive is some 

sround of fear: aAA τως μὴ y τοῖς τρί! ωσιν ἐγκάθηντ ται που times used in independe nt eo : nctive 1s some- 

oe : f ‘ ται y , SCKCeENCEeS , 

] Ou ‘ sto ΓΝ hidde ἘΠ “ἢ, 6 γῸ (ALi ther Wit l the 

λίθοι. but I : . Ν Somowr future indicati lve, The negative 


] » same rr πληάρα to the common πὼς μὴ with the at 
: υ γάρ TW Τοιους LOOV 


cloaks. is ‘ 

. -_ ' Bike ‘ ae - . ὸ ᾿ . Ὗ a 

future doPovpat py TSO XOUe **; Ϊ 7661 th ut the " (“Te i shail ] peas : 
Ϊ fear that they 4 Γ 866 SUC 


hive force of a 
IS Ov. Μ᾽ γ. 


5 , 


Ove ᾽ ‘ Wo 
IAS OVOE ra Ses 
f ) t )ὼμ at. 701 Ϊ never vet saw nor 


> 


a men. I]. i. 2&2 δου , 

ΠΕ a , “3. UKs LLV fer ye ‘ 
ὁὼρ ονομήνω, 1 will mer oz μὲν ἐν πάντεσσι περικλυτὰ 
» / numerate the gifts befor you all Il. i 12] 

" J « [ . , “; 
. Ι , i - . 
νεκυεσσι φαεινω. J wil] descend to Hade 
és 


to p27 σκεπτέον 1 iy 
f | df and shine M014 thi dead said Ϊ Vv 
al ) 


983. Positive _— πες nt sentences with 


TO φοβοῦμαι κὰ, oy lecsnc’. “xs tute, 


and the same that μὴ TOUTO ἐατέον ἐστί (209 bears A s “AG 
VTOUAL ες Aidao καὶ ἐν 


ye . 
Sil te ri 


᾿ 


may 177: 


ee ἡ ave νά vs) s 1] (), 77 QRe 
ὕπως all have the future future δύσομαι and 4} . , τς dd. xl, 383. Here the 
/ and the subjunctive φαείνω ; 


this nature val ro ; 
Μνήσομαι OvDOE λάθωμαῖι 


08... 
ular form in dependent object clauses of SR do not differ in force 

; Δπολλωνος ἐκάτ ᾿ */ 

LULSeS with ὅπως μή which are will not foraet the far-s} ολλωνὸς εκάτοιο, I will reme mber and 
vg li‘ far shooting A poll iy) ἢ , ‘ ᾿ Lu 

‘ 4 thee ), : mn, 2 Ρ. 7 Δυτ 


᾽ 


subjunctive, and four 1 μητίσομαι., οὐδέ νυ τόν - ξ 
j 7O1 γε γνωτοι TE 





indicative, 

9299). Among the 33 independent el; 

Ach. 343) ten have the 

l oS Ms. support lor the subjunctive. Ot the Gavovra. 1.6, the i shal] not 41. he . ᾿ἐβηῤόνοι TE πυρος λελάχωσι 
᾿ Ἶ 38 dead hody the honour of 


OU OL βάνατον 


cited (exclu 
others have 

᾿ ἘΜ ᾿ς anol 9280 and the three from eno ‘hon quoted in Ἰὼ ; gy ae ‘ 
ten, uot n ZoVv, au . Line ι] ae tron | ' | ᾿ pyre. []. XV. 349. ἊΣ O€ κε τεθνηῶτι . a Ξ , ( funeral 
97 ; sther ἢ ntioN rtions or n sentences 1 ving tear or «Ἐς κτέ Οἷς VTOS GKOVGOO. σ᾿ a e , ᾿ 
278, are el l F Lt a rtions or it nvence 181. me - 5 ἐπι κτέρεα κ τερεΐξ ὃ, κω μι “ wil. aie TE οἱ χεύω καὶι 
+5 he ubin tive is the cy ar 7 δ Gh MOU ny han Ξ 
the avel ubjunctive 1s tie regulat form. Phe funeral honours, Od. 999 Oy , Ζ νι J r hum, and pay him 
‘ ) ay VaTe * oe ΩΝ v vao Tie Θ, Ἀ ἬΝ at 
and are οἱ uoted her δί ται ἢ] QO” ae ΣΡ 4S μὲ Pty γε EKWV GEKOVT 
7 : . I 9 cos : we ντΤα, 

/ [] vll, 197. Kat ποτέ / VTE 


other five express Wi uns, : 
Sue 2 vel δῦ ἢ ᾿ that ποῖ teach tha 
on St χοῦτ διδαξηῃης μηδένα, hurt De δ] / if Yl f ( 5 Il. Vi 1 ἢ ( . : . 
vii Su. "ἢ . 209. In vs. 462, referring to t] ! thi 
ἱ ~ LO LDe Salne noe we aU an E 
293 ung, we have ws ποτέ 


at ἔς: hurt ἐξαπ σ mans nf ν᾿ 
Kae OTWS γε μ1) 0 σοφιστ ὴς 7. ατή 1} TLS € PEEL, Οὐκ ἔσθ᾽ ᾿ ἽΝ ος = 
] ; ν ᾿ ) 919 ‘ ᾿ IUTOS ΑΨ ove = δῶν 
ea is ᾿ μ᾿ i ὅπα eo, JVO ει j ᾿ 

j us. PLAT. | rot. B13 2 ᾿Αλλ’ ) SS KEV Τηλεμάχῳ an wi, vei z iP a FETAL OVOE 
PGS ETTOLO EL, dd 


Ti - , 
ves €67 Hoty, and si me one μοι τ 971} 


᾿ YEvynTat, ὅς 
Euthvd. 296 A. Ὅπως LIOELS xvl. 437. Onde 4 
= ae νας Bl στήσεις" πρὶν καὶ κακὸν ἄλλ (0 gt i er 
‘ ~ ᾿ VALU T . Ϊ . 
yOu, ete. Id. ( harm. 15] B. ii ta lif 2" 7 ξ ..2}} ἧς , ao naa, 707 ual] yu hring him hack 
: seat i . Ot! er ὍΠΗ New eral hy alps > ᾿ ~~ 
Ὶ si Ve 551 the 


/ pe rsiade I 
vl Per ia , 
aii oe that you only example > Geen Oe 


8 (> 
0 πολλάκις ὑμᾶς εἰ σλαψεν, 


DEM . Υ. 90), Ϊ . ᾿ ie Lie 
sp 285. This Homeric subjunct en | 


(T- class. easily confounded : 
indi ative. 1S 


ΠΝ μενος with κέ or ἄν i ΕἾ 
a} le d the « wii er laneua σῷ i | nse. Thi 1S en- 


_ ia 


‘udement of scholars on these has 

heir a, Sage about the admissibility 
nd ὅπως μή in depen dent object clauses 
ὦ in 364. But it may fairly 

tion, that these cases of and 452.) Ey. 


s are supported by the Kk; δέ κε - 8 ; ; ἘΠ 
stated υησιν. € 9€ KEV AUTOS tae bast of J Ξ , 
j 9 . uf 11) 


] } 7" hia hit y j 
byunt tive in the same sense. Thus μὴ διδά- vive her un εὐ κὰν ε-. τὸν ᾿ does 
nae | ue her myself, 11. i. 324 Ὁ ᾿ ‘ 
same sense much more ἢ; cat υἱ . “Sa é : “. ere €Awyuat κεν has ἃ 
ἰςι ill veLween EAOLLYI KEV, ] ᾽ . 


Η 


‘ serene ri+h ‘ ᾿ 

between that of the opta ὝΝΝ δε " apo LOSIS W1tN a sense 
age sie _— | ‘and that of the sj ἴα 
future indicative, which the ἢ imple 


unable tc : (See 201 


pain ques 


ry ot μή with the sul 


ns in the 
ind αὐρήησομαι, [ 


ot teach, mi ike s OT Ws μὴ ο διδάξ 











senna 
SSNS SEL EI OES Senseaon ie gaiet =n tee aaa 


} 
: 
ἱ 
4 


98 INDEPENDENT SUBJUNCTIVE [286 


. . . ' Ἐ δ Ἰλω ὦ ὙΨ "ESS, S e 
will take, which neither Attic ( Greek nor English can expr : “ 
235, end.) Τὴν μὲν 7 πέμψω, ἐγὼ δέ κ᾿ ἃ yo Βρισηίδα, her I will sent 
ag er Be δ᾽ av λλὰ πάθῃσι φίλου 
but T shall take Priseis, 1]. 1. 184. Nov δ᾽ av πολλα rally 


oe + enffer much. ete. Il xxii. 505. 
ἀπὸ — ἁμαρτών, but now he must suffer much, et 


εν Ἰ TOT "μὸν ὁ ἔ hn is own insole nce 
“His περοπλίῃσι τάχ᾽ αν ΤΟΤΕ Le ὀὁλεσσῇ, yy h δ 


ε ἃ πὰ 
he may perchance lose his life. Il. 1. 200. 
286. In the following cases the subjunctive and the optative with 
κέ or ἄν are contrasted :— 
"AXXov κ᾽ ἐχθαίρῃσι βροτῶν, ἄλλον κε — one mortal he 
: 9. γ᾽ ἴω 
(a king) will hate, and another he may love. Od. iv. 692 Ki τὶς σε 


᾿Αγαμέμνονι, καί κεν ἡ ϑύκω λύσιος 
should See you, he would straightway tell 


»Ὰ » ae ” 


LOOLTO, GUTLK ἂν ἐξείποι 
νεκροῖο γέν NT ab, if any one os 
and there might (may be a postponement, ¢ etc. LL. XXIV. 
Tol AP? ίσμ “a 


653. 
A game mnon, 


; ἄν 
Ei μὲν δὴ ἀντίβιον σὺν τεύ χέσι π ειρηθεί NS, οὐκ ¥ 


pene _ ὶ τε gf NEES tot. Π. 1. .“) 6. () ‘ mM are Ὶ ἦν MLLV σάφα εἴπ ω 
‘ 


πα, so soon as I shall ould hear it, Od. 11. 43, with Vv xX ἡμὶν 


l ᾿ ὗ > γε Tv το. ll. 3 bo referring to the 
σάφα €LTOt OTE TPOTEPOS γέ TvGotTo, li. JF oth i 


, . 


same thing. 
INTERROGATIVE SUBJUNCTIVE. 


987. The first person of the subjunctive is used in 


questions s of appeal, where the speaker asks himself or another 


what he is to do. The negative is un. In Attic Greek this 

subjunctive is often introduced by βούλει or βούλεσθε, 

sometimes in poetry by θέλεις or θέλετε. Eg. | 
Εἴπω τοῦτο; shall I say this? or βούλει εἴπω τοῦτο; do you wish 


£ F J 
T 4 . oF vil - shall tk, 
that T should Say this 4 Μὴ τοῦ TO TOLW EET ΟἹ TOL €V), t 


' ᾿ 2 Ἢ 
not do this ? Ti εἴπω ie i τί βούλεσθε εἴπω π what shall Ϊ SLY : OI 


what do you want me to say 2 ee y 
᾿κ, δὲ : ἴω: τεῦ δώ Py ix “ὦ ἰθυς σῆς 

ΠῚ τ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἐγὼ. φίλε TEKVOV, oe ὁωμαῦ ἰκωμαι . 1] ς ) 

[ δό shat} P shall / Mo ? to whe Re howse shall Ϊ 


μητρὺς ἴω Kat Goto OOf0L0 stint ce = Ξ, Dr, ε 
cone ete Od xv. 009. Ἢ GaAuUTOS ΚΕ vHm: φασθαι Oo€ με ! os 
ἰνώγει. Od, xxi 194. “2 Zev, τί λέξω; Tot Ppevwv εἐλθω, πάτερ; 
ava’y f , -- “ 

" 


:  βῶ; πᾶ στῶ; πᾶ κέλσω; Eur 

SopuH. 0. Be ‘ 10. ὦμοι ἐγὼ, Ta Do ; χα σΊ ω πὰ sae - 
L : 9: πω τι 

He oc, 10: 56. [οἱ ae a * Tot πορευθω; Ib. 1099. i ὄψι Ἰ 
one of thre reqular . jokes 3 AR. 


-10e row shall I bring 
Ran. l. Tiva yap ἃ ip TU γα με! Cw 7 παρὸν χροὶ μ: i.e. | ? i 


- οὖ * 9 {). λίηδ᾽ εν Tl 
forward a greater ntness ἢ DEM. X1X. ι one 
a "ἢ —- ' i 
ἔρωμαι or σου πωλεῖ; may Ϊ not ask, ete, ¢ M1 a7 οκρίνωι αι 


οὖν- ἄν τις LE ἐ wT a νέος. : ᾽ ptf ly te. : XEN, 
| Ι € l €LOW and fit " Ϊ i (LMS ι 
Rep. 337 


ἴσ ‘ ) ἊΝ 
Mem. 1. 2, 36. My) ἀπ = ἱνωμι ut, GAN ἕτεροι εἴπω; PLAT. 
ee 


> . ] : ae 
τῶν εἰωθότων. [6] δεσπ 1 ἅν. shal i ] nie 


ὧν (peat, 


B. 80 μὴ φωμεν ; Ib. 554 ἢ. 
ἀνείπω; Lb. 580 B. te aa 


a 
πότην, i) ἀπίωμεν; uill you 


~ . ~ " , , 
Y ' TOV ov ἢ" ECL μιμη- 
ὙΠ}. 212 E. Apa μὴ αἰσχυ!ϊ θωμεν τοι [lepox » βασιλει μιμὴ 


Μισθωσώμεθα οὖν κήρυκα, ἢ αὐτὸς 
ἄνδρα πάνυ σφόδρα « δέξεσθε συμ- 


. . Ὑ - ) 
L Τόσα Ὑ him, or shall we (10 away : Id. 


288] INTERROGATIVE SUBJUNCTIVE 99 


σασθαι; shall we then be ashamed to imitate the king of the Persians ? 
—we shall not be ashamed ; shall we? Xun. Oec. iv. 4. 

Ποῦ δὴ βούλει καθιζόμενοι ἀναγνῶμεν ; where wilt thou that we 
sit down and read? Prat. Phaedr. 228 E. (So ib. 263 E.) Βούλει 
οὖν ἐπισκοπῶμεν ὅπου ἤδη τὸ δυνατόν ἐστι; ΧΕΝ. Mem. iii 5, 1. 
Βούλει AdPopac δῆτα Kat θίγω τί σου; Sopu. Phil. 761. Βού- 
Aer’ ET ELT TET WEY ; Eur. Hee. 1042. Θέλεις petv @ MeV αὐτοῦ 
κἀνακούσωμεν γόων ; ΞΟΡΗ. El. 81. Τί σοι θέλεις δῆτ᾽ εἰκάθω; 
Id. Ὁ T. 650. Θέλετε θηρασώμεθα ΠΠενθέως ᾿Αγαύ nv μητέρ᾽ ἐκ 
βακ χευμάτων, χάριν τ T ἄνακτι θῶμεν; > Eur. Bacch. 719. Βούλεσθε 
τὸ ὅλον πρᾶγμα ἀφῶμεν καὶ μὴ ζητῶμεν; : AESCHIN, 1. 73. 

So with κελεύετε : ᾿Αλλὰ πώς ; εἴπω κελεύετε καὶ οὐκ ὀργιεῖσθε; 
do you command me es speak, and will you not be angry 3 ) Dem. 1X. 46. 

In Prat. Rep. 372 E, we find εἰ δ᾽ αὖ βούλεσθε καὶ φλεγμαί. 
νουσαν πόλιν BE τις τεῦ οὐδὲν ἀποκωλύει, but if, again, you will 
have us examine an inflamed state, there is nothing to prevent, This 
shows that βούλεσθε is not parenthetical, but is fe lt to be the le: ading 
verb on which the sub Junctive depends (see 288). In Phaed. 95 E, 


iva μή Tt διαφύγῃ ἡμᾶς, εἴ τέ Tt βούλει προσθῇς ἢ ἀφέλῃς, the akc 
junctives may depend on ἵνα. 


288. Ei βούλεσθε θεωρήσωμεν, if you wish us to examine, quoted 
in 287, shows that we have in βούλεσθε with the subjunctive a 
parataxis not yet developed into a leading and a dependent clause. It 
is probable that nothing like this was felt in the simple subjunctive 
as it is found in Homer. The original interrogative subjunctive is 
probably the interrogative form corresponding to the subjunctive in 
exhortations (256) ; ἔλθωμεν, let us go, becoming ἔλθωμεν ; shall we 
go’ (See Kihner, § 394, 5.) When βούλει and βούλεσθε were first 
introduced in appeals to others, the two questions were doubtless felt 
to be distinct: as βούλεσθε * εἴπω: do you wish? shall I speak ?— 
which were gradually welded into one, do you wish that I speak ? 
Compare in Latin cave factas,—visne hoc videamus ? ete. No conjunction 
could be introduced to connect βούλει or θέλεις to the subjunctive 
in classic Greek, as these verbs could have only the infinitive ; but in 
later Greek, where iva could be used after θέλω, the construction was 
developed into θέλετε iva εἴπω ; do you wish me to speak? See πάντα 
ὅσα ἂν θέλητε ἵνα ποιῶσιν ὑμῖν ot ἄνθρωποι, whatsoever ye would that 
men should do unto you, N. T. Marru. vii. 12. So θέλω ἕνα dws μοι 
τὴν —— ΕἾ ree. τοῦ βαπτιστοῦ, Marc. vi. 25. These forms 
appear in the New Testament side by side with the old construction 
without iva ; as Ti σοι θέλεις ποιήσω ; what wilt thou that I should do 
unto thee ? with the answer, iva ἀναβλέψω, that I may receive my sight, 
Luc. xviii. 41, So βούλεσθε ὑμῖν ἀπολύσω τὸν βασιλέα τῶν 
᾿Ιουδαίων ; Ion. xviii. 39. 

From θέλετε ἵνα εἴπω ; comes the modern Greek θέλετε νὰ εἴπω; 
will you that I speak? and probably also the common future θὰ εἴπω, 
I shall speak (if θά represents θέλω va). 


7 




















4 
Η 
τὴ 
Ε 
x 


[289 


100 INDEPENDENT SUBJUNCTIVE 


989. The third person of the subjunctive is sometimes used 
in these questions of appeal, but less fre juently than the first, 
and chiefly when a speaker refers to himself by τὶς. .6. 


Πότερόν σέ TUS, Αἰσχίνη. τ τῆς πόλεως ἐχθρὸν ἢ ἐμὸν εἶναι py Ἔς 
shall we call you the city’s enemy, ΟΥ̓ mine? Dem. xvill. 124. Kira 
ταῦθ᾽ οὗτοι πεισθῶσιν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν σε ποιεῖν, καὶ τὰ τῆς σῆς 
πονηρίας ἔργα ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς ἀναδέξωνται * Le. are these men to helie ve, 
etc. ; and are they to assume, εἰς. Id. xxii. 64. Tt τις εἰναι τοῦτο py ; 
Id. xix. 88. Πῶς τίς τοι πείθηται; how can any one obey you ? Π. 

150. Θύγατερ, ποῖ τις φροντίδος ἐλθῃ; SopPH. O. C. 170. Ilo 
τις οὖν φύγῃ; Id, Aj. 409. Πόθεν οὖν Tis ταύτης ἂρ ξητ αι μάχης; ς 
Puat. Phil. 15 D. 

Πῶς οὖν ἔτ᾽ εἴπῃς ὅτι συνέσταλμαι κακοῖς με EvuR. H. Ν᾿ 1417, 
the only case of the second person, is probably corrupt. Dindort 
reads ἂν εἴποις. 

290. The subjunctive is often used in the question τίπάθω; 
what will become of me? or what harm will at do me? literally, 


what shall I undergo ? Eg. 

"2 μοι ἐγὼ, τί πάθῳ: τί νύ μοι μήκιστα γένηται; Od. ν. 465. 
So 1]. x1. 404. Ti πάθω; τί δὲ δρῶ ; τί δὲ μήσωμαι; AESCH. Sept. 
1057. Ti πάθω τλήμων ; Id. Pers. 912 ; AR. Pl. 603. Τί πάθω; 
τί δὲ μήσομαι; οἴμοι. ΦΌΡΗ. ΤῪ. 973. Τὸ μέλλον, εἰ χρὴ. πε ίσομα 4° 
τί γὰρ πάθω; I shall suffer what is to come, if it must be ; jor what 
harm can it do me? Eur. Ph. 895. (The difference between tt πάθω ; 
and πάσχω in its ordinary use 
πάθω; PLat, Euthyd. 302 D. So in the plur al, Ti yap πάθωμεν 
μὴ βουλομένων ὑμέων τιμωρέειν ; Η τ. iv. 118. 


991. (Negative μή.) The negative μή of the interrogative sub- 


eonstruction (288). If 


is here seen.) ‘Qporoy pKa." τί γὰρ 


junctive is explained by the origin of the 
ἔλθωμεν; shall we go? is the interrogative of eAGwpev, let us go, then 
‘s the interrogative of μὴ ἔλθωμεν, let 


4 » 7 
μὴ ἔλθωμεν; shall we not go! 
do you wash not to have WS 


us not go, and implies (addressed to others 
This is still more evident when Pov ‘Aer Ge is prefixed to the sub- 


go? 
ative form of the sub soe 


junctive (288). Similar to this interrog 
of exhortation is the rare interrogative 


μή); as ἂν ὁ μετὰ τέχνης γράψας ἀφίκηται, μὴ 
rv allowed tn ave her ord rs ΄ Ρ LAT. 


imperative also negatived | 


Tey δὴ ἕτερα 


προστάττειν; 1.6, 18 he οἱ to "δ: 
Polit. 295 E, where μὴ ἐξέστω; is the interrogative of μὴ ἐξέστω, let 
him not be allowed, as μὴ ἔλθωμεν; above) is that of μὴ εἐλθωμεν, let 
indirect quest tion in PLAT . Leg. S00 E, erave- 


us not go. See also the 
πρῶτοι "ἑν Tov ἡμῖν ἄρεσκον 


wT πάλιν. τῶν ἐκμαγείων ταῖς ὠδαῖς εἰ 


κείσθω. I ask agan whether first this 18 to stand ap) roved by us as on 


of our models for songs. We cannot express such an imperative 
precisely in En clish ; and there is the same difficulty with o17@ ὁ 


dpacov ; etc., in 253. See also ὥστε with imperative forms 602), 


992. 1. When the future indicative 1s used in the sense of the 








99 » / > rry ‘TT) a 7 y 

294] Ov μή WITH SUBJUNCTIVE AND FUTURE INDICATIVE 101 

interrogative subjunctive (68), it may be negatived by μή; as πῶς 
᾽ I 

μήτε ψεύ σομαι φανερῶς; how then shall I « escape telling an open 

ie? (where there is some Ms. authority for Yevowpat), Dem. xix. 320 

(see Shille to’s note), = dieses 


9 9] se 
2. A similar use of μή is found with the potential optative (with 


ἄ ᾿Ω 
εἰ, in ques tions, if the idea of prevention is involved in it; 


fs 
as Tl OVV 
οὐ σκοποῦ LEV πῶ ‘ , 

" TWS ἂι αὐτῶι μὴ διαμαρτ ἀνοιμεν; why thee do we 


not consider how ave cay avoud 
Lb avou mastaking them ? (the direct question here 


a Pagers little from TOS μὴ διαμαρτ άνωμεν;). Xen. Mem. iii, 1 
pi te Ἢ ἀν μὴ δυμῳ λέ you 7 περὶ θεῶν; how can one help being 
hen he speaks of Gods? Puat. Leg. 887 C. Sometimes such 

an optative with μὴ is in a second clause, preceded by a posit 
que stion, so that the ἢ: ushne ss of μὴ av wit th the opti itive " coat 
KOS ἢ αὐτοὶ ἀπ οκνοῖμεν ἢ πρὺς τοὺς ἐκεῖ ξυμ- 


ιά OVS OKYTT 
f ag S ἢ τόμενοι μη βοηθοῖμεν; 1.6, what good ground can we 
gu or holding hare k ourselves, or what dec nt excuse 


, 


as τί ἂν λέγον τες εἰ 


can we make to our 
all δ ἵ 4 0 3 j Ϊ ᾿ . ’ ; 
. 1e8 th re fi ᾿ ἢ] holding OU? aul from them ? Tru ell Vl 18 So 


, 
. iad TLVa 
αν JOTTOV ey 7 ᾿ C 
Tf ) μέ) OL δυναίμηι καὶ μ ηδείς με ἀδικοῖ; un what way 


can t haw great power and prevent any one from doing me wrong ? PL AT. 
org. 510 D. See also Isoc. v. ὃ, xv. 6. In Dem. xxi. 35, πότερα 
μὴ OW δια τοῦτο δίκην ἢ μείζω δοίη δικαίως; shall he μεῖς, οι punish- 
ment for this, or would he rather deserve a still greater pe nalty 2—6 
used as if οὐκ ἄν δοίη had precede ἃ Se hi aefe Yr inse rts Kav), ‘i ες: " 
In ῬΙΑΤ. Phaed. 106 D is the singular expression, σχολῇ γὰρ av 


τι ἄλλο φθορὰν ! ΝΥ \ 
/ ὴ δέ χοιτ FO. εἴ γε Το ἀθάνατον ἀίδιον ὃν φθορὰν 


“2 ca es escayp from admitting destruction if 
wie a . Unich 1.5 et rnal, is to admit it, This liffers from the ue) 
ceding interroga € pre- 


i se Oe ὃ ᾿ » 
2 | tlve ex: ample S merely In the substitution of ¢ /0AnH 
hardly, for Τοὺς OF τίν ω T por OV. : εἰ 


293. As οἱ cannot be used with the interrogative subjunctive, μή 
here sometimes introduces a question which expects an arate αν 
answer, See XEN. Mem. i. 2. 36. and PLAT. Rep. oa: Β 554 B 
quoted In 287 ; and compare XEN. Oece. iv. 4 (ibid.), where ᾿ ees 
answ r is gee In PLAT. Rep. 552 E, we must read μὴ αἰνῆς 
not οἰόμεθα, Herm.), shall we not think? ; > answer ) i 
ee = not think? as the answer must be affirma- 


SM δ 
Otc¢ Tal. for hardly Can anu thing else 


CTION LV. 
Ov μή With the Subjunctive and the Future Indicative. 


294. The subjunctive and the future indicative are used 
with the double negative οὐ μὴ in independent sentences 
5 ᾿ 7 5 ᾿ ° 5 Α : : 5 “Ὁ 
sometimes expressing a denial, like the future indicative 





ἘΣΟῪ 


τς ἔν, Ἢ 297] Οὐ μή WITH SUBJUNCTIVE AND FUTURE INDICATIVE 10’ 
102 Οὐ μή WITH SUBJUNCTIVE AND FUTURE INDICATIVE [295 7] Ov py U UTURE INDICATIVE 103 


= Fut. Ind.) Οὐ θέ ποτε. ὥορη. El. 105 
it] and sometimes a prohibition, like the imper rative (Fut. Ind.) Οὐ σοι μὴ μεθέψομαί ποτε El 1 
with ov, ὃ : 


v 
vos μήποτέ σ᾽ ἐκ τῶν ἑδράνων, ὦ γέρον, ἄκοντά τις ἄξει. τῇ O. Ὁ 
or subjunctive with μή. The compounds of both ov and μή é 


116; 80 οὐκ οὖν μὴ ὁδοιπορήσεις, OC 84k Mh τ hee εὐ 
can be used here as well as the simple forms. 


μή σ᾽ ἐγὼ π περιόψομἀπελθόντ᾽ (1.6. 7 εριόψ ομαι ἀπελθόντα . Ar. Ran. 
. ἢ 508 Tov S$ Tov? γοὺ ς οὐ pA ΤΟΤΕ βελτίους TOLYNOETE. 

~ < nd οἱ the rela- 1 . if ) ) 
For a discussion of the origin of this construc tion, a 


AESCHIN. i ill. 
77, 
tion of the sentences of denial to those of prohibition, see Appe mndix II. 


: ro eee 296. Οὐ μή with the subjunctive or the future indicative can 
295. (Denial.) The subjunctive (usually the —— =" stand in various dependent sentences :— 
: lave the ᾿ ͵ area Ξ : pas 
sometimes the future indicative, with ov μή may (a) Especially in indirect discourse; as εὖ yap ot} coihie ne ταῦθ᾽ 
force of an emphatic future with od. Thus οὐ μὴ τοῦτο εὐ οὐ μὴ ᾽πιλάθῃ. AR. Pac. 1302. So Xen. Cyr. viii. 1, ὅ, Hell. ae 
< 
“4 ς ) mn » > χα ἡ Ω rr oan : Ξ : 
: 1. sometimes οὐ μὴ τοῦτο γενήσεται, means this surely 3; Puat. Rep. 499 B. See also Tuuc. v. 69. We have οὐ μή ἊΣ 
γένηται, the future opti itive after ws, representing a future indicative of the 
direct form, in Sopu. Ph. 611: 
~ ad > , bd ‘ cs δά ' 8 ll j 
(Aor Subj \ Καὶ τωνὸ ακουσὰαᾶς Ov Tt μ1) λ ηφθω δόλῳ, Ϊ eit 
2 ᾿ ἃ }). ar ' “ at Sy . Ἢ 
not be caught by any trick. AESCH. Sept. 38. So Sept. 199, Sup} δ 


Οὐ “μὴ πίθηται, he will not obey. SOPH. Ph. 103. Ov γάρ σε μὴ 


will not happen. Eg. 


, > 
τά τ᾽ ἄλλα πάντ ἐθέσπισεν, καὶ 


τἀπὶ 
Τροίας πέργαμ᾽ ὡς οὐ μ ἤ ΤΟΤΕ πέρσοιεν εἰ μὴ τόνδε ἄγοιν TO. 


(The 
direct discourse was ov μή ποτε π gig ἐὰν μὴ τόνδε ἄγησθε In 


a similar construe tion in XE N. Hy 7], “20 
, ] ' 
) τι λάνωσι τοῦδε συμμάχου. Id. 
Id El. 42. Kat ov 7 ι μὴ ͵ χ 
Fe ῶσι. Ὰ 


3, 32, the future indicative is 
ε . Ὁ retained after ἃ past tense ; δὲ 
O. C. 450 Οὗτοι ie A χαιῶν, οἶδα, μή Tes ὑβρίσῃ. Id. Aj. 560. os 


εἶπεν ὅτι ἡ Σπάρτ 1) OVOEV μὴ κάκιον οἰκιεῖ- 
, ται αὐτοῦ ἀποθανόντος. In Eur. Phoen. 1590, we have the future 

p ΐ 
δ᾽ οὐ πάρεστιν, οὐδὲ μὴ μόλ 1) 7 ποτέ. but he is not here, and he never will ᾿ 
cf) 


- . > Ν . > , a on 
6 ἢ Ἴ 4 j infinitive of f indirect discourse with Ov μ᾽): E€LTTE "ειρεσίας ου μή TOTE, 
) IK ὐ Li ποθ᾽ ἁλῶ. ΑΒ. Ae +h. 662. Wt jh ᾿ " ΄ 5 ; > », us ~ νὴ πος, δε , πόλ , > ve" > ti fan > ‘ 
come. EvR. H. τ᾿ ‘ ΤΊΣ υ | } we ( οἱ ΤΊ} 9] ipl Ol Ov) TOS, ἰ “ Po ει} “aude ιν, 1. pres¢ hh Ing οι μὴ ει 
7 ‘a ἡμῖν ἄ AAo σ τρατὸ av 7 i¢ τῇ OT ἀνθρώπ ν. € Ϊ kK € 
c ly τις Ί S Ss K € J 


7 γάξει πόλις. 
95: f 
os ms ᾿ T rp tAwotv. Tuuc. iv. 9% S 
Η ΡΥ. vil. “ge So i. 199. Ou μή WOTE τὶ Ρ̓ ; 


ese 
© 


STi EOE IE CERT eo areranacenneeennnennanesnteaiseaniaee 


(δὴ) In causal sentences with os; as Ar. Av. 461: λέγε θαρρήσας, 
ἴ os 6 σε κρύ ψω πρὺς ὅντινα Bov —_— aparee. XE μὰ ‘ 
ci. V. OY. ὺ μὴ ἢ 


λ "9 70] δὰς οἱ μὴ Τ f ‘ A f Lf / € . for we will HO break the 
ξ | i ἐξ }} 4 ¢ )} (,) V . . ! 
( . gis )ς l . -- i ᾿Δρμένι t γὺ μὴ 


So XEN. Cyr. lll. 2. δὲ (See 99! )). 
- T ὦ κα \ 4; Ὁ Οὐ (6) In consecutive sentences with ὥσΊ > as PLAT. Ὁ hi vedr. 997 D: 
j Si) ΙΧ. iad. UTE γὰρ - 
έ WV δεόν rer. Dr I. L\ 4 € 9 
ου μὴ y V nT Tal 


o 5 7 5 ~ °? 5 ;4 ~ 4 
OUTWS ἐπιτεθυμηκα ακουσαι, WOT , εαν τοι TOV περίπατον Μέγαράδε. 
οὐδὲ οὖν μὴ γέν ηται ἀλλοῖον ἦθος πρὸς > UY 
VEVOVEV } j 
— οὔτε γέ ο 


» ~ 
} } ᾿ οὐ μὴ σου ἀπολειφθώ. 
. el 1, ΤΟΥ will there ever be, etc 
ἀρετήν. for μι is not, nor has there beer 


truce hy fore YOu ha ve ὃ ΝΥΝ dle 
G θα οἴκοι. οὐδέποτ᾽ οὐδὲν ἡμῖν | 
τς 1 Ἢ 9. 8 (see 996. bh). “Av κα ώμε α 


4 
# 
} 
j 
ὃ 
Ἑ 
εἶ 


‘ In AESCH. Ag. 16. 40, ὴ V δέ L πειθάν Ὅρα εὖ Ew Ja γείαι οὗτι ys 
seems mere ly more ὁ mphatic , TO r ὴ f ¢ β p 2 . ὴ 
PLAT. Rep. 4 492 E. (Here οὐδὲ ὶ μὴ 5 ae e 


: ! f T ὕλον. and [ weil yoke κῶς who 48 not ole liz nl 
c af ) ἢ 


by 10 means as a wanton 
grammatically to (eng ζω, though its 


following words in sense: 
"» 4 4 ‘ , 4 ’ ἕ 
εἰπὲ μὴ TAPA γνωμὴν εμοι., Ag, 93 
> 5 as ) 
5 "AAA ov Tl LI pv VTE 
Σκῦρον ἐκπ λεύσῃς ἔχων. δ Ph. 381. / τὶ μὴ γητ 


: under a heavy alla “ὦ [ will let him run 
γΎ σὺ LODO LILOV . ; a , 
fs Sul yj. od Dak Ov yap τι μᾶλλον μὴ φύ yus TO | vate oe colt in traces, οὔτι μή belongs 
for you ὁ shall none the more escape your fate. AESCH. Sept. 281. ak. position makes it affect the 
ἐξ € μὴ πάθῃς τόδε. SOPH. El. 1029. Ov μή ποτ᾽ ἐς τὴν 
ποτ᾽ ἐξ ἐμοῦ γε μὴ τ 


ΖΓ» 


: οὗ καὶ μὴν TOO 
, Where the force of μή falls on 
Paley’s note on Ag. 1640 (1618), 

297. (Prohibition.) In the dramatic poets, the second 


ἰ i] ‘St 5 Io ‘ if future indicative (oceaslonally οἱ the 
, ὃ 4 l New S eg as καταλι βεῖν. XE N. 5 

οὐκέτι L ύ ; 1) i TG Pac ι L ἐν ι i] { 

ὶ Τὰ ( v V WVT TAL, Id Hier xX $e ), Πρὸς τι ται Ta κακοῦ ργ νει K Lt CO VUKO-~ 
So οὐ ) f . 


O33 


- the words that follow 1t 
N: E UR He Cc 39 Κοὐχὶ μὴ 7 ava node, you will 
S U. as L 
/ αιψ ἡρῷ ποδί. . ᾽ 
᾽ ; ἐ Ss. 704, 
mever Cease, AR. Ι, λ᾽ ‘ Ξ : 
P Suby.) Ἣν γὰρ ὅπ αξ Ovo '] τριῶν ἡμερώ ἣν ὁδὸν ἀπ oo ἐς τα 
\ re ὥ, ΝῊ] } 


subjunctive) with οὐ μή may express a strong prohibition. 


γα Τα QWs L ) 5 , l , / 
AX ¢ to me you wall Ὁ able | LI S ου ΜΉ λαλησ εἰς means You shall 7101 pratve, or (10 7400 
7 ( ‘ ‘ 
φάντει, εἴ τι δύνασαι" L a, ) 


Ί) 
1) 9 4 > ; santas : ΗΝ ᾿ 4 " : ' ᾿ p z 
Prar. Rep. 341 B. Ov ty μὴ δυνατὸς ὁ, ‘Ta. Phil. 48 Ὁ. In the prate, being nearly equivalent to μὴ λάλει or μὴ Aadnons. 
AT. ΣΡ, « . see a eS δωννου 
much-discussed passage, Sopx. Ὁ. C. 1023, ἄλλοι yap οἱ TTEVOOVTES, 


: 4 > 2 evywrvrat θεοῖς. for there Ἂ. J: ᾿Ξ 3 = i = om ὃ 
οὗς οὐ μή ποτε — Puyorres τησὸ επεὶ Χ' rill never Aye ἐπ ὮὯ παῖ. τί θροεῖς; οὐ μὴ παρ ὄχλῳ τάδε γηρύσει, do not (I beg 
are others wn eage) " pursurt ; and ΜΝ y (the « ae οὖ ae Se f you) speak out in this way before » the peop le. Eur. Hipp. 915 “a θυγα- 
condition to) δε thankful to th Gods for escaping es ᾽ -- φύγωσι TEP, οὐ μὴ μῦθον ἐπὶ πολλοὺς ἐρεῖς. Ld. Supp. 1066. Οὐ μὴ γυ- 
this land, the chief force is in dv yov TES, as ag ei aa : aan of ναικῶν δειλὸν εἰσοίσεις λόγον, do not adopt the cowardly language of 
ὥστε ἐπεὺ ἔχεσθαι θεοῖς, the prese nt sul yy uNC 60 Ss ἃ SbALe 


women, Id. And. 757 Οὐ 
thankfulness. 


ee 


ap AR = a ti 


a ΤΣ 


μὴ ἐξεγ ερεῖς τὸν ὕπνῳ κάτοχον κἀκ- 


sinha RIES OT oe 











a SSI 


es 





104 Οὐ μή WITH SUBJUNCTIVE AND FUTURE INDICATIVE [298 


κινήσεις κἀναστήσεις φοιτάδα δεινὴν νόσον. ὦ τέκνον, do not 
wake hum and arouse, etc. SOPH. Tr. 978. (Here Ov μὴ belongs to 
three verbs.) Τί ποιεῖς; ov μὴ καταβήσει, don't come down. AR. 
Vesp. 397. Ilotos Ζεύς; ov μὴ A ηρήσῃς" οὐδ᾽ ἐστι Ζεὺς. Zeus 
indeed ! Don’t talk nonsense; there isn’t any Zeus. Id. Nub. 367. (Here 
all Mss. have ληρήσῃς. See Nub. 296, quoted in 298; and section 
301 below.) 


298. A prohibition thus begun by ov μή with the future or 
subjunctive may be continued by μηδέ with another future form. 
An affirmative command may be added to the prohibition by 
a future or an imperative with ἀλλά or δέ. = Lg. 

Ov μὴ καλεῖς μ᾽. ὦνθρωφ,, ἱκετεύω. μηδὲ κατερεῖς τοὔνομα, do 
not call to me, I implore you, nor speak my name. Ar. Ran. 298. Ov 
μὴ προσοίσεις χεῖρα μ no ἅψει πέπλων. do not bring your hand 
near me nor touch my garments, Eur. Hipp. 606. Ov μὴ προσοίσεις 
χεῖρα, βακχεύσεις δ᾽ ἰὼν, μηδ᾽ ἐξομόρξει μωρίαν τὴν σὴν ἐμοί, 
do not bring your hand near me; but go and rage, and do not wupe off 
your folly on ma Id. Bacch. 343, (Here μηδέ continues the original 
prohibition as if there had been no interruption.) ὁ 

Ov μὴ λαλήσεις, ἀλλ᾽ ἀκολουθήσεις ἐμοί do not prate, but 
follow me. AR. Nub. 505. Ov μὴ διατρίψεις., ἀλλὰ γεύσει TS 
θύρας, do not delay, hut taste of the door. Id. Ran. 462. Ov μὴ φλυ- 


we > — 7 κ » " ΄ : = vy Ἢ ἐδ ‘a ᾿ » = f i 
αρήσεις EX wV, ω ;Ἔανθια. ἀλλ ἀράμενος OLOELS TaAAtl Ta oT pt LATO. 


Ib. 524. Ov μὴ δυσμενὴς ἔσει φίλοις, παύσει ὃέε θυμοῦ Kal παλιν 


~~ 


στρέψεις κάρα, ὦ OE FEL O€ οωρα καὶ παραιτήσει πατρός, be 
mot inimical to friends, but cease your rage, etc. Eur. Med. 1151. Ov 
μὴ σκώψῃς μηδὲ ποιήσῃς so all the Mss.) ἅπερ ol τρυγοδαίμονες 
οὗτοι, ἀλλ᾽ εὐφήμει, do not scoff, nor do what these wretches do; but 
keep silence! Ar. Nub. 296. Here the imperative is used precisely 
like the future with ἀλλά or δέ in the preceding examples.) 

The clause with μηδέ is here ἃ continuation of that with οὐ μή, οὐ 
belonging to both. The future in the clause with ἀλλά or δὲ is like 
that in “πάντως τοῦτο δράσεις, by all means do this, Arn. Nub. 1352 
(see 69). <A single οὐ μή may introduce a prohibition consisting of 
several futures connected by καί, as in Sopu. Tr. 978 quoted in 297). 


999. Sometimes οὐ with the future indicative in a question 
implying an affirmative answer (thus equivalent to an exhortation) 
is followed by μή or μηδέ with the future in a question implying 
a negative answer (and thus equivalent to a prohibition). Here 
there is no case of ov μή. δι. 

Ov σῖγ᾽ ἀνέξει, μηδὲ δειλίαν ἀρεῖς * will you not keep sil nce, and 
not become a coward? Soru. Aj. 75. (Here μὴ δειλίαν apeis; 18 an 
independent question, will you be a coward ? do not bea coward.) Ov 
θᾶσσὸν οἴσεις. μηδ᾽ ἀπιστήσεις ἐμοί - will you not exte nd your hand 
and not distrust me 9 id. ‘Tr. 1183. Οὐκ εἶ σύ τ᾽ οἴκους. σύ TE K pewv 
οἴσετε; Id. O. T. 637. 


4 5 


‘ , ν ν δὲ, ἂν... SE 
κατὰ στέγας, καὶ μὴ τὸ [LNOE! ἄλγος εἰς μεν 














902] FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES.—CLASSIFICATION 9 


900. All the examples under 297 and 298 are usually printed as 
interrogative, in accordance with Elmsley’s doctrine, stated in his note 
to Eur. Med. 1120 (1151) and in the Quarterly Review for June 
1812. He explains οὐ μὴ λαλήσεις ; as meaning will you not stop 
prating ? (lit. will you not not prate?); and when a second clause in 
the future with μηδέ or ἀλλά follows, he extends the interrogative 
force of ov also to this. But this explanation requires an entirely 
different theory to account for ov μή in clauses of denial (295), where 
no question is possible. Moreover, the five examples of the second 
person of the subjunctive quoted under 295, taken in connection with 
those in 297 and 298, are sufficient to show the impossibility of 
separating the two constructions in explanation. One of the examples 
in 298 (Ar. Nub. 296), where the imperative εὐφήμει follows in 
the clause with ἀλλά, seems decisive against the interrogative theory. 
The examples under 299 are really interrogative ; but they consist 
practically of an exhortation followed by a prohibition (both being 
interrogative), and contain no construction with ov μή at all. 

301. In most modern editions of the classics the subjunctive is not 
found in the construction of 297; and in many cases the first aorist 
subjunctive in -oys has been emended to the future, against the 
authority of the Mss., in conformity to Dawes’s rule. (See 364.) 
Thus, in Ar, Nub, 296 and 367 the Mss. have the subjunctive; and 
in 296, ov μὴ σκώψῃς could not be changed to οὐ μὴ σκώψεις, as 
the future of σκώπτω is σκώψομαι. Elmsley’s emendation σκώψει, 
which is adopted by most editors, requires a greater change than should 
be made merely to sustain an arbitrary rule, which rests on no apparent 
principle. If both constructions (295 and 297) are explained on 
the same principle, there is no longer any reason for objecting to the 
subjunctive with ov μή in prohibitions ; and it seems most probable 
that both future indicative and subjunctive were allowed in both con- 
structions, but that the subjunctive was more common in clauses of 
denial, and the future in clauses of prohibition. 


SECTION Υ. 
Final and Object Clauses after “Iva, ‘Os, “Ὅπως, 
"Odpa, and Μη. 
CLASSIFICATION,.—NEGATIVES. 


302. The final particles are iva, ὡς, ὅπως, and (in epic 
and lyric poetry) odpa, that, in order that. To these must 
be added μή, lest, which became in use a negative final 
particle. 











106 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [303 


303. The clauses which are introduced by these particles, 
all of which are sometimes called final clauses, may be 


divided into three classes :— 

A. Pure final clauses, in which the end or purpose of 
the action of any verb may be expressed ; as ἔρχεται 
τοῦτο ἴδῃ, he is coming that he may see this; ἀπέρχεται 
μ᾽ wer ἴδῃ, he is departing that he may not see this; ἦλθεν 


“a τοῦτο ἴδοι, he came that he might see this. Here all the 
final particles are used, but with different frequency in 
various classes of writers (see 311-314). 

B. Obiect clauses with ὅπως or ὅπως μή after verbs of 
striving, etc.; as σκόπει ὅπως γενήσεται, see that vt happens 2 
σκόπει ὅπως μὴ γενήσεται, sce that it does not happen. These 
clauses express the direct object of the verb of striving, ete., 
so that they may stand in apposition to an object accusative 
like τοῦτο ; aS σκόπει τοῦτο, ὅπως μή σε ὄψεται, see tO this, 
V12., that he does not see you. They also imply the end or 
purpose of the action of the leading verb, and to this extent 
they partake of the nature of final clauses. = 

CG. Clauses with μή after verbs of fearing, etc.; as φοβοῦ- 
μαι μὴ τοῦτο γένηται, 1 fear that this may happen; ἐφοβήθη 
μὴ τοῦτο γένοιτο, he feared that this might happen. These 
clauses have in use become object clauses, though in their 
origin they are of a very different nature (262; 307). 

304. Although the object clauses of class B partake slightly 
of the nature of final clauses, so that they sometimes allow the 
same construction (the subjunctive for the future indicative), still 
the distinction between classes A and B is very strongly marked. 
An object clause, as we have seen, can stand in apposition to a 
preceding τοῦτο ; whereas a final clause would stand in apposition 
to τούτου ἕνεκα, aS ἔρχεται τούτου ἕνεκα, iva ἡμῖν βοηθήσῃ, he comes 
for this purpose, viz., that he may assist us. The two can be com- 
‘bined in one sentence; as σπουδάζει ὅπως πλουτήσει, ἵνα τοὺς 
φίλους εὖ Tory, he is eager to be rich, that he may benefit his 
friends. 

Care must be taken not to mistake the nature of an object clause 
with ὅπως when its subject is attracted by the leading verb ; as σκόπει 
τὴν πόλιν ὅπως σωθήσεται for σκόπει ὅπως ἡ πόλις σωθήσεται, see 
that the city is saved. So also when an object clause of the active 
construction becomes a subject clause in the equivalent passive form ; 
as ἐπράττετο ὅπως συμμα χίαν εἶναι ψηφιεῖσθε, it was brought about that 








307] DEVELOPMENT OF CLAUSES WITH iva, ETC. 107 


you should vote to have an alliance made (AESCHIN, ill. 64), which 
represents the active construction ἔπραττον ὅπως ψηφιεῖσθε. 

305. The regular negative after iva, ὡς, ὅπως, and ὄφρα is μή; 
but after μή, lest, οὐ isused. Eg. 

᾿Απέρχεται, iva μὴ τοῦτο ἴδῃ, he is departing that he may not see this. 
Φοβεῖται μὴ ο ὑ τοῦτο γένηται, he is afraid that this may not happen. 

306. This use of μὴ οὐ (305) occurs in Homer in a few final clauses 
(263) and once after δείδω (IL x. 39). After this it is confined to 
clauses after verbs of fearing, with the exception of XEN. Mem. 11, 2, 
14, Cyneg. vii. 10, and the peculiar μὴ οὐκ ἐπαρκέσοι in Pat. Rep. 
393 E (132). This use of ov after μή is naturally explained by the 
origin of the dependent clause with μή (262) ; but after μή had come 
to be felt as a conjunction and its origin was forgotten, the chief 
objection to μὴ πα ὦ μή was probably in the sound, and we find a 
few cases of it where the two particles are so far apart that the repetition 
is not offensive. Such a case is XEN. Mem, i. 2, 7: ἐθαύμαζε δ᾽ εἴὔ τις 
φοβοῖτο μὴ ὁ γενόμενος καλὸς κἀγαθὸς τῷ τὰ μέγιστα εὐεργετήσαντι 
μὴ τὴν μεγίστην χάριν ἕξοι, where we should expect μὴ οὐχ ἕξοι. 
So ΤῊυσσ. ii. 13: ὑποτοπήσας μὴ. . . παραλίπῃ καὶ μὴ δηώσῃ. So 
in a final clause, μὴ | ree μὴ προσδέχοιτο, Puat, Euthyd. 295 D. 


DEVELOPMENT OF CLAUSES WITH iva, ὡς, ὅπως, ὄφρα, AND μή. 


307. The development of final clauses and of clauses with μή 
after verbs of fearing from an original paratfazis, or co-ordination 
of two independent sentences, is especially plain in dependent 
negative clauses with the simple μή. Thus ἀπόστιχε, μή τι νοήσῃ 
Ἥρη, withdraw, lest Hera notice anything (Il. i. 522), presents the 
form of an original paratactic expression, which would mean 
withdraw :—may not (or let not) Hera notice anything, the latter 
clause being like μὴ δὴ νῆας ἕλωσι, May they not take the ships (I). 
xvi. 128), and μὴ δή μοι τελέσωσι θεοὶ κακὰ κήδεα (1]. xviii. 8). 
(See 261.) Such sentences as these last imply fear or anxiety 
lest the event may happen which μή with the subjunctive ex- 
presses a desire to avert; and in a primitive stage of the 
language they might naturally be preceded by a verb of fearing, 
to which the (still independent) subjunctive with μή would stand in 
the relation of an explanatory clause defining the substance of the 
fear. Thus δείδω“----μὴ νῆας ἕλωσι Would originally be two inde- 
pendent sentences, J fear -—may they not take the ships ; but would 
in time come to be felt asa single sentence, equivalent to our 
I fear that (Le st) they May take the ships. After φοβοῦμαι μὴ τοῦτο 
πάθωσιν (for example) was domesticated in the sense J fear lest 
they may suffer this, the second clause followed the ordinary course, 
and began to be felt as a thoroughly dependent clause ; and when 





ae on ο΄ ον 
ΣΝ δ, τς 
= sess σ, sateen: 


γον 





108 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [308 


the leading verb became past, the subjunctive became optative, 
as ἐφοβήθην μὴ τοῦτο πάθοιεν, I feared lest they might suffer this. 
When this stage is reached, all feeling of the original independence 
may be said to have vanished and a dependent clause is fully 
established. As this decisive evidence of complete dependence 
is constantly found in the Homeric language, we cannot suppose 
that such an expression as δείδοικα μή τι πάθωσιν (II. x. 538) was 
still felt to be composed of two independent sentences, although 
the original paratactic form is precisely preserved. Indeed, we 
have no evidence that the step from parataxis to hypotaxis was 
taken after the Greek language had an independent existence." 


308. It was a simple and natural step to extend the con- 
struction thus established to present and past objects of fear, 
although we cannot assume for the primitive language such 
independent indicatives with μή as we find later (see 269). In 
Homer we find δείδω μὴ θεὰ νημερτέα εἶπεν, I fear that the Goddess 
spoke the truth (Od. v. 300). ‘This use was greatly extended in 
Attic Greek (see 369). 


309. This simple construction of a dependent verb introduced 
by μή with no connecting conjunction remained the established 
form after verbs of fearing in all periods of the language ; and 
occasional exceptions, like μὴ φοβοῦ ὡς ἀπορήσεις, do not fear 
that you will be at a loss (371), ov φοβεῖ ὅπως μὴ ἀνόσιον πράγμα 
τυγχάνῃς πράττων Py (370), and οὐ φοβούμεθα € λασσώσεσθαι, we 
are not afraid that we shall have the worst of it (372), in place of 
the regular μὴ ἀπορήσῃς; μὴ τυγχάνῃς, μὴ ἐλασσωθῶμεν, only 
prove the rule. The original independent sentence with μή, 
expressing an object of fear which it is desired to avert, like μὴ 
νῆας ἕλωσι, is well established in Homer and appears occasionally 
in the Attic poets (261; 264). But in Plato it suddenly appears 
as a common construction, expressing, however, not an object of 
fear but an object of suspicion or surmise (265), so that μή with 
the subjunctive is a cautious expression of a direct assertion ; as 
μὴ ἀγροικότερον ῃ τὸ ἀληθὲς εἰπεῖν, I rather think the truth may be 


too rude to tell (Gorg. 462 E). 


~ 


310. In like manner, the simple negative form of the pure 
final clause, as ἀπόστιχε, μή τι νοή σ΄ Ἥρη (quoted above ), Was 
already established in Homer, the negative μή serving as a con- 
nective, so that the want of a final conjunction was not felt. 
Here also the feeling of dependence is shown by the subjunctive 
becoming optative when the leading verb is past ; as in φεύξομαι 
μή Tis pe ἴδῃ and ἐφυγον μή τίς με ἴδοι. But it is obvious that 


1 See Brugmann, Gricchische Grammatik, p. 122. 








312] DEVELOPMENT OF CLAUSES WITH iva, ETC. 109 


only negative purpose could be expressed by this simple form 
in which μή could serve as a connective. We find, it is true Μ 
few positive sentences in which a purpose is implied by the mere 
sequence of two clauses; as ἀλλ᾽ aye viv ἐθὺς κίε Νέστορος ἱππο- 
δάμοιο᾽ εἴδομεν (subj.) ἥν τινα μῆτιν ἐνὶ στήθεσσι κέκευθεν, 1.6. go 
straightway to Nestor » let us know what counsel he buries in ts breast 
(Od. iii. 17), and θάπτε με ὅττι τάχιστα" πύλας ᾿Αἴδαο περήσω 
bury me as quickly as possible: let me pass the gates of Hades (I. 
xxl. 71). But these disconnected expressions, with no particle 
to unite them, could never satisfy the need of a positive sentence 
of purpose. To supply this want, several final particles were 
developed, and were already in familiar use in Homer. These 
are iva, ws, ὅπως, and ὄφρα, which will be discussed separately. 


311. (‘Iva.) “Iva is the only purely final particle, having 
nothing of the relative character of és and ὅπως, or of the 
temporal character of ὄφρα. Its derivation is uncertain. It 
appears in Homer as a fully developed final conjunction, and 
occasionally also in the sense of where (Od. ix. 136) and "ἰόν 
(Od. xix. 30). It is overshadowed in epic and lyric poetry by 
ὄφρα, and in tragedy by os; but Aristophanes uses it in three- 
fourths of his final sentences, and in Plato and the orators it 
has almost exterminated the other final particles. As wa is 
purely final, both in use and in feeling, it never takes ἄν or κέ 
which are frequently found with the other final particles espe- 
cially with the relative és. 


312. (Ὡς) 1. ‘Qs is originally an adverb of manner, derived 
from the stem ὁ- of the relative ὅς, like οὕτως from the stem of 
οὗτος. As a relative it means originally in which way, as ; as an 
indirect interrogative it means how, whence comes ‘its use in 
indirect discourse (663, 2). Since purpose can be expressed by a 
relative pronoun, which in Homer regularly takes the subjunctive 
(568), as ἡγεμόν᾽ ἐσθλὸν ὄπασσον, ὅς κέ με Keir ἀν ayy, send me a 
good guide, to lead me thither (Od. xv. 310), so can it be by the 
relative adverb of manner, as κρῖν᾽ ἄνδρας κατὰ φῦλα, κατὰ 
φρητρας, ως φρὴήτρὴη φρήτρηφιν ἀρήγ > φῦλα δὲ φύλοις, divide the 
men in that way by which clan may help clan, etc., 1.6. (so) divide 
them that clan may help clan, ete. (II. ἢ. 362). Here the original 


force of ws Can be seen ; but in Od. XVil. 75, ὄτρυνον ἐμὸν ποτὶ 


AA 5 


ἊΝ μα γι ναικᾶς, ὡς TOL OWP ἀποπέμψω, in order that Zz may send you 
the gifts, the final force is as strong as if we had iva ἀποπέμψω. 
oe ὟΝ iene τὰ oe χὰ ἜΝ . οὐ 
2. Qs, however, always retained so much of its original 
relative nature that it could take κέ or ἄν in a final sentence with 
the subjunctive, like other final relatives, which in Homer hardly 
ever omit κε before a subjunctive (568). Compare Os κέ pe Keir 





ee 


ec εσιανεηναρδνν τειν. nei 
Ee Oe 


ae a too ey econ a Wes ~ 


Le, 


110 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [313 


ἀγάγῃ (above) with the equivalent ὥς ke pe κεῖσ᾽ ἀγάγῃ. The 
final clause thus receives a conditional form, with which it must 
have received originally more or less conditional force." Thus 
an expression like πείθεο ὡς ἂν κῦδος apna probably meant 
originally obey ὙΠ whatever way you may gam glory, or obey 17. some 
way in which you may gain glory, ὡς ἂν ἄρηαι being chiefly a@ con- 
ditional relative clause (529); but before the Homeric usage was 
established, the final element had so far obliterated the relative, 
that the conditional force of ὡς av must have been greatly 
weakened. The expression in Homer (Il. xvi. 84) may have 
meant obey that (if so be) you may gain me glory. (See examples 
under 326.) The same is true of the less common use of κέ or 
av with ὄφρα and ὅπως in Homer (327; 32 ). _How far the 
original conditional force survived in the Attic ὡς av and ὅπως av 
with the subjunctive, especially in ὅπως av Οἱ Attic prose, is a 
question which at this distant day we have hardly the power to 
answer, and each scholar will be guided by his own feeling as he 
reads the expressions. (See 326; 328; 948.) It certainly can 
be seen in some of Xenophon’s uses of ὡς ἄν with the subjunctive : 
see Cyr. ii. 4, 28, and Eques. 1. 16, quoted in Appendix IV. 

8 Ὡς and ὥς xe with the subjunctive are used in Homer also 
in object clauses after verbs of planning, considering, ete. (S41), 
where ὅπως with the future indicative is the regular Attic form. 
Ὡς (with ὡς av) is by far the most common final particle in 
tragedy ; it seldom occurs in Aristophanes and Herodotus ; while 
in Attic prose it almost entirely disappears,” except In Xenophon, 
with whom it is again common, though less so than ὅπως or wa, 


(See Weber's tables in Appendix III.) 


313. (‘Orws.) 1. Ὅπως is related to ὡς as ὁπότε to ὅτε, being 
the adverb of the relative stem 6- and the indefinite stem zo- 
combined2 Like ds, it is originally a relative adverb, meaning 
as; and it can always be used in this sense, as IN οὕτως ὅπως 


1 See Gildersleeve in Am. Jour. Phil. iv. ))- 4122. ἘΞ 

2 Weber (p. 174) quotes two passages of Demosthenes as examples of final 
ws with the future indicative, a construction otherwise unknown in Attic 
prose : ws δὲ σαφῶς γνώσεσθε ὅτι ἀληθῆ λέγω, ἐγὼ ὑμῖν Epw, XXIV. 146; and 
ws δὲ καταφανὲς ἔσται ὅτι πρότερον ἀναισχυντοῦντες περιεγένοντο, ἀναγίγνωσκε 
τὰς μαρτυρίας, xliii, 42. But compare the common formula of the orators ws 
(or ὅτι) ἀληθῆ λέγω, λαβὲ τὴν μαρτυρίαν (or κάλει τοὺς μάρτυρα), 6.6. IM Dem. 
xxvii. 28, with the occasional full form, ἵνα εἰδῆτε ταῦτα ὅτι ἀληθῆ λέγω, λαβὲ 
See also ὡς εἰκότα ποιοῦμεν, καὶ 


} ί 9 tlV y+ so xvill. 305. 
τὴν μαρτυρίαν, Dem. xlv. 19; 5. bs ε , κα 
+ grid th 33. This common ellipsis 


τάδ᾽ ἐννοήσατε (sc. ἵνα εἰδῆτε), XEN. Hell. ii. 3, mon ips 
shows that in Dem. xliii. 42 we can easily supply a final clause like ἵνα get 
before ὡς καταφανὲς ἔσται, that you may know how it is to be establishe etc. 
In xxiv. 146 there is no need even of an ellipsis, as we can translate how you 
are to know that I speak the truth, I will explain to you, 

3 See Delbriick, Cony. τι. Opt. p. 61. 











314] DEVELOPMENT OF CLAUSES WITH iva, ETC. lll 


δύνανται, thus as they can, TuHuc. vii. 67. Then it is used in 
indirect questions, in the sense of ὅτῳ τρόπῳ, how, in what way, 
and is followed by the future indicative; as σκοπεῖν ὅπως ἡ 
πόλις σωθήσεται, to see how the city can be saved. So τοῖς γεγενη- 
μένοις πονηροῖς, ὅπως μὴ δώσουσι δίκην, ὁδὸν δείκνυσι, he shows 
those who have been rascals how they can avoid suffering punishment 
(= ὅτῳ τρόπῳ μὴ δώσουσι), Dem. xxiv. 106. Then, by a slight 
modification in sense, it may denote also the object to which the 
striving, etc., is directed ; so that σκοπεῖν (or σκοπεῖν τοῦτο) ὅπως 
ἡ πόλις σωθήσεται May mean fo see (to this, viz.) that the city shall 
be saved. Here, however, the subjunctive is sometimes allowed, 
as the interrogative force of ὅπως is lost sight of and its force as 
a final particle, in order that, begins to appear. From this it 
becomes established as a final particle, and denotes the purpose 
in ordinary final clauses. From the original force of orws as a 
relative, used in indirect questions in the sense of how, we must 
explain its occasional use in indirect questions in the sense of ὡς 
(706). 

The interrogative force of ὅπως can be seen from passages in which 
other interrogative words take its place in the same sense ; as Dem. 
xvi. 19, σκοπεῖν ἐξ ὅτου τρόπου μὴ γενήσονται (φίλοι), to see in 
what way they can be prevented from becoming friends ; and Tuuc. i. 65, 
ἔπρασσεν ὅπῃ ὠφελία τις γενήσεται, he negotiated to have some help 
come (how some help should come). So THuc. iv. 128, ἔπρασσεν ὅτῳ 
τρόπῳ τάχιστα τοῖς μὲν ξυμβήσεται τῶν δὲ ἀπαλλάξεται, 

2. Although ὅπως is fully established in the Homeric language, 
both in its half-interrogative use after verbs of planning, ete. 
(341), and also in its final sense, it seldom occurs in Homer in 
either construction. It first becomes frequent in the Attic poets. 
In Thucydides and Xenophon it is the most common final 
particle ; and in these writers, as in tragedy, its final use greatly 
exceeds its use in object clauses. The latter, however, far ex- 
ceeds the final use in Herodotus, Plato, and the orators ; but 
here iva has gained almost undisputed possession of the field 
as a final particle. 

3. Ὅπως never takes κέ or av in pure final clauses in Homer. 
Ὅπως av with the subjunctive appears for the first time in 
final clauses in Aeschylus (328), and afterwards maintains itself 
vigorously by the side of the simple ὅπως. In object clauses 
ὅτως ke With the subjunctive is found in a few places in Homer, 
and ὅπως av in a few in the Attic poets, while ὅπως av in these 
clauses in prose is found chiefly in Plato and Xenophon (348). 

314. (‘O¢pa.) The most common final particle in Homer 


1 See Madvig’s Syntax, ὃ 123. 





112 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [315 


is ὄφρα, which is originally a temporal particle, meaning while 
(so long as) and then wntil. From the last meaning the final 
force was naturally developed, as the idea of until, when it looks 
forward to the future, may involve that of aiming at an object 
to be attained, as in English we shall fight until we are free. 
Another temporal particle meaning both while and until, ἕως, 15 
used in a final sense in a few passages of the Odyssey (614, 2). 
Both of the temporal uses of ὄφρα appear in full vigour in 
Homer ; but its final character must have been more distinctly 
marked at an earlier period than that of either ὡς or ὅπως, SO 
that it seldom took either κέ or av before the subjunctive. 

"Opa is found only in epic and lyric poetry. 

315. (Negative Final Clauses.) The need of these final particles 
was first felt, as has been shown (310), in positive clauses of 
purpose, as a negative purpose could always be expressed by the 
simple μή, which thus became in use a conjunction. Still the 
final particles were as well suited to negative as to positive final 
clauses, and they could always be prefixed to μή, which thus was 
restored to its natural place as a negative adverb. Thus φεύξομαι 
ἵνα μή τίς με ἴδῃ has the same meaning as the older φεύξομαι μή 
τίς με ἴδῃ, I shall flee, that no one may see me. 

The history of the Greek language shows a gradual decrease of 
final μή and an increase of the final particles with μή in negative final 
clauses.! The tendency in this direction was so strong that ὅπως μή 
sometimes took the place of μή even after verbs of fearing, to express 
the object of the fear (370), while it became the regular form after 
verbs of striving, etc., to express the object aimed at (339). 

The different origin of the negative final clause (with ἵνα μή, etc.) 
and of the clause with μή explains the fact that, while clauses intro- 
duced by the final particles are negatived by μή, those introduced by 
jan, lest, are negatived by ov. (See 306.) 

316. Finally, the Attic Greek took the last step in develop- 
ing the final clause, by using the past tenses of the indicative 
with ἵνα, ὡς. and ὅπως to express a purpose which failed of 
attainment because of the failure of the action of the leading 
sentence ; as τί μ οὐκ ἔκτεινας, ὡς μήποτε TOUT ἔδειξα ᾿ why did 


you not kill me, that I might never have shown this? (See 333.) 


1 In Homer, Hesiod, and the lyric poets we find 131 cases of simple μή and 
50 of the final particles with μή ; in tragedy the proportion is 76 : 59; in 
Aristophanes it is 8: 55: in Herodotus, 8: 53. In Attic prose (except in 
Plato and Xenophon) the simple μή in final clauses almost vanishes. Thucy- 
dides has only 4 or 5 cases ; the ten orators only 4 (Demosthenes 2, Isocrates 


1, Isaeus 1); Plato 24; and Xenophon 12. 





ei NM Cit ROL TRL I SHA AE Seg ες 








PURE FINAL CLAUSES 


A. PuRE FINAL CLAUSES. 


317. Pure final clauses regularly take the subjunctive 
if the leading verb is primary, and the optative if the lead- 
ing verb is secondary. Sg. 

Nov δ᾽ ἔρχεσθ᾽ ἐπὶ δεῖπνον. ἵνα ξυνάγωμεν "Ἄρηα. Il. ii. 381. 
Σοὶ δ᾽ ὧδε μνηστῆρες ὑποκρίνονται, ἵν᾽ εἰδῆς αὐτὸς σῷ θυμῷ εἰδῶσι 
δὲ πάντες Ayaot. Od, ii, 111. Εἴπω τι δῆτα KadX, ἵν ὀργίζῃ 
πλέον ; ϑορη. O. T. 364. Καὶ γὰρ βασιλεὺς αἱρεῖται, οὐχ ἵνα ἑαυτοῦ 

ae te 
καλῶς ἐπιμελῆται, ἀλλ᾽ iva καὶ ot ἑλόμενοι δὲ αὐτὸν εὖ πράτ- 
τωσι. ΧΕΝ. Mem. iii. 2,3. Δοκεῖ μοι κατακαῦσαι τὰς ἁμάξας, ἵνα 
μὴ τὰ ζεύγη ἡμῶν στρατηγῇ. Id, An. iii. 2, 27. ἹΠρὸς τοὺς ζῶντας, 
ἵνα μηδὲν ἄλλ᾽ εἴπω, τὸν ζῶντα ἐξέταζε. ΕΜ. xviii. 318. (Here 
the final clause depends on some implied expression like J say this.) 
"Opvv@’, iv’ ἀθανάτοισι φόως φέροι ἠδὲ βροτοῖσιν. Od. v. 2. Φίλος 
ἐβούλετο εἶναι τοῖς μέγιστα δυναμένοις, ἵνα ἀδικῶν μὴ διδοίη δίκην. 
ΧΕΝ. An. ii 6, 21. Τὸ ψήφισμα τοῦτο γράφω (hist. pres.), ἵν᾽ οὕτω 
ἀν agp ig Ol OPKOL, καὶ μὴ KUPLOS τῆς Θρᾷκης κατασταίη. Deo. 
: Βουλὴν δ᾽ ᾿Αργείοις ὑποθησόμεθ᾽, ἥ τις ὀνήσει, ὡς μὴ πάντες 
ae en ΜΝ, Il. vill. 36. Διανοεῖται αὐτὴν (ye 
pupav) λῦσαι, ws μὴ διαβῆτε, ἀλλ᾽ ev μέσῳ ἀποληφθῆτε. XEN. 
An, ii. 4,17. ΠΕέφνε δ᾽ Εὔρυτον, ὡς Αὐγέαν λάτριον μισθὸν πράσ- 
; ) ἁπεμψα ws πύθοιτο. Id. Ο. Τ. 71. Τοῦτο οὗπερ 
ἐνεκα φίλων ᾧετο δεῖσθαι, ὡς συνεργοὺς ἔχοι. XEN. An. i. 9, 21. 
Pov δὲ μνηστῆρες λοχῶσιν, ὅπως ἀπὸ φῦλον ὄληται ἐξ ᾿Ιθάκης. 
Od. xiv. 181. Mees τόδ᾽ ἄγγος viv, ὅπως τὸ πᾶν μάθῃς. ϑοΡΗ. 
ΕἸ. 1205. Kis καιρὸν ἥκείς, ὅπως τῆς δίκῃς ἄκο ὕσῃς. Yuu: Cyr. 
iii. 1, 8. Ἰ]αρακαλεῖς ἰατροὺς, ὅπως μὴ ἀποθάνῃ. Id. Mem. i. 10, 

᾿ ; 


° , > ἊΝ a a , 5 Γ 4 
de (μαι O0€ Ταυτα, γίγνεσθαι, ουχ οτως τοὺς QAUTOVS χοροὺς κρί- 
Ἂυ 5 


4 


ε 7 " ΓΙ 4 
, , —_ _ sa —_ . -- ~ 3 3 
VWOLV οἱ πολῖται. OVO OTWS Τοῖς αὐτους αὐλητὰς ETALVWOLV οὐδ᾽ 
L LV, 


[7 4 ~ 


ie τ ον oe ἊΝ \ ae = = c As of A A 

OTWS TOVS AVTOVS TOUT as αιρωνται, οὐδ᾽ νὰ TOLS αὐτοῖς ἤδω νΤαι 

5 . ee on , , ᾽ 

ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα τοῖς νόμοις πείθωνται. Id. Mem. iv. 4,16. “Ev χείρεσ- 
Ἢ ” : = a ΜΝ ἝΝ , ᾽ » , 

σιν ἔθηκεν, ὅπως ἔτι πῆμα φύγοιμι. Od. xiv. 312. ᾿Αφικόμην, ὅπως 


~ 


‘ a7 > ; => » κα 
σου πρὸς ὁόμους ἐλθόντος εὖ πράξαιμί τι. ὅορη. O. T. 1005 


2s Z 7 ve 5 , ΓΙ ao 
Kaper Bevovro ἐγκλήματα ποιούμενοι, ὅπως σφίσιν ὅτι μεγίστη 
πρόφασις εἰὴ TOV πολεμεῖν. TuHvc. 1. 126. 

é Κεφαλῇῃ κατανευσόομαι, οφρα πεποίθῃς. - Ὄρσεο δὴ 


᾿ Κα é aa es. BN : ” aaa o ΗΜ 
νυν, ξεῖνε. πόλινὸ ἱμεν, οφρα σε π Eww. Od. vi. Αὐτὰρ ἐμοὶ 


γέρας αὐτίχ᾽ ἑτοιμάσατ᾽, ὄφρα μὴ οἷος ᾿Αργείων ἀγέραστος €w. Il. i. 
118. : Aopov Φερσεφόνας ἐλθὲ. ὄφρ᾽ ἰδοῖσ᾽ υἱὸν εἴπ ns. Prnp. OL. xiv. 
20. Qs ὁ μὲν ἔνθα κατέσχετ᾽ ἐπειγόμενός περ ὁδοῖο, Opp ἕταρον 
θάπτοι καὶ ἐπὶ κτέρεα κτερίσειεν. Od. ili. 984. 

᾿Αλλὰ σὺ μὲν νῦν αὖτις ἀπόστιχε, μή τι νοήσῃ Ἥρη; ἐμοὶ δέ κε 
ταντα μελήσεται oppa TE λεσσω. ll. l. 522. Ov δῆτ᾽ αὐτὸν ἄξεις 
δεῦρο, μὴ τις ἀναρπάσῃ ; SOPH. Aj. 986. Λυσιτελεῖ ἐᾶσαι ἐν τῷ 

] 





114 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [318 


παρόντι, μὴ καὶ τοῦτον πολέμιον προσθώμεθα. XEN. Cyr. il. 4, 12. 
Λέγεται εἰπεῖν ὅτι ἀπιέναι βούλοιτο, μὴ O πατήρ τι ἄχθοιτο καὶ ἢ 
πόλις μέμφοιτο. Ib, 1. 4, 25. Λοῦσαι κέλετ᾽, ὡς μὴ Πρίαμος ἴδοι 
υἱὸν, μὴ ὁ μὲν ἀχνυμένῃ κραδίῃ χόλον οὐκ ἐρύσαιτο. Il. xxiv, 582. 

For the relative frequency of the final particles, see Appendix III. 

318. As final clauses after past temses express some 
person’s previous purpose or motive, they allow the double 

. Ἢ 5 . . lke . i : 
construction of indirect discourse (667, 1); so that, instead 
of the optative, they can have the mood and tense which 
the person himself would have used in conceiving the pur- 

’ bd 9) ef > . q : 
pose. Thus we can say either ἦλθεν ἵνα ἴδοι, he came that 
he might see, or ἦλθεν ἵνα ἴδῃ, because the person himself 
would have said ἔρχομαι ἵνα ἴδω, I come that I may see. 

Hence the subjunctive in final clauses after past tenses 
is very common, in some writers even more common than 
the regular optative. Sy. 

Ἐπεκλώσαντο δ᾽ ὄλεθρον ἀνθρώποις, ἵνα Hoe καὶ ἐσσομένοισιν 
ἀοιδή. Od. viii. 579. "Ay Adv δ᾽ αὖ τοι ar 
» A ” > > a > » oe xaN ὶ 4 ¥ Ss Π ᾿ 197 
3 Ὁ op ευ yeyvecKkys ὮΜΕΙ θεὸν WOE και avopa. ~ Ve. isd 
᾿Αριστεὺς ξυνεβούλευεν ἐκπλεῦσαι. ὅπως ἐπὶ πλέον ὁ σῖτος ἀντίσ χη. 
Tuuc. 1, 65. Ἦλθον πρεσβευσόμενοι, ὅπως μὴ σφίσι τὸ ᾿Αττικὸν 


ὀφθαλμῶν ἕλον, ἣ πρὶν 


‘ ’ > γὼ 4 | ᾿ Ὁ Ἶ / ἕω 
(ναυτικὸν) προσγενόμενον ἐμπόριον γένηται. id, 1. ol. “χώρου! 
, 4 


ἐκ TOV οἰκιῶν, ὅπως μὴ κατὰ φῶς θαρσαλεωτέροις οὖσι προσφέρων- 
ται καὶ σφίσιν ἐκ τοῦ ἴσου γίγνωνται, GAN ἥσσους ὦσι. Id. ii. 
3. Kai ἐπίτηδές σε οὐκ ἤγειρον, ἵνα ὡς ἥδιστα διάγῃς. PLAT. 
Crit. 43 B. Πλοῖα κατέκαυσεν iva μὴ Κῦρος διαβῇ. XEN. An. 
i. 4, IS. Ταύτας iva κωλ bn? οἱ νόμοι συνήγαγον ὑμᾶς, οὐχ ἵνα 
κυρίας τοῖς ἀδικοῦσι ποιῆτε. Dem. xix, 1. Καὶ περὶ τούτων ἐμνὴ- 
σθην, ἵνα μὴ ταὐτὰ πάθητε. Id. iii. 6. (Here the purpose was con- 
ceived in the form ἵνα μὴ ταὐτὰ πάθωσιν.) 

319. This principle applies also to clauses with ὕπως after verbs of 
striving (339) and with μή after verbs of fearing, etc. (369). 

320. This is a favourite construction with certain authors, especially 
Thucydides, who also, on the same principle, prefers the indicative 
and subjunctive to the optative in ordinary indirect discourse after 
past tenses (670). The early poets, on the other hand, especially 
Homer, use it very sparingly.? 


1 Weber, p. 243, gives a comparison of the usage of various writers, show- 
ing that the proportion of subjunctives to optatives aiter past tenses in pure 
final clauses and after verbs of fearing is as follows :—im Homer 35 : 156, 
Pindar 2: 10, Aeschylus 2 : 9, Sophocles 2 : 20, Euripides 31 : 65, Aristophanes 
13:37, Herodotus 86 $ 7, Thucydides 108 : 60, Lysias 22:19, lsocrates 21: 17, 
Isaeus 8:17, Demosthenes 40: 40, Aeschines 13:7, Plato 22:79, Xenophon 
45 :265. In all writers before Aristotle 528 : 894. In the Attic writers and 
Herodotus, excluding Xenophon, the two are just equal, 441. 














iver i ell, IF i PN EE 


324] PURE FINAL CLAUSES 118 


321. The subjunctive thus used for the optative makes the 
language more vivid, by introducing more nearly the original 
form of thought of the person whose purpose is stated. As the 
two forms are equally correct, we sometimes find both in the 
same sentence, just as we find the indicative and optative inter- 
changed in indirect discourse (670 ; see 677 and 690). ΔΚ. 

“Eéaxooiovs λογάδας ἐξέκριναν, ὅπως τῶν τε “Exurodov εἴησαν 
φύλακες καὶ, ἢν ἐς ἄλλο τι δέῃ, ταχὺ ξυνεστῶτες παραγίγνωνται, 
i.e. they selected them, that they might be guards of Epipolae, and that 
they might be on hand vf they should be needed for anything else. THuc. 
vi. 96. Παρανῖσχον δὲ φρυκτοὺς, ὅπως ἀσαφῆ τὰ σημεῖα τοῖς πολε- 
μίοις ἢ καὶ μὴ βοηθοῖεν, they raised fire-signals at the same time, wm 
order that the enemy's signals might be wnintelligible to them, and that they 
(the enemy) might not bring aid. Id. iii, 22. 

A common interpretation of the latter and of similar passages, that 
“the subjunctive mood indicates the immediate, and the optative the 
remote consequence of the action contained in the principal verbs, the 
second being a consequence of the first” (Arnold), manifestly could not 
apply to the first example. 

322. The use of the optative for the subjunctive in final clauses 
after primary tenses is, on the other hand, very rare, and is to be 
viewed as a mere irregularity of construction. See ἄξω τῆλ᾽ ᾿Ιθάκης, 
iva μοι βίοτον πολὺν ἄλφοι, Od, xvii. 250; ὅππως μαχέοιντο, 1]. 
i. 344; and vii. 340, xviii. 88. So Sopn. El. 56,0. Ο.(. 11; Hor. ii. 
93 (iva. μὴ ἁμάρτοιεν). Most of these are emended by various editors ; 
and no good reason for the anomaly appears in any of thei. 


$23. Sometimes the optative is properly used after a leading verb 
which implies a reference to the past as well as the present. 9. 

Τοῦτον ἔχει τὸν τρόπον 6 νόμος, ἵνα μηδὲ πεισθῆναι μηδ᾽ ἐξαπατη- 
θῆναι γένοιτ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ δήμῳ. Dem. xxii. 11. (Here ἔχει implies also 
the past existence of the law ; the idea being, the law was made as it as, 
so that at maght not be possvble, etc. ) So Dem. XXIV. 145, 147. In Dem. 
iii. 34 iva τοῦθ᾽ ὑπάρχοι depends on a past verb of saying to be 
mentally supplied. In Ar. Ran. 23, τοῦτον δ᾽ 6x0, ἵνα μὴ ταλαι- 
πωροῖτο μηδ᾽ ἄχθος φέροι, I am letting him ride, that he might not be 
distressed, etc., the meaning of ὀχῶ goes back to the time when 


Dionysus first let the slave mount the ass. 


324. (Future Indicative.) The future indicative occasionally takes 
the place of the subjunctive in pure final clauses. It occurs chiefly 
with ὅπως, very seldom with ὄφρα, ὡς, and μή, and never with 
ἵνα. It has essentially the same force as the subjunctive. Lg. 

1 Weber cites the following cases, in addition to those given above. For 
ὅπως : ΛΈΒΟΗ. Cho. 265, Suppl. 449; SopH. Aj. 698 (ἢ); Eur. El. 835; Ar. 
Vesp. 528, Pac. 309, 431, Lys. 1093, Thesm. 431, 653, 285 (ἢ), Eccl. 783, 997 ; 
Annoc. i. 89; XEN. Hipp. i. 18, Mem. ii. 1, 1 (παιδεύειν ὅπως ἔσται ἣ). In 
Xen. Cyr. ii. 1, 4 and 21 the Mss. vary: in Cyr. iii. 3, 42 ὅπως is probably 
independent. For ὄφρα : 1]. viii. 110 ; Od. iv. 163, xvii, 6. For ὡς : Eur. 





114 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [318 


‘ a“ , , κα ΝΣ. .». 2 

παρόντι, μὴ καὶ τοῦτον πολεμιον προσθώμεθα. XEN. Cyr. UL. 4, 12. 
“ , f ‘ c ae, = Μ = ‘ ct 

Λέγεται εἰπεῖν ὅτι ἀπιέναι βούλοιτο, μὴ ὁ πατὴρ τι ἄχθοιτο καὶ ἢ 


Wwe 


πόλις μέμφοιτο. Ib. i. 4,25. Aovoas κέλετ᾽, ὡς μὴ Πρίαμος Loot 
υἱὸν, μὴ ὃ μὲν ἀχνυμένῃ κραδίῃ χό) ον οὐκ ἐρ ύσαιτο. 1]. XXIV, 582. 
For the relative frequency of the final particles, see Appendix IIT. 
318. As final clauses after past tenses express some 
person’s previous purpose ΟΥ motive, they allow the double 
construction of indirect discourse (667, 1); so that, instead 
of the optative, they can have the mood and tense which 
the person himself would have used in conceiving the pur- 
pose. Thus we can say either ἦλθεν ἵνα ἴδοι, he came that 
he might see, or ἦλθεν ἵνα ἴδῃ, because the person himself 
would have said ἔρχομαι ἵνα ἴδω, I come that I may see. 
Hence the subjunctive in final clauses after past tenses 
is very common, in some writers even more common than 
the regular optative. Lg. 
Ἐπεκλώσαντο δ᾽ ὄλεθρον ἀνθρώποις, ἵνα Hou καὶ ἐσσομένοισιν 
ἀοιδή. Od. viii. 579. ᾿Αχλὺν δ᾽ αὖ τοι ἀπ᾽ ¢ ιλμῶι pu 
eTHEV, ὄφρ᾽ ἐὺ γιγνώσκῃς ἡμὲν θεὸν ἠδὲ καὶ avopa. fh. v. 137%. 


~ ΓΙ ει 4 
ὀφθαλμὼν ἕλον. ἢ πρὶν 


> 


< ~ ¢ 5 ‘ 7 ε - " > , μὰ 

᾿Αριστεὺς ξυνεβούλευεν ἐκπλεῦσαι, ὅπως ἐπὶ πλέον ὁ σῖτος ἀντισ χῇ. 
᾿ ΓΙ 4 , 4 ΣΝ 

Tuc. i. 65. Ἦλθον mpe Bevo opevot, ὅπως μὴ σφίσι TO Αττικὸν 


» sa / . > 7 ἢ / =e 
(ναυτικὸν) προσγενόμενον ἐμπόδιον γενήται. Id. i. 31. Exopovr 
4 


ἐκ TOV οἰκιῶν, ὅπως μὴ κατὰ φῶς θαρσαλεωτέροις οὖσι ™ pow PEpwv- 
ται καὶ σφίσιν ἐκ τοῦ ἴσου γίγνωνται, ἀλλ ἥσσους ὥσι. Id. 11. 
3. Καὶ ἐπίτηδές σε οὐκ ἤγειρον, ἵνα ὡς ἥδιστα διάγῃς. PLAT. 
Crit. 43 B. IlAota κατέκαυσεν ἵνα μὴ Κῦρος δια βῆ. ΧΕΝ. An. 
i. 4,18. Ταύτας iva κωλύηθ᾽ οἱ νόμοι συνήγαγον ὑμᾶς, οὐχ ἵνα 
κυρίας τοῖς ἀδικοῦσι ποιῆτε. Dem. xix. 1. Kat wept τούτων ἐμνη- 
σθην, ἵνα μὴ ταὐτὰ πά θητε. Id. ill. 6. (Here the purpose was con- 
ceived in the form ἵνα μὴ ταὐτὰ πάθωσιν.) 

319. This principle applies also to clauses with ὅπως after verbs of 
striving (339, and with μή after verbs of fearing, etc. 365). 

320. This is a favourite construction with certain authors, especially 
Thuevdides, who also, on the same principle, prefers the indicative 
and subjunctive to the optative in ordinary indirect discourse after 
past tenses (670). The early poets, on the other hand, especially 
Homer, use it very sparingly.? 


1 Weber, p. 243, gives a comparison of the usage of various writers, show- 
ing that the proportion of subjunctives to optatives after past tenses In pure 


final clauses and after verbs of fearing is as follows:—in Homer 35 : 156, 
Pindar 2: 10, Aeschylus 2 : 9, Sophocles 2 : 23, Euripides 31 : 65, Aristophanes 
13 : 37, Herodotus 86:47, Thucydides 168 : 60, Lysias 22:19, Isocrates 21:1/, 
Isaeus 8:17, Demosthenes 40 : 40, Aeschines 13:7, Plato 22:79, Xenophon 
45:265. In all writers before Aristotle 528 : 894. In the Attic writers and 


Herodotus, excluding Xenophon, the two are Just equal, 441. 











324] PURE FINAL CLAUSES 115 


321. The subjunctive thus used for the optative makes the 
language more vivid, by introducing more nearly the original 
form of thought of the person whose purpose is stated. As the 
two forms are equally correct, we sometimes find both in the 
same sentence, just as we find the indicative and optative inter- 
changed in indirect discourse (670; see 677 and 690). Δ... 

“Efaxocious λογάδας ἐξέκριναν, ὅπως τῶν τε Ἐπιπολῶν εἴησαν 
φύλακες καὶ, ἢν ἐς ἄλλο τι δέῃ, ταχὺ ξυνεστῶτες παραγίγνωνται, 
i.e. they selected them, that they might be guards of Epipolae, and that 
they moght be on hand uf the y should be needed for anyth ing else. THuc. 
vi. 96. Ilapavioyov δὲ φρυκτοὺς, ὅπως ἀσαφῆ τὰ σημεῖα τοῖς πολε- 
μίοις 7) καὶ μὴ βοηθοῖεν, they raised fire-signals at the same tume, im 
order that the enemy's signals might be wnintelligible to them, and that they 
(the enemy) might not bring aid. Id. lil, 22. 

A common interpretation of the latter and of similar passages, that 
“the subjunctive mood indicates the immediate, and the optative the 
remote consequence of the action contained in the principal verbs, the 
second being a consequence of the first” (Arnold), manifestly could not 
apply to the first example. 

$22. The use of the optative for the subjunctive in final clauses 
after primary tenses is, on the other hand, very rare, and is to be 
viewed as a mere irregularity of construction. See ἄξω THN ᾿Ιθάκης, 
iva μοι βίοτον πολὺν ἄλφοι, Od. xvii. 250 ; ὅππως μαχέοιντο, 1]. 
i. 344; and vii. 340, xviii. 88. So ϑορη. ΕἸ. 56,0. C. 11; Hor. ii. 
93 (iva μὴ ἁμάρτοιεν). Most of these are emended by various editors ; 
and no good reason for the anomaly appears in any of thei. 


323. Sometimes the optative is properly used after a leading verb 
which implies a reference to the past as well as the present. 1.9. 

Τοῦτον ἔχει τὸν τρόπον ὃ νόμος, ἵνα μ ηδὲ πεισθῆναι μηδ᾽ ἐξαπατη- 
θῆναι γένοιτ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ δήμῳ. Dem. xxil. 11. (Here ἔχει implies also 
the past existence of the law ; the idea being, the law was made as at 18, 
so that it might not be possible, ete.) So Dem, xxiv. 145, 147. In Dem. 
iii. 34 ἵνα τοῦθ᾽ ὑπάρχοι depends on a past verb of saying to be 
mentally supplied. In Ar, Ran, 23, τοῦτον δ᾽ ὀχῶ, ἵνα μὴ ταλαι- 
πωροῖτο μηδ᾽ ἄχθος φέροι, I am letting him ride, that he might not be 
distressed, etc., the meaning of ὀχῶ goes back to the time when 
Dionysus first let the slave mount the ass. 


324. (Future Indicative.) The future indicative occasionally takes 
the place of the subjunctive in pure final clauses. [Ὁ occurs chiefly 
with ὅπως, very seldom with ὄφρα, ὡς, and μή, and never with 


ἵνα It has essentially the same force as the subjunctive. L.g. 


1 Weber cites the following cases, in addition to those given above. For 
ὅπως : AESCH. Cho. 265, Suppl. 449; SopH. Aj. 698 (7); Eur. El. 835; AR. 
Vesp. 528, Pac. 309, 431, Lys. 1093, Thesm. 431, 653, 285 (2), Eccl. 783, 997 ; 
Anpoc. i. 89; XEN. Hipp. i. 18, Mem. ii. 1, 1 (παιδεύειν ὅπως ἔσται ὃ). In 
Xen. Cyr. ii. 1, 4 and 21 the Mss. vary: in Cyr. iii. 3, 42 ὅπως is probably 
independent. For ὄφρα : 1]. viii. 110; Od. iv, 163, xvii. 6. For os; Eur. 





116 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES 


Αἰεὶ δὲ μαλακοῖσι καὶ αἱμυλίοισι λόγοισι θέλη ει, ὅπως Ἰθάκης 
ἐπιλήσεται. Od, i. 56. Μὴ “ρένλεσος ἡμῶν ὅπως μὴ τὴν τύχην 
διαφθερεῖς. ΞΟΡΗ. Ph. 1068 ᾿Απομυκτέον δέ σοι γ᾽, ὅπως λήψει 
πιεῖν. EUR. Cycl. 561. ᾿Αρδῶ σ᾽ ὅπως ἀμβλαστα vets, Ar. Lys. 
384. Ex’ αὐτοὺς τοὺς προλόγους σον τρέψομαι, OT WS τὸ πρῶτον τῆς 
τραγῳδίας μέρος πρώτιστον βασα vem AR. Ran, 1120. Προιέναι 
(δεῖ) τῶν τόπων ἐνθυμούμενον, ὅπως μὴ διαμαρτήσετ αι. NEN, 
Cyneg. ix. 4. Χρὴ ἀναβιβάζειν ἐπὶ τὸν τροχὸν τοὺς ἀναγραφέντας, 

a 


V Opas aTaVTGS. 


ὅπως μὴ πρότερον γὺξ ἔσται πρὶν πυθέσθαι τοὺς 
AND. 1. 43. 
Θάρσυνον δέ οἱ ἦτι 
XV. 242. Ὡς τί ῥέξομεν; that we may do what ? SopxH, O. C. 1724. 
i 


> 


»»Ο J 4 : » - ,.@ E κῶς » ἊΝ Tl 
op ενι PpET lV, odpa Kat UKTWP €LOEeTat. 


> 4 s , w" > ~ ” 
“Ὥστ᾽ εἰκὸς ἡμᾶς μὴ ppate VELV oars, μὴ και TLS ὄψεται χημων ισως 


κατείπ ῃ. AR. Eccl. 495. So μὴ κεχολώσεται, Il. xx. 901. 
t ͵ 


"Ay or κέ in Final Clauses with Subjunctive. 


325. The final particles which have a relative origin, os, 
ὅπως, and ὄφρα, sometimes have av or κέ in final clauses with 
the subjunctive. They did this originally in their capacity as 
conditional relatives ; and it is a le that at first κέ or av 
with the relative gave the clause a combined final and conditional 
force, in which the conditional element gradually grew weaker 
as the relative particles came to be felt chie fly or only as final 
particles pee 2). Bate and μή never take av or κέ In this way. 

396. (Ὡς) 1. Ὥς κε and ὡς av are together much more 
common in lee with the su bjunctive than simple ὡς. ‘Qs av 
with the subjunctive is not uncommon in the Attic poets, and it 
occurs in Herodotus ; but (like ὡς itself) it almost disappears in 
Attic prose. £.9. 

Πείθεο, ws av μοι τιμὴν μεγϑλὴν καὶ κῦδος ἄρηαι, obey, that 
thou mayest gain for me great honour and qlory. li. xvi. 84. Αὐτάρ οἱ 


προφρὼν ὑποθήσομαι, ὥς κε μάλ ἀσκηθὴς ἣν πατρίδα γαῖαν ἑκηται. 


t 


Od. v. 143. Llaioare, ὥς χ᾽ Oo ξεῖνος ἐνίσπ ἢ οἱσι φιλοισιν. Od. 


vill. 251. "AAX ie μὴ pe ἐρέθιζε, σαώτερος ὥς κε νέηαι, that 
thou mayest go the mor safely. il. 1. 32. Προσδεόμεθα ++ 7 συμπέμψ at 
ἡμῖν, ὡς ἄν μιν ἐξέ λωμεν ἐκ τῆς χώρης. Hort. 1. 36. Τοὺς ἐμοὺς 
λόγους θυμῷ βάλ, ὡς ἂν τέρματ᾽ ἐκμάθῃς ὁδοῦ. AES H. Prom. 
τοῦ. ᾿Αλλ ἐάσωμεν, φίλοι, ἕκηλον αὐτὸν, ὡς ἂν εἰς ὕπνον πεσῇ. 


Bacch. 784. For μή: Od. xxiv. 544; THroc. 1307; Ar. Eccl. . Only four 


undoubted examples occur in prose. 

1 In the single case of κέ with ἵνα, Od. xii. 156, ἀλλ᾽ ἐρέω μὲν ἐγὼν, ἵνα 
εἰδότες ἤ κε θάνωμεν, ἤ κεν ἀλευάμενοι θάνατον καὶ κῆρα φύγωμεν, ἵνα κε is not 
used like ὥς κε, etc., above, but ἵνα is followed by a potential subjunctive 


with κέ (285). The repetition of κέ removes the case from the class under 


consideration. “Iva in its sense of where may have ἄν (see Sopn. Ὁ, C. 405). 
Μή, lest, may have ἄν with the optative after verbs of fearing (368). 














329] “Ay OR κέ IN PURE FINAL CLAUSES 117 


SopH. Ph. 825. Καθείρξατ' αὖτ ὃν, ὡς ἂν σκότιον εἰρορᾷ κνέφας. 
Eur. Bacch. 510. Τουτὶ λαβών μου τὸ σκιάδειον ὑπέρεχε ἄνωθεν, 
ε a ’ > ε “~ 

ὡς ἂν μήμ ὁρῶσιν οἱ θεοί. Ar. Av. 1508. 


2. In Attic prose ὡς ἄν with the subjunctive is found only in 
Xenophon and in one pone of Thucydides. 
The last is THuc. vi. 91: πέμψετ €) ἄνδρα Σπαρτιάτην ἄρχοντα, ὡς 
τούς τε παρόντας & & τάξῃ καὶ τοὺς ς μὴ θέλοντας προσαναγκάσῃ. 
XEN. An. 11. 5, ἰῷ 2 ws δ᾽ ἂν μάθῃς, ἀντάκουσον. So An. vi. 3, 
See other examples of Xenophon’s peculiar use of ws av with the 
subjunctive in Appendix IV. 


327. ("Odpa.) "Odpa κε and ὄφρ᾽ av have the subjunctive in 
a few final clauses in Homer. £.4. 

Οὗτος viv σοι ad ἕψεται, ὄφρα κεν εὕδῃ σοῖσιν ἐνὶ μεγάροισιν. Od. 
lil. 359. Ἴομεν, ὦ ὄφρα κε θᾶσσον ἐγείρομεν ὀξὺ ν "Αρηα. Il. ii, 440. 


ὃν ξεῖνον ay ἐς πόλιν, ὄφρ᾽ ἂν ἐκεῖθι δαῖτα πτωχεύῃ. Od. xvii. 10. 
vw > ” ᾽ 
For ὄφρα κε and οφρ ἂν with the optative, see 329, 1. 


398. (“Orws.) Ὅπως does not occur in Homer in pure final 
clauses with either κέ or ἄν. Ὅπως ay final with the subjunctive 
appears first in Aeschylus, and remi ins in good use in Attic 
poetry and prose, being almost the only final expression found 
in the formal language of the Attic inscriptions. One case of 
ὅκως ἄν occurs in Herodotus. £.9. 

Φύλασσε τἀν οἴκῳ καλῶς, ὅπως ἂν ἀρτίκολλα συμβαίνῃ τάδε, 

watch what goes on un the house, that. these things may work harmoniously. 
Arscu. Cho. 579: so Prom. 824, Eum. 573, 1030, Suppl. 233. Ἴσθι 
πᾶν TO dpe μενον. ὅπως ἂν εἰδὼς ἧμιν χορ ἃ wae. Sopu. El. 40. 
Τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸ νυν δίδασχ᾽, ὅπως ἂν ἐκμάθω. Id. Ο. C. 575. Οὐκ am 
ὕπως ἂν ot Λάκωνες καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν ἀπίωσιν μ R. Lys. 1223. Ταῦτα 
δὲ ἐποίεε τῶνδε εἵνεκεν, ὅκως ἂν ὃ κῆρι ξ br ᾿Αλυάττῃ. Hor. i. 
22, see 31S). Διὰ τῆς σῆς χώρας ἄξεις ἡμᾶς, ὅπως ἂν εἰδῶμεν, K. T.A. 
AEN. Cyr. v. 2, 21. Καί φατε αὐτὸν τοιοῦτον εἶναι, ὅπως ἃ 
φαίν ται ws κάλλιστος καὶ ἄριστος. PLAT. Symp. 199 A. "Av γέ 
τινας ὑποπτεύῃ ἐλεύθερα φρονήματα ἔχοντας μὴ were Aas αὐτῷ 
ἄρχειν, πολέμους κινεῖ) ὅπ ως ἂν τού τους μετὰ προφάσεως ἀπ ολ- 
λ UN, that le may de stroy them. Id. Rep. 567 A. Εὐσεβοῦμεν καὶ τὴν 
δικαιοσύνην ἀσκοῦμεν. οὐχ ἵνα τῶν ἀλλωὼων ἔλαττον ἔχωμεν, ἀλλ᾽ 
ὅπως ἂν ὡς μετὰ πλείστων ἀγαθῶν τὸν βίον διάγωμεν. [5Ξ06. 11]. 
2 (ἵνα and ὅπως ἄν may here be compared in sense: see 312, 2). 
Τὴν πόλιν ie OT WS ἂν μίαν γνώμην ἔχωσιν ἅπαντες καὶ μὴ 
τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἡδον iv ποιῶσιν. ΕΜ. X1X, 298; so X1V. 23. 


"Ay or xé in Final Clauses urth Optative. 


329. ᾿, (Ὡς and ὄφρα in Homer and ὡς and OKWS in Herodo- 
tus.) In Homer ὥς xe and ὡς av sometimes have the optative in final 





118 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [329 


clauses after both primary and secondary tenses. Ὄφρα κε and 
ὄφρ᾽ ἄν occur each once in Homer with the optative after past 
tenses. Herodotus has ὡς av and ὅκως av with the optative after 
past tenses, and ὅκως ἄν once after a present tense. This optative 
with κέ or av after primary tenses is certainly potential as well 
as final; and this analogy makes it difficult or impossible to 
take it in any other sense after secondary tenses, though here 
the potential force is less obvious. 

(a) After primary tenses six cases occur in the Odyssey and 
one in Herodotus :— 

᾿Απερρίγασι νέεσσθαι ὥς κ᾽ αὐτὸς ἐεδνώσαιτο θύγατρα, they 
dread to go to him that he may settle (if he will) the bridal gifts of his 
daughter, lit. that he would settle, ete. Od. 11. 53. Κνυζώσω δέ τοι 
ὄσσε. ὡς ἂν ἀεικέλιος φανείης. I will dim your eyes, to the end that 
you maght appear unseemly. Od. ΧΙ. 401. Δύο δοῦρε καλλιπέειν. ὡς 


r 


x > , ε ’ . »-» A“ , , ; 
av ἐπιθύσαντες ἑλοίμεθα. Od. xvi. 297. ᾧ κε τάχα γνοίης φιλό- 
’ yA 92 » ἴω ε ” ; , »γ 4 
τητά TE πολ Na TE οωρα εξ EJLEV, ως αν TLS OE συναντόμενος pakapt cot, 
so that one would call you ble ssed. Od. XVil. 164 [ Ξε XV, 537, ΧΙΧ. 310), 
“Ἡνείσθω ὀρχηθμοῖο. ws κέν τις φαίη γάμον ἔμμεναι ἐκτὸς ἀκούων 
γει FW PX”) μ . WS τις Φ ἢ γαι I LL TOS @ 5 
let him lead off the dance, SO that any oe who should hear without would 
SAY there was a marriage. Od. XXlll. 134. ἰσχεσθε πτολέεμου, ως κεν 
» : / / “ - ; 5 = ~ « 
AVALLWTL YE διακρινθεῖτε τάχιστα. Od. xxiv. 531. 
r , 4 x 7 - ΓΙ ” , ἊΝ ΄ 
Κελεύει σε τὸ παιδίον θεῖναι, ὁκως ἂν τάχιστα διαφθαρείη, he 
bids you 80 EL Pose the ch ὙΠ that he would be likely to pe rish most 
speedily. Hpr. i. 110. 
(b) After past tenses the following cases occur ! :— 
© " ‘3 " Ἁ κ ” e , , , 
Yeo apa Ζεὺς συνεχὲς. oppa κε θᾶσσον ἁλίπλοα τείχεα θειη. 
ee ῶ ene 7 , " , c ” ‘ AS 
Il. xn. 25. KwArew σε Φθίηνὸε νεεσθαι, ὡς ἂν pol τὸν παιθὰ 
Σκυρόθεν ἐξα γάγοις, i.e. Ϊ hoped for your coming, that you might pe T- 
chance bring my son away from Seyros. Il. xix. 330. Καί μιν μακρο- 
TEPOV Kal πάσσονα θῆκεν ἰδέσθαι. ὥς κεν Φαιήκεσσι φίλος πταντεσσι 
4 *** ryy 7 , er 4 > 
γένοιτο. Od. vill. 20. ύμβον χεύαμεν, ὡς KEP τηλεφανῆὴς ἐκ 
, " Ἂ , vw . 4 4 ~/ κ " 5" ” 
TovTodiv ἀνὸράσιν εἰ. Od. xxiv. 83. Σὺ δέ με προΐεις, ofp ἂν 
, Ἂ aA > , .« ΄ ., 
ἑλοίμ yy Owpa Bekker ἀνελοίμην . Th Baa. 
7 - a " 7 cf "ἱ 4 7 + en , 
Λέγεται οιωρυχα ορυσσειν, OK@WS ἂν TV OT PAaTOTEOOV LOPUJLEVOV 


κατὰ νώτου λάβοι, 1.6. he is said to have dug L119) a channel, oi orde r 
4 


that the reve ἢ might flow be hind thre ariey, Hpt. l. 75. ‘Tavra O€ περι 


1 It must be confessed that there are some difficult questions concerning 
these optatives with κέ or ἄν in final clauses after past tenses. It may 
perhaps be thought that the subjunctive after ὥς xe, ὅκως ἄν, etc., has been 
changed to the optative after a past tense retaining κέ or ἄν without effect on 
the verb. Compare ἕως ἄν with the optative (615, {: 702). Would ὅκως ἄν 
in Hpr. i. 22 (quoted in 328) have changed its nature if ἀγγείλῃ had been 
changed to ἀγγείλειε Σ On the other hand, can we separate the optatives in 
Hpr. i. 75 and 99 (in δ) from the optative in 1. 110 (in a)? The potential 
view seems, on the whole, much the more natural; but the potential force 
can be expressed in English only with great difficulty, owing to the ambiguity 


of our auxiliaries might, would, should, ete. 


330] “Ay OR xé IN PURE FINAL CLAUSES 119 


ἑωυτὸν ἐσέμνυε τῶνδε εἵνεκεν, ὅκως ἂν μὴ ὁρέοντες οἱ ὁμήλικες 
λυπεοίατο καὶ ἐπιβουλεύοιεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἑτεροῖός σφι δοκέοι εἶναι 
μὴ ὁρῶσι, in order that his companions might not be offended by seevng 
him and plot against him, but that he might appear to them to be of 
another nature when they did not see him. Id. i. 99. ΠΠορφύρεον εἷμα 
περιβαλόμενος, ὡς ἂν πυνθανόμενοι πλεῖστοι συνέλθοιεν. Τά. 1. 


Ύ. ry aoa > ~ ε 9 ¢ } , ε “ 
19. Τὸ ὕδωρ τότε ἐπῆκαν, ὡς ἂν χαραδρωθείη ὁ χωρος, they let 


in the water, in order that the country might be qullied, Id. vil. 176. 
Περιέπεμπον ἔξωθεν Σκιάθου. ὡς ἂν μὴ ὀφθείησαν περιπλέουσαι 


see = » 4 [7 ε “" A A 5 
LUl ovav. Id. viii. 7. Ἤλαυνον τοὺς ἔππους, ὡς av τὸν νεκρὸν ἄνε- 
) 


λοίατο. Id. ix. 99. Μετακινέεσθαι ἐδόκεε τότε, ὡς ἂν μὴ ἰδοίατο 


ε , > & , ~ 
οἱ ΠῈερσαι ἐξορμεομενους. Ib. 51. 


tr ” . ᾽ . . . . - 

9. Ὡς ἄν with the optative in Attic prose is found chiefly in 
Xenophon. It is never strictly final; but ὡς Is relative or 1n- 
terrogative, and the optative with ay 1s potential, £.g. 

ee me é > ~ ~ ~ e id ἐς av > , , 

Εδοξεν αὐτῷ τοῦτο ποιῆσαι, ὡς OTL ἡκιστα ἂν ἐπιφθόνως σπάνιος 
τε καὶ σεμνὺς φανείη, he decided to do this in such a way that he night 
appear, etc. (i.e. in the way by which). XEN. Cyr. vil. Dd, Si. (Here the 
separation of av from ὡς makes the potential character plainer.) Ὥς 
a> ”“ 4 ε fa > ~ ΓΙ ’ 5 » 
δ᾽ ἂν καὶ οἱ πόδες εἰεν TH ἱππῳ κράτιστοι, εἰ μέν τις ἔχει ῥᾷω 
ἄσκησιν, K.T.A., as to means by which the horse’s feet could be kept 
strongest. Id. Hipp. i. 16. See other examples in Appendix IV. This 
is the same relative use of ὡς with the potential optative which we 
find in Dem. vi. 3, ὡς μὲν ἂν εἴποιτε δικαίους λόγους ἄμεινον 

, , ε a, , 5 » » A , 
Φιλίππου παρεσκεύασθε" ws ὃὲ Kw λύσαιτ᾽ av ἐκεῖνον πράττειν 
ταῦτα, παντελῶς ἀργῶς ἔχετε, as to means by which you could make just 
speeches, you (re hy tter equipped than Philip ; hut as to steps by whach you 
could pre ie nt him from doing what he doe ὃς you are wholly inactive. See 

: : + Or δἰ a 8 , , " ἃ. aan hee 

also Dem, vi, 37, ws ὃ αἱ ἐξετασθείη μάλιστ ἀκριβῶς, μὴ γένοιτο, 
as to any means by which the truth could be tested most thoroughly,—may 


this never come ! 


330. Ὅπως ἄν with the potential optative in a final sense is 
found once in Thucydides and four times in Xenophon :— 

Tas πρῴρας κατεβύρσωσαν, ὕπως av ἀπολισθάνοι ἡ χεὶρ ἐπι- 
βαλλομένη, they covered the prows with hides, that the (cron) hand when 
thrown on might he likely to slip off. THuc. Vil. 65. "EdoKe χρήματα 
᾿Ανταλκίδᾳ, ὅπως ἂν, πληρωθέντος ναυτικοῦ ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων, οἱ 
᾿Αθηναῖοι μᾶλλον τῆς εἰρήνης προσδέοιντο. XEN. Hell. 1V. 8, 16. 
(Here πληρωθέντος ναυτικοῦ, uf am Wavy should be manned, stands as 
protasis to προσδέοιντο av.) Ὅπως δ᾽ ἂν ὡς ἐρρωμενέστατον τὸ στρά- 
τευμα ποιήσαιτο, ἐξ ἄλλων πόλεων ἠργυρολύγει. Ib. iv. 8, 90. 
Πᾶσιν ἐδίδου βοῦς τε, ὅπως ἂν θύσαντες ἑστιῴντο, καὶ ἐκπώματα. 
Id. Cyr. viii. 3, 33 (one Ms. omits div). ἸΤὴν λείαν ἀπέπεμψε δια- 
τίθεσθαι Ἡρακλείδην, ὅπως ἂν μισθὺς γένοιτο τοῖς στρατιώταις. 
Id. An. vii. 4, 2 (most Mss. have ὅπως γένηται). 

In these cases the final force is equally strong with the potential. 





FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES 


Elliptical Constructions. 


331. In colloquial Greek we often find iva τί, that what ?— 
where τί takes the place of a final clause, which generally 
appears in the answer to the question. Δ... 

BA. ἕνα τί; ΠΡ. δῆλον tovroyi: ἵνα. .. ἔχωσιν. AR, Eccl. 
719. So Nub. 1192, Pac. 409. So Dem. xix. 257: ἵνα τί; iv ὡς 
μετὰ 7 λείστης συγγνώμης παρ᾽ ὑμῶν κατ ηγορῶ. Just before this we 
have διὰ τί; ἵνα μήτε ἐλέου μήτε συγγνώμης τύχῃ. So Piat. Ap. 
26 C. 

332. A final clause may stand without a leading verb expressed, 
when the omission can easily be supplied ; as ὅτι ἦρξα, μὴ ἀποδη- 
μήσω ᾿ ἵνα γε μὴ προλαβὼν x χρήματα τῆς πόλεως ἢ πράξεις ¢ δρασμῷ 
χρήσῃ. because I held an office, may I not leave the country? No: that 
you may not take to flight, etc. AESCHIN, ill. 21. 


SECONDARY TENSES OF INDICATIVE IN FINAL CLAUSES. 


333. In Attic Greek the second: ry tenses of the indica- 
tive are used in final clauses with ἵνα, sometimes with ὅπως 
or ws, to denote that the purpose is dependent upon some 
unaccomplished action or unfulfilled condition, and there- 
fore is not or was not attained. 

The tenses of the indicative differ here as in conditional 
sentences, the imperfect (the most frequent tense) referring to 
present time or to continued or repeated action in past time, the 
aorist and pluperfect to past time (410). Thus iva τοῦτο a 
means an order that he might be doing this ( but he is not doing it). 
that he might have been doing this (but-he was not) ; iva τοῦτο ἔπραξεν 
means that he might have done this (but he did not) : iva ΤΟΥ͂ΤΟ 
ἐπεπράχει means that he might have done this (but he has not). £.g. 


“Ψ > 


Οὐκ ἂν ἐσχόμην. ἐν Ἶ Tus ὃς TE Kal κλύων μηδέν. 17) that CASE Ϊ 
should not have forborn to ade stroy my hearing), SO that / might now he 
both blind and devoid of hearing implying that really he is not so). 

4 > 
SOPH. 0. ie 1387 Ped, per, TO μὴ τὰ πράγ part ἀνθρώπ ous ἔχειν 
[7 » > ~ ; ; 
φωνὴν, ἐν σαν μηδὲν οἱ δεινοὶ λόγοι, Alas! alas! that the facts 
have no voice for men, so that words of eloquence might be as nothing, 
Eur. Fr. (Hipp.) 442. βουλόμην μὲν ἕτερον ἂν τὼν ἡθάδων λέγειν 
o> b 4 o + .-» » , ~ » 

τὰ βέλτ rial’, tv ἐκαθὴμ ") vy συ χος. AR. Ee Ι͵ 151], K XPyV εισκα- 
λέσαντ ἘῸΝ μάρτ υρᾶς πολ λοὺ Ss TO PAC?) [17) νασθαι KE λεῦσαι Tas διαθήκας, 

a > 


iv’, εἴ TL ἐγίγνετι Oo ἀμφισβητήσιμον, ἦν Pa γράμματα Ταῦυτ 
ἐνενελθιῖν. Dem. xxviii. 5. (This implies that they did not have the 


will thus sealed, SO that it is not now possibl to refer to it in case of 


> 


dispute.) "EE ξήτησεν ἄν pe τὸν παῖδα. ἵν ει μὴ παρεδίδουν μὴθεν 
δίκαιον Livers ἐδόκου Vv. Dem. ΧΧΙΧ, 17. "Ex phy αὐτοὺς τὴν τρο- 





336] PAST TENSES OF INDICATIVE IN FINAL CLAUSES 121 


τέραν ζήτησιν ζητεῖν, ἵνα ἀπηλλάγμεθα τούτου τοῦ δημαγωγοῦ, 
they ought to have made the pre vuOUs investigation, in order that we might 
have been already freed from this de a (but we have not been freed 
from him). Diy. i. 10. See Lys. i, 40 and 42; Isoc. ix. 5, xvili. 51, 
᾿Αλλὰ σὲ ἐχρῆν ἡμῖν nae iva συνουσία ἐγίγνετο, but you 
ought to give way to us, that our conversation might not be interrupted (as 
it as), Piat. Prot. 335 C. 

Τί δῆτ᾽ οὐκ Zppuy ἐμαυτὴν τῆσδ᾽ ἀπὸ πέτρας, ὅπως τῶν πάντων 
πόνων arn λ λάγην ; why did I not throw myself from this rock, that I 
might have been freed from all my touls ? ArscH. Prom. 747 : so Cho, 
195. See Sopu. El. 1134. Οὐκοῦν ἐχρῆν σε ΠΠηγάσου ξεῦξαι π πτερὸν, 
ὅπως ἐφαίνου τοῖς θεοῖς τραγικώτερος > AR. Pac, 135. 

Ti μ᾽ οὐ λαβὼν ἔ ἐκτεινας εὐθὺς, ὡς ἔδειξα μήποτε ἐμαυτὸν ἀνθρώ- 
ποισιν ἔνθεν ἢ γεγώς; that I might never have shown, as I have done. 
Sopa. O. T. 1391. Ei yap pe ὑπὸ γῆν ἧκεν, ὡς μήτε θεὸς μήτε τις 
ἄλλος τοῖσδ᾽ ἐπε γήθει, would that he had sent me under the earth 
that neither any God nor any one else should be rejoicing at these things 
(as they are). AESCH. Prom, 152, “Eder τὰ ἐνέχυρα τότε λαβεῖν, ws 
μηδ᾽ εἰ ἐβού ‘Aero ἐδύνατο ἐξαπατᾶν, XEN. An, vii. 6, 23 (the only 
case in Xenophon), 


SO 


a 


334. This construction is the result of an assimilation, which 
makes more distinct the connection in thought between the two 
clauses. It is especially common after secondary tenses implying 
unfulfilled conditions and unaccomplished wishes. 


335. "Av cannot properly be added to the indicative in this con- 
struction. In the two examples in which it is found, it would seem 
that the construction has slipped into an apodosis, or that copyists 
have been misled by the resemblance to an apodos sis and inserted ay, 

Ζῶντι ἔδει βοηθεῖν, ὅπως ὅτι δικαιότατος ὧν καὶ ὁσιώτατος ἔζη TE 


Cov καὶ τελευτ σας ἀτ ιμώρητος ἂν κακῶν ἁμαρτ NPAT wv ἐ γί YVETO, 
in order that he mought thus live while he lives, and (so that) after death he 
would be (as @ consequence of such a life free from punishment (ἢ. PI LAT. 


ων 17 , , as > aw 5 ~ 

Leg. 959 B. Τόν γε πράττοντά TL δίκαιον OV προσῆκεν ἀπορεῖν ἀλλ᾽ 
᾽ 4 , o σι y 5 , ᾽ «ε ~ " . ‘ 

εὐθὺς λέγειν, ἵνα μᾶλλον ἂν ἐπιστεύετο ὑφ ὑμῶν, (possibly) that the 

result moght be that he would be (in that Case) the more trusted by you. 


ISAE. xi, 6. 


336. The indicative can never be used in this construction, unless 
the final clause refers to present or past time, and unless also it is 
distinctly implied that the purpose is not (or was not) attained, If the 
purpose is future (at the time of speaking), or if it is left uncertain 
whether the object is or was attained, it must be expressed in the 
ordinary way by the subjunctive or = even though it depends 
on one of the class of verbs mentioned above. Both constructions 
may occur in the same sentence, iq. 

Ovs (τῶν νέων τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς) ἡμεῖς ἂν ἐφυλάττομεν ἐν ἀκροπόλει, 
ἵνα μηδεὶς αὐτοὺς διέφθειρεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὴ ἀφίκοιντο εἰς τὴν ἡλι- 





FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [337 


kiav, χρήσιμοι γίγνοιντο ταῖς πόλεσιν, we should guard (in that 
case) in the Acropolis, that no one might corrupt them (as some now corrupt 
them), and that when (in the future) they should become of age they might 
become useful to their states. Puat. Men. 89 B, (Here it is not implied 
that they never become useful, this depending partly on the future.) 
Ταῦτ᾽ ἂν ἤδη λέγειν πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐπεχείρουν, ἵν᾽ εἰδῆτε πολλοῦ δεῖν 
ἄξιον ὄντα τυχεῖν Tov Py βίσματος αὐτὸν τουτουΐ, I should (if that 
were 80) be now undertaking to é€ xplain this to you, that you might (after 
hearing me) know that he is far from de serving the honour of the proposed 
decree. Dr M. xxiii. 7. Καΐτοι χρῆν σε ἢ τοῦτον μὴ γράφειν ἡ ἢ ἐκεῖνον 
λύειν, οὐ X> iva ὃ βούλει σὺ γένηται, πάντα συνταράξαι, 1.6, you 
ought not to have confused everything in order that what you want might 
be done. Dem. xxiv. 44. 

337. Clauses with μή after verbs of fearing are never thus 
assimilated to a preceding indicative, as there is no reference here to 
the attainment of a purpose. 





338. A purpose can be expressed in various forms besides that of 
the final clause ; as by the relative with = future indicative, or in 
Homer with the subjunctive (565 ; 568); by the infinitive (770) or 
the infinitive with ὥστε or ws (587, 3); by the future participle (840) ; 
by ὑπέρ with the genitive of the articular infinitive (802). 


B. Opsect CLAUSES WITH Ὅπως AND Ὅπως μή AFTER 
VERBS OF STRIVING, ETC. 


339. In Attic Greek and in Herodotus, object clauses 
with ὅπως and ὅπως μή alter verbs signifying to strive, to 
plan, to care for, to effect, regularly have the future indicative 
after primary tenses to express the object aimed at. The 
subjunctive also is used, but less frequently than the future 
indicative. 

After secondary tenses the future optative may be used, 
corresponding to the future indicative after primary tenses ; 
but generally the future indicative is retained, as the 
original form of the thought (319). The other tenses of 
the optative are sometimes used, to correspond to the same 
tenses of the subjunctive, or the subjunctive itself may be 
retained (318). £4. 


i ml ~ ΄“ ,) 

᾿Ἐπιμελεῖται OT WS (or ὅπ ως μὴ) γεν ἥσεται or γενὴται, he takes care 
that ἐξ may (or may not) happen. "‘Seeudaire ὅπως γενήσεται, γενή- 
COLTO, or γένοιτο, he took care that it should happe n. 





339] OBJECT CLAUSES WITH ὅπως 123 


, 7 rr 4 " A ” . ae a fe > a 
(Fut.) To μὲν καλῶς ἔχον ὅπως χρονίζον εὖ μενεῖ βουλευτέον, we 
must take counsel that what is well shall continue to be well. ἈΈΒΟΗ. Ag. 
7) τς ἊΝ , aN ων» A oe a Av w~ , : 
846. Διδοὺς O€ νος φραζ OT WS pANOELsS βροτῶν κεινου πάροιθεν 
ἀμφιδύσεται χροῖ. Sopu. Tr. 604. Σοὶ δὴ μέ) ειν xp?) τἀλλ ὅπως 
7 & J “~ Ἂ rT - 
ἐξει καλῶως. Eur. I. T. 1051. Kipyvyn δ᾽ ὅπως ἔσται ——. 
οὐδέν, but ow oe shall be peace they care not, Ar. Ach. 26. Zot 
μελέτω ὅκως μή σε oy erat. Hpr. i. 9. Ὅρα ὅκως μὴ ἀποστήσον- 
** « > a 4 ε “a 4 ao 
ται. Id. , oo. Χρὴ Opav TOUS ᾿Αργείους ὅπως σωθήσεται ἡ 
rr ὼ ᾿ = ς 
a ae i νησος. Γ[Ὴσο. v. 21. Ὥσπερ, τὸν 7 ποιμένα δεῖ ἐπιμελεῖσθαι 


[7 


ὅπως σφαΐί τε ἔσονται Al οἷες καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἕξουσιν, οὕτω καὶ 
τὸν στρατηγ ov ἐπιμελεῖσθαι δεῖ ὅπως σῴοί τε οἱ στρατιωται ἔσονται 
καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἕξουσι, καὶ οὗ ἕνεκα στρατεύονται τοῦτο ἔσται. 
Xen. Mem. iii. 2,1. Kadws δὲ δημαγωγήσεις, ἢν σκοπῇς ὅπως οἱ 
seeders μὲν τὰς τιμὰς ἕξουσιν, οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι μηδὲν ἀδικήσονται. 
κα ἂν Φρόντ Tu ὅπ ως μηδὲν ἀνάξιον τ τῆς τιμῆς ταύτης πράξεις. 
te 37. ί μάλιστ᾽ ἐν ἅπασι διεσπούδασται τοῖς νόμοις ; ὅπως μὴ 
γεν ἥσονται οἱ περὶ ἀλλήλους φόνοι. Dem. xx. 157. Mikpav πρό- 
VOLGAV ἔχειν ὑμῖν ὁ θεὶς τὸν νόμον δοκεῖ ὅπως κύριος ἔσται καὶ μήτε 
σν γχῦυ G TET TAL μήτ' αὖ μεταπ οιηθήσεται; Ik Ι͵ XXili. 62 Καλὸν 


τὸ παρασκευάζειν ὅπως ὡς βέλτισται ἔσονται TOV 7 πολιτῶν. at yu χαί. 
Piat. Gorg. 503 A. Ae? εὐλαβεῖσθαι, μάλιστα μὲν ὅπως μὴ ἐγ- 


Ne 5 7 
γεν ἥσεσθον. ἂν O€ ey) /EV no Gov, ὅπως ὅτι τάχιστα ἐκτετμήσεσθον. 


[«, Rep. 564 C., 


r 4 7 4 ¢ 
(Subj.) X pi) φυλάσσειν και προκαταλαμβάνειν ὅπως μηδ᾽ ἐς 


€ πίνοιαν Τουτου twcot, THUuC. 11]. 46, (IlapacxevafeorGar) ὅπως σὺν 
aa i Wien . > 4 ¢ 
Jew a γων ιζώμεθα. XEN. Cyr. i. 5, 14. Ov yap ὅπως πλείονος 


o 


ἄξιος γένηται ἐπιμελεῖται, ἀλλ OTT WS αὐτὸς ὅτι πλεῖστα ὡραῖα 
καρ ώσεται (subj. and fut. combined), Id. Symp. viii. 25. 
pu λάξεσθ᾽ ὅπως μὴ δεσπότην € ὕρητε. DEM. Vi. 25, "AAXov του 
μελήσει ἢ ὅπως ὅτι βέλτιστοι οἱ πολῖται ὦμεν ᾿ PLAT. Gorg. 
Bb. Ὅρα ὅπως μὴ παρὰ δόξαν ὁμολογῇς. Id. Crit. 49 δι 

(Fut. Opt.) “Eq ὑπὸ πολλῆς ἐπιμελείας ὅπως ὡς ἐλάχιστα μὲν 


wy 5 ; : a ἊΨ > , > ” γ᾿ 
οψοιτο, ἐλάχιστα Oo ἀκούσοιτ TO, ἐλάχιστα O εροιτο. ΧΕΝ. Oec. 


vil. 5. (After a primary tense this would be ὅπως ὄψεται, ἀκούσεται, 
> ‘ > / ‘ me Py ~ a ‘ ” 

ἔρηται. But ( obet reads €POL7). ) EzepeAcito OT WS μη ἄσιτοί ΤΟΤΕ 

ἐσοιντο. Id, Cyr. viii. 1, 43. See the examples under 130. 


(Fut. Indic. after past tenses, ) . ἡπρασσον OTWS τις βοήθεια 


ΓΗσῦσ. lll, 4, Προθυμηθέν τος ἑνὸς ἑκάστου ὅπως ἡ ναῦς ρου 
Id. vi. 31. Εὐλαβεῖσθαι παρεκελεύεσθε ἀλλή jAots, ὅπως μὴ 


λ σέτε ὀιαῴφθαρεντες. PLAT. Gorg. 487 Ὁ. Οὐδ᾽ ὅπ πως ὀρθὴ πλεύ- 

μὰ ren LN τῶ » 4 4 > ε 4 o τ =~ » 
σεται 7 POELOETO, aAAa TO Kal Q“QUTOV OTWS ἐπὶ TOL ἐχθροῖς ἔσται 
παρεσκεύασεν. 2 ῈΜ. xix. 250; so xix. 316. 


is : 2 , , A 
1 res, ΟἹ Aor. Opt.) Lrepedero “LUTWYV, ὅπ WS ἀεὶ ἀνδράποδα δια- 


> 


τελοῖεν. XEN. Cyr. vil, 1, 44. ᾿Απεκρίνατο, ¢ ὅτι αὐτῷ μέλοι ὅπως 


KaAws ἐχοι. Id, An. i, 8, 13. ——— δὲ αὐτοῖς ὅπως ὁ ἵἱπ- 


+ , 


TAY PETS εἰδείη ovs δέοι πέμπειν. Id. Hell. iii, 3, 9, 


Subj. after past tenses.) Φρουρήσουσ᾽ (7 a) OT WS Αἴγισθος ἡμᾶς 
μὴ λάθῃ. ϑορη. ΕἸ. 1402. So Hor. ii. 121. ἔπρασσεν ὅπως 





124 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [340 
πόλεμος γένηται. THue. i. 57. “Ἕπρασσον ὅπως ἀποστήσωσιν 
᾿Αθηναίων τὴν πόλιν. Id. iii, 70. ᾿Ὠνεῖται παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ὅπως μὴ 
ἀπίωμεν (vl. ἄπιμεν) ἐκ Μακεδονίας, he bribed them to effect that we 
should not leave Macedonia (after historic present), Dem, xvili, 32. 


340. It will thus be seen that the future indicative is the most 
common form in these sentences, after both primary and secondary 
tenses ; the future optative, which is theoretically the regular form 
after secondary tenses, being rarely used. (See 128.) 


Homeric and other early Usages. 


341. In Homer, verbs signifying to plan, to consider, and to try, 
chiefly φράζομαι, βουλεύω, μερμηρίζω, and πειρῶ, have ὅπως or ὡς 
with the subjunctive after primary tenses, and the optative 
(never future) and sometimes the subjunctive (318) after 
secondary tenses. Ké is almost always used here with ὡς and 
the subjunctive, less frequently with ὅπως (313, 3). 


342. The original relative and interrogative force of ὅπως 
and ὡς is more apparent here than in the Attic construction of 
ὅπως with the future indicative, especially after verbs of con- 
sidering ; though after πειρῶ the dependent clause comes nearer 
the later meaning. JL.9. 

Αὐτοὶ δὲ φραζώμεθ᾽ ὅπως ὄχ᾽ ἄριστα γένηται, let us ourselves 
consider how the very best things may be done. Od. xiii. 365. Φραΐζμεθ᾽ 
(imperfect) ᾿Αργείοισιν ὅπως ὄχ᾽ ἄριστα γένοιτο. Od. ii. 129. 
Ppaler Ga ὅππως KE μνηστῆρας sie. in Od. 1. 295. [lepidpa- 


ee , , .“ "» . 
(ωμεῦθα πάντες νόστον, OTWS ἐλθῃσιν, . how he may come. Od. 


Φράζωμεσθ᾽ ὥς κέν μιν π 21 Oupey. ΓΕ dx. 118, Φράσσεται 
νέητ αι. ἐπεὶ πολυμήχανός ἐστιν. Od. i. 205. “Apa πρόσσω 


καὶ ὀπίσσω Aevooet ὅπως OX ἄριστα γέν hh i.e. he looks to see 
how, ete. Il. i. 110. ᾿Βνόησε θεὰ ὡς ᾿Οδυσεὺς € Ypotro. Od. vi, 112 
Ov yap δὴ τοῦτον μὲν ἐβούλευσας νόον με ὡς i) Tol KELVOUS 
*¢ δυσεὺς ἀποτίσεται ἐλθών με Od, v. 23. Bow Aevov OTWS ὄχ᾽ ἄριστα 
γέν otto. Od. ix. 420. Ἦλθον, εἴ τινα βουλὴν εἴποι ὅπως ᾿Ιθάκην 
ἐς παιπαλόεσσαν ἱκοίμην. Od, xi. 479. Μερμήι (εν ὅπως ἀπο- 


~ t 


- ~~ - 5 ~ 
λοίατο TAacdt νῆες. Od. ΙΧ. Jv ᾧ Me ρμήριζε Κι ITO φρένα Ws — 


τιμήσῃ or τιμήσει . 1.6, how he } ὙΠ honour Achill S. “πὶ i] = 4 
"AAN ἄγε μῆτιν ὕφηνον ὅπως ἀποτίσομαι αὐτούς. Od, xiii. sol 
Ὥρμηνεν ἀνὰ θυμὸν ὅπως παύσειε πόνοιο δῖον ᾿Αχιλλῆα. Il. xxi. 
181, Μνησόμεθ᾽ ὥς x ὁ ξεῖνος ἣν τ T at pida γαῖαν {ΚὴΤ αις μηδέ Tl 
μεσσηγύς γε κακὸν καὶ πῆμα πάθῃς rev. Od. vii. 199. In Hymn. 
γένηται. ΠΠείρα ὅπως 
κεν δὴ σὴν πατρίδα γαιαν LK Nat, 1.e. try to find means bu whach you 


Ap. Pyth. 148 we have vex ropa Ws KE 


may do, ete. Od. iV. 545. ΠΠειρᾷ ὥς Ke Tpwes ὑπερφίαλοι a7 O- 
ε 


λωνται. Il. xxi. 4δ9. Τοῖσι δὲ πόλλ᾽ ἐπέτελλε πειρᾶν ὡς Te 


948] OBJECT CLAUSES IN HOMER 125 


, 5 , A. - »" 
πίθοιεν ἀμύμονα Πηλεΐωνα. Il. ix. 179. In IL xv. 164 we have 
φραξσθω μή pe οὐδὲ ταλάσσῃ μεῖναι (354). 
For a full citation of the Homeric examples with ὅπως and ὡς, 


see Appendix Lil. 3. 


343. The frequent addition of κέ to ὡς or ὅπως in Homer 
shows the relative origin of the construction (312, 2). 

For OKWS ἄν in Here lotus, see 350 ; for OT WS ἄν in this construc- 
tion in Attic writers, see 348, 349, 


344. In Homer ὅπως takes the future indicative chiefly when it is 
merely an indirect interrogative, with no reference to purpose, as in 
Ll. ii, 252, οὐδέ τί πω σάφα ἰὃμεν ὅπως ἔσται τάδε Ep) a, we do not 
yet even know certainly how these things are to be; or in Od. xiii. 376, 
ppafev ὅπως μνηστῆρσιν ἀναιδέσι χεῖρας ἐφ noes, consider how you 
will lay hands on the shameless suitors. See 1]. ix. 251; Od. xx. 38. 
In Od, xx. 28 the future indicative is retained after a past tense, there 
being as yet no future optative (128); ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα ἐλίσσετο pep- 
μηρίζων ὅππως δὴ μνηστῆρσιν ἀναιδέσι χεῖρας ἐφ ἥσει. “Ὅπως may 
take the future (like other tenses) as a simple relative ; as in 1], i, 
136, OT WS ἀντάξιον ἔστα ι. as shall be ait equival nt, 


345. "Odpa has the subjunctive in an ob ject clause in Tl. vi. 361, 
On yap μοι θυμὸς ἐπέσσυται. opp ἐπ αμύνω eres; and {πὸ 
optative in Od, iv. 463, τίς συμφράσσατο βουλὰς ὄφρα μ' ἕλοις; 
In Il]. i. 523, ἐμοὶ δέ κε ταῦτα μελήσεται ὄφρα τελέσσω, ὄφρα may 
mean untel, 


346. The single object cl ause of this class in Pindar is Pyth. i. 72, 
νεῦσον ἅμερον ὄφρα κατ᾽ οἶκον ὁ Φοῖνιξ ὁ Τυρσανῶν τ᾽ ἀλάλατος 
ἔχης grant that the Phoenician, with the Etruscan war-cry, may keep quiet 


at home. ao 909.) 


947. relics of the Homeric usage we find ὡς with the sul yjunctive 
in sentences of this class in Eur. Med. 461, I. T. 467, Piar. Rep. 
349 C; and with the optative in ArscH. Prom. 203 (see 353, below). 
Herodotus has ws with the future indicative in iii. 84, 159, vii. 161 
in the last ὡς στρατηγήσεις γλίχεαι ᾿ Herodotus has ὡς ἄν with the 
subjunctive in iii, 85, μηχανῶ ws ἂν σχῶμεν τοῦτο TO γέρας, which 
is cited as the solitary case of ὡς av in these object clauses after 
Homer, except in Xenophon 901), See also SopH. Ant. 215 (in 281, 
above 


“Ὅπως av in Attic Greek and Herodotus. 


ξ΄ La ᾿ r 
O> and @MS Qay til Aenophon. 


348. The Attic writers sometimes use ὅπως ἄν with the sub- 
junctive in these object clauses. This occurs chiefly in Aris- 
tophanes, Xenophon, and Plato. Lig. 


Σκόπει ὅπως av ἀποθάν ωμεν ἀνδρικώτατα, see that we die most man- 


fully. AR. Eq. δυ. Διαμηχανήσομαι ὕπως ἂν ἱστίον σαπρὸν λάβῃς, 





196 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [349 


I will contrive a ννσον Φὴ you get a rotten mast, Ib. 917. So Ar, 
Nub. 739, Eecl. , Ach. 1060, Eq. 926. Μᾶλλον ἢ πρόσθεν εἰσήει 
αὐτοὺϑ ὅπως ἂν καὶ εἰ ἔχουφδι τι οἴκαδε ἀφίκωνται. XEN, An. v1. δι 
ΕἸ, (Here some word like ἐπιμέλεια is understood as the subject of 
εἰσ ει.) Tov ἄλλων ἐπιμελεῖται ὅπως av θηρώσιν. Id. Cyr. i. 9, 
10. ᾿Ἐκέλευσε τὸν Φεραύλαν ἐπιμεληθῆναι ὅπως av οὕτω γέν Tae 
αὔριον ἡ ἐξέλασις. Ib. viii. 3, 6: so v. 5, 48. See also XEN, Cyneg. 
vi. 2: > Eques. iV. 3. Ἢ ἄλλου ἐ ες ῥιέμενοι δικάσουσιν ἢ τού TOV, OT ως 
ἂν ἕκαστοι μήτ᾽ ἔχωσι τἀλλότρια μήτε τῶν αὑτῶν στέρωντ ται; 
PLAT. Rep. 433 EK. [Πὰν TA TotovvTas OTWs ἂν σφίσι τὸ ΠΤ πηδάλιον 
ἐπιτρέψῃ. Ib. 488 C. ὰν & ἔλθῃ, μηχανητέον ὅπως ἄν διαφύ y1 
καὶ μὴ δῷ δίκην ὁ ἐχθρός. Id, Gorg. 481 A. 

Besides the examples cited above, Weber cives fifteen of Plato, and 
the following: Sops. Tr. 618; Eur. 1. A, 539; ΒΔΕ. vii. 30; Dem, 
xvi. 17, xix. 299. He ad Is Ηρ. i. 20, where ὅκως ἄν is certainly 


final. 


349. The only case of ὅπως ἄν with the optative in an object 
clause in Attic Greek, except in Xenophon (351), is Phat, Lys. 207 EF, 
προθυμοῦνται ὅπως ἂν εὐδαιμονοίης, ν vhich is potential and on the 
Xenophontic model (see 351, 2). In Dem. xxxv. 29, ἐκελεύομεν 

ε . 


, ᾿᾽ “- er ” , > ᾿ , > , 
τούτους ἐπιμελεῖσθαι ὅπως ἂν ws τάχιστ ἀπολάβοιμεν τὰ γχρή- 


μᾶτα, Cod. A reads ἀπολάβωμεν. 


350. Herodotus has ὅκως ἄν with the potential optative four times 
after past tenses. Εἰ. 


Προθυμεομένου O€ Λοέξίεω OK@S ἂν YEVOLTO, heina ~ealous that ut 
͵ -- 


might (in some way) be done, 1. 91. So ii, 126, ill. 44, v. 98. 


351. (Xenophon.) Although Xenophon generally follows the 
Attic usace in these object clauses (339), he yet violates this 
signally by having ὡς and ὡς av with both subjunctive and 
optative, and ὅπως av with the optative; and further by having 
the optative With ὡς av and ὅπως av after both primary and 
secondary tenses. He also has ὡς twice with the future indica- 
tive (like ὅπως) and once with the future optative. 

1. Ὡς or ὡς av with the subjunctive, ὡς with the future 
indicative, and ws with the optative, are used by Xenophon like 
ὅπως In the construction of 339. Eg. 

Ἔ: πιμελοῦνται ὃς ἔχῃ οὕτως. Occ. xx. 8. Here the regular 
Attic usage ‘quire ἕξ “El. ᾿Επιμελεῖσθαι ὡς ἂν πραχ On, to 
take care hat hey Sha ne. Hipp. ΙΧ. 4 ’ExeueAovto ὡς μὴ 
κωλύοιντο. vr. “¢ wee ie : δὲ καλῶς ες τὰ ὑμέτερα. ἐμοὶ 
μελήσει. 1m τὸ 3, 13 ροεῖπεν γδεὶς νήσοιτο μηδὲ ἀν- 
ἄἀξοιτο. Hell. Ee a 

For Xenophon’s regular use of ὅπως in all these constructions, see 
examples under 339, ‘or his regular use of ὅπως av with the sub- 
junctive, see 348, 





354] NEGATIVE OBJECT CLAUSES 


When the optative follows ws av or ὅπως ἄν, it is always 
potential, and the original relative and interrogative force of ws 
and ὅπως plainly appe: ars. δ... 

᾿Ἐπιμέλονται ὡς ἂν βέλτιστοι εἶεν ot πολῦται, they take care that 
the citizens may be best (to see how they might be best). Cyr. i, 2, 5. ‘Os 
dv ἀσφαλέστατά γ᾽ εἰδείην ἐποίουν, I took steps that (by which) 1 
might know most accurately, Ib, vi. 3,18. Σκοπῶ ὅπως av ws ῥᾷστα 
διάγοιεν, I am considering how they might live the easvest lives. Symp. 
vii. 2. (Cf, Piatr. Lys. 207 E, quoted in 349.) 

For a full enumeration of all the irregular passages of this class in 


Xenophon, see Appendix IV, 


Negative Object Clauses. 


352. None of the object clauses with ὅπως or ws in Homer (341) 
are negative, except that Od. vii, 192 combines ὥς κε ἵκηται with 
μηδὲ τι πάθῃσιν. Negative object clauses are expressed in Homer, 
like most negative final clauses ery by the simple μή with the 
subjunctive or optative, as in IL v. 411, dpater Ow μή τίς οἱ ἀμείνων 
σεῖο μάχηται, and Il. xv. 164, +i. 358; Od. xvii. 595, all with 
φράζομαι μή and the subjunctive. So μέμβλετο τεῖχος μὴ Δαναοὶ 
πέρσειαν, 1]. xxi. 517. These examples show a common origin with 
clauses after verbs of fearing, but the optative in the last example indi- 
cates that the original parataxis is no longer felt. 

353. The earliest example of a negative object clause with a final 
particle and μή is AxEscH. Prom. 203, σπεύδοντες (past) ws Ζεὺς 
μήποτ᾽ ἄρξειεν θεῶν. In all the Attic writers and in Herodotus the 
development of the negative object clause with ὅπως μή and the future 
keeps pace with that of the negative final clause with iva μή, ete. 

354. (Μή for ὅπως μή in Object Clauses.) Verbs of this class 
(339) which imply caution, especially ὁρῶ and σκοπῶ, may have 
the simple μή with the subjunctive (rarely with the future 
indicative), even in Attic prose, like ordinary verbs of fear and 
caution (365), as well as ὅπως μή with the future. Such verbs 
belong equally to the two classes B and C (303). δ}... 

Σκόπει μή σοι πρόνοι ἦ τοῦ θεοῦ φυλακτέα. Sorn. Ο. C. 1180. 
Ὅρα σὺ μὴ νῦν μέν τις εὐχερὴς παρῇ. Id. Ph. 519. Ὅρα μὴ 
παρὰ γνώμην πέσῃς. Eur. H. F. 594. Σκόπει τάδε, μὴ νῦν φυ γόντες 
εἶθ᾽ ἁλῶμεν ὕστερον. Id. And. 755. T ‘pow μὴ “λάβῃς ὑπώπια. 
Ar. Vesp. 1386, Ὅρα μὴ μάτην κόμπος ὃ λόγος οὗτος εἰρημένος ἢ, 

Θ, lest this may prove to have been spoken, etc. Hpt. Vil. 103. “Opa 
μὴ πολλῶν ἑκάστῳ ἡμῶν χειρῶν δεήσει. Xen. Cyr. iv. 1, 18. 

Σκοπεῖ δὴ μὴ τού TOUS αὑτὸν ἐξαιτ ἤσηται καὶ κατα γελάσῃ. Dem. 
xxi. 151. Ὅρα οὖν μή τι καὶ viv ἐργάσηται. ῥα, Symp. 213 Ὁ. 
So Il. xv. 164 (see 342). 

See the corresponding use of ὅπως μή for μή after verbs of fearing 
370 





FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES 


Ὅπως after Verbs of Asking, Commanding, ete. 


355. Verbs of asking, entreating, exhorting, commanding, and 
forbidding, which regularly take an object infinitive, sometimes 
have an object clause with ὅπως or ὅπως μή in nearly or quite the 
same sense. Lg. 

Διδοὺς δὲ τόνδε φράζ᾽ ὅπως μηδεὶς βροτῶν κείνου πάροιθεν ἀμφι- 
δύσεται χροΐ, i.e. tell him that no one shall put on the robe before Ἰυϊηιϑι Uf. 
Sopa. Tr. 604: so Aj. 567. Λακεδαιμονίων ἐδέοντο τὸ ψήφισμ᾽ 


ao , » « Ν 

ὅπως μεταστραφείη. AR. Ach. 536, Kai σ᾽ αἰτῶ βραχὺ, Ὅπως 
” , , x a ” 
εσομαι σοι Pavos. [d. Eq. 1256. "“Oxws € EWU τῶν γέν ηται τὸ εργον 


ryys 


παρακελευσάμενοι, ἐργου εἴχοντο προθυμότερον. Hor ix, 102. O 
4 


, er Ἃ ΄ Ὁ 
Πάνακτον ἐδέον TO Βοιωτοὺς (f) OTF WS TAPAOwWTOv σι Aakedatpov LOLS. 


Truc. v. 36. Ὅπως μὲν μὴ ἀποθών ἢ ab wets Kat ἱκέτευεν. Lys. 


i. 29. Παραιτεῖσθαι ¢ ὅπως αὐτῶν μὴ κατ ray ἢ « φίσησθε. ANT. 1. 12. 


ie 


Δεήσεται ὃ ὑμῶν ὅπως δίκην μὴ do. Ib. 23: so αἰτοῦμαι ὅπως ow, 


Ibid. Διωκελεύονται ὅπως τιμωρ TET αι πάντας τοὺς τοιούτους. 
) r Κ \ 4 " 
PLAT. Rep. 549 E. Tlapay γέλλει ὅπως μὴ ἔσονται. Ib, 415 B. 
Ἅ > 

ἔμοιγε ἀπ ηγόρευες ὅπ ws μὴ τοῦτο ἀπ οκρινοίμ ἣν (fut. opt.) Ib. 


{ . 
339 A. ᾿Απειρημένον αὐτῷ ὅπως μηδὲν ἐρεῖ ὡν ἡγεῖται, when he is 
Sorbidde n to say ὦ word of what he believes. ΤΌ. 337 E. 


356. This is rare in Homer: but twice in the Odyssey λίσσομαι 
has an object clause with ὅπως :— : 

Λώσεσθαι δέ μιν AUTOS OT WS νημερτέα εἴπῃ, and implore him 
yourself to speak the truth. Od. iii. 19. (( ‘ompare the regular construc- 
tion, οὐδέ σε λίσσομαι μένει i Il. Ἢ Ϊ 74.) Aiooero δ᾽ αἰεὶ Ἵ [ῴφαιστον 
κλυτοεργὸν ὅπως λύσειεν “Apna, he implored him to Lily rate Ares. 
Od. viii. 344, 


357. Λίσσομαι with ἵνα and the subjunctive is found in Od. 
9.) 
oni ° . Bae μὸ de μιν av τὸς ἵνα νημερτὲς ἐν ίσπ ”; and implore ἣν vm 

y at 
yours if tha he ditt tif speal. thre truth. W ith this we Mav conipare Dem. 
ὍΝ 2a BA ” ® po Ἢ : τὰ P 
ake 2. OnAot ETOVTAL οὐχ iva Θεσπιαι κατοικισθωσι μόνον 
— —— OTOVOIV, ut well he evident that they tale an interest not 
merely en having Thespiae established : in both cases the ol ject clause 
falls into the construction of a pure final clause. This is very rare in 
classic Greek : but it reappears in the later language, as in the New 
ry? , 4 ‘ . + a ~ ΓΙ , ~ , 
lestament: thus ἐντολὴν KGLVI)V OLOWILL ULLV, LVA ἀγαπατε a A λήλους 
) : / ; 

anew commandment I give unto Ὁ iM, that 7 lars one ane . lou. Evang 
ΧῊΪ, 4, So ἐδεήθην ἵνα ἐκ} tAA riv, | 4 ) 

θη ι ἐεἐκβαλλωσιν, LUC. 1X, 60), [) ompare the 
Latin, rogat ut liceat. 

958. In Od. xvii. 362 we find OTPLV ὡς ἂν πύρνα κατὰ μνηστῆ- 
pas ἀγείροι, she exhorted him that he should collect bread the 


i among 
surtors. (see ga. i. 


. 


ist 


359. The sing ular case of ws with the subjunctive in IL. i. 558 ΤῊ 
oa ; , 7" a . 
σ᾽ ὀίω κατανεῦσαι ἐτήτυμον, ὡς ᾿Αχιλῆα Τι μη σα 9, oAEerns δὲ ToAEas 


ἃ ‘ 
Tt νηυσὶν ᾿Αχαιῶν, i 1.6, TD believe that you promised by your nod to honour 





364] SIGMATIC SUBJUNCTIVE WITH ὅπως 129 


Achilles, etc. has the appearance of indirect discourse ; but probably 
κατανεύω ws is used with the same feeling as λίσσομαι ὅπως in 356, 
promising to act here taking the same construction as entreating to act. 
See Pinp. Py. i. 72 (in 346). ‘Os, as an adverb of manner, is here 
clearly on its way to its use in indirect discourse. Some read τιμήσεις 
and ὀλέσεις. 

360. A singular use of ὅπως and the future indicative with δεῖ σε 
in place of the regular infinitive occurs in Sopn. Aj. 556, δεῖ σε ὅπως 
δείξεις, for δεῖ σε δεῖξαι, and Ph. 54, τὴν Φιλοκτήτου σε δεῖ ψυχὴν 
ὅπως λόγοισιν ἐπεὶ εν τοὶ λέγων. So Cratinus, Fr, 108, δεῖ σ᾽ ὅπως 
εὐσχήμονος ἀλεκτρυόνος μηδὲν διοίσεις. This would be like δέομαι 
ὅπως (355) except for the object σέ, which is like σέ in δεῖ σε τούτου, 
the ὅπως clause representing the genitive. 


Object Infinitive and Indirect Questions. 


361. Some verbs which regularly take an object clause with ὅπως 
sometimes take an object infinitive, which may have the article τοῦ or 
ro. (See 373 and 374.) E.g. 

Aci τινα ἐπεμέλοντο σφῶν αὐτῶν ἐν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς εἶναι, they always 
took care that one of their own number should be in the offices (where we 
should e expect ὅπως τις ἔσται OY ἔσοιτο). THUC. vi. 54, Οὐδ᾽ ἐπεμελή- 
θην τοῦ διδασκαλόν poi τινα γενέσθαι τῶν ἐπ ἱσταμένων. ΧΕΝ. Mem. 
~ διὰ, Τὰ δ» οὖν λεκτικοὺς γίγνεσθαι τοὺς συνόντας οὐκ 
ἔσπευδεν. Ib, iv. 3,1. (See 793.) 

362. Verbs aati to see or look out (like σκοπῶ) may be followed 
by an indirect question with εἰ, whether ; as εἰ ξυμπονήσεις Kat Evvep- 
γάσει σκόπει, see whether you will assist me, etc. SopH, Ant. 41. 

For independent clauses with ὅπως and ὅπως μή with the future, 
often explained by an ellipsis of σκόπει or σκοπεῖτε, see 271-283. 


Aorist Subjunctive in -c@ and -o¢ wpat.—Dawes's Canon. 


363. When an aorist subjunctive active or middle was to be used 
with ὅπως or ὅπως μή in any construction, the second aorist was pre- 
ferred to a first aorist in -cw or -σωμαι, if both forms were in use, 
This preference arose from the great similarity in form between these 
sigmatic aorists and the future indicative (as between βουλεύσῃ and 
βουλεύσει, βουλεύσηται and βουλεύσεται). This made it natural also 
for a writer to avoid those forms of the subjunctive which were nearly 
identical with the future indicative where the latter could be used as 
well, This of course does not apply to the first aorist subjunctive 
passive, which has no resemblance to the future; and there is no 
reason for applying it to liquid aorists like μείνω and σφήλω. 

364. The general rule laid down by Dawes more than a century 
ago (Misc. Crit. pp. 222 and 228), the so-called Canon Davesianus, 

K 





130 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [364 


which declared the first aorist subjunctive active and middle a solecism 
after ὅπως μή and od μή, was extended by others so as to include ὅπως 
(without μή), and the Greek authors were thoroughly emended to 
conform to it. As this rule has no other foundation than the accidental 
circumstance just mentioned (363), it naturally fails in many cases, in 
some of which even emendation is impossible, In the first place, there is 
no reason for applying the rule to pure final clauses, in which the 
future indicative is exceptional (324); and here it is now generally 
abandoned in theory, though not always in pract ice. There is, therefore, 
no objection whatever to such sentences as these: ὧν ἕνεκα ΚΡΎΟΝ 
ὅπως ἀπολαύ ὕσωμεν καὶ ὅπως γεν ὦμεθα, Xen, Cyr. vii. 5, 823 ; ἐκκλη- 
σίαν gu ν nye γον, ὅπως ὑὕπομν ow καὶ μέμψ Wat, Dac Cc ΜῊ 60; and 
τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐπὶ τ τὴν θάλασσαν κομίσαι, ὅπι vs παρὰ τὰς VQAUS ἀριστ O- 
ποιήσωνται, καὶ δὲ ὀλίγου τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις ἐπι χειρῶσιν, THUC. 
vii. 39, in which the best Mss. have the subjunctive. Indeed, where 
the reading is doubtful, the subjunctive should be preferred in these 
cases. Secondly, in independent prohibitions with ὅπως μή, although 
the future is the regular form, there is less objection to the subjunctive 
(even the first aorist) than in positive commands with simple ὅπως, since 
the analogy of the common μὴ ποιήσῃς τοῦτο, do not do this, supports 
ὅπως μὴ ποιήσῃς τοῦτο in the same sense (283), There is no such 
analogy, however, to justify such a positive command as ὅπως ποιήσῃς 
τοῦτο, do this, and this form has much less manuscript authority to 
rest on. Thirdly, in the case of οὐ μή, if both constructions (denials 
and prohibitions) are explained on the same principle, no reason exists 
for excluding the subjunctive from either ; and it cannot be denied that 
both the first and the second aorist subjunctive are amply supported 
by the manuscripts. (See 301.) Fourthly, in object clauses with 
ὅπως there is so great a preponderance of futures over subjunctives, 
that the presumption in all doubtful cases is here in favour of the 
future, as it is in favour of the subjunctive in pure final clauses, <A 
much stronger case, therefore, is made out by those who (like Weber 
and most modern editors) change all sigmatic aorist subjunctives in 
this construction to futures. Some cases, however, resist emendation ; 
as Xen. An. v. 6, 21, κελεύουσι προστατεῦσαι ὅπως ἐκπλεύσῃ ἡ 
στρατιά, where we cannot read ἐκπλεύσει, as the future is ἐκπλεύσομαι 
or ἐκπλευσοῦμαι. In Dem. i. 2, all Mss. except one read παρασκευά- 
σασθαι τὴν ταχίστην ὅπως ἐνθένδε βοηθήσητε καὶ μὴ πάθητε 
ταὐτόν, and it seems very arbitrary to change βοηθήσητε to βοηθήσετε 
and leave πάθητε. But a few cases like these weigh little against the 
established usage of the language, and we must perhaps leave the 


venerable Canon Davesu ι)1}18 undisti irbed In the single ce epartment of 


object clauses with ὅπως, although we may admit an occasional excep- 
tion even there. 
See Transactions of the American Philoloqical Association for 1869- 
0, pp. 46-55, where this question is discussed more fully, 

















Μή AFTER VERBS OF FEARING 13] 


©. CLAUSES WITH μή AFTER VERBS OF FEARING, ETC. 


365. Verbs and phrases which express or imply fear, 
caution, or danger take μή, lest or that, with the subjunctive 
if the leading verb is primary, and with the optative if the 
leading verb is secondary. The subjunctive can also follow 
secondary tenses to retain the mood in which the object of 
the fear originally occurred to the mind. 

Μή (like Latin ne) denotes fear that something may 
happen which is not desired; μὴ οὐ (ut=ne non) denotes 
fear that something may not happen which is desired. Eg. 


Φοβοῦμαι μὴ γένηται (vereor ne accidat), I fear that it may happen: 
φοβοῦμαι μὴ ov γένηται (vereor ut eccidat), I fear that τὲ may not 
happen. δείδω μὴ rind sl ἕλωρ Kat κύρμα γένωμαι. Od. v. 473. 
Acidw μὴ ov τίς τοι πόσχηται τόδε ἔργον. Il. x. 39. (This is the 
only case of μὴ οὐ in these sentences in Homer. The next that are 
found are Eur. And. 626, ΕἸ. 568, Phoen. 263. See 264, above.) Ov 
φοβῃ μή « "oe Apyos ἀποκτεῖναι θέλῃ. Eur. Or. 770. Ποῶν ἔθνος 
οὐ δοκεῖ ὑπ περὴτ TEL φοβούμενον μή τι πάθῃ; Χεν. Cyr. i. 6, 10. 
Φροντίζω “μὴ κράτ to TOV ἢ μοι σιγᾶν. Id. Mem. iv. 2, 39. Φυλατ- 
τόμενος μὴ δόξῃ μανθάνειν τι. Ib, iv. 9, 3, Δέδοικα μὴ οὐδ᾽ ὅσιον 
ἢ ἀπαγορεύειν. PLAT. Rep. 368 B. Ta περὶ τῆς ψυχῆς πολλὴν 
ἀπιστίαν παρέχει τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, μὴ ἐπειδὰν ἀπαλλαγῇ τοῦ σώματος 
οὐδαμοῦ ἔτι ἢ» ἀλλὰ διαφ θείρ ηταί τε καὶ ἀπολλύ ται. Id, Phaed. 
70 A. Οὐκοῦν viv καὶ τοῦτο κίνδυνος, μὴ λάβωσι προστάτας 
αὑτῶν τινας τούτων, there is danger of this, that they may take, ete. 
Xen. An, vii. 7, 31. Kivduvos ἐστι, μὴ μεταβάλωνται καὶ γέ- 
νωνται μετὰ τῶν πολεμίων. 500. xiv. 38. ᾿κνῶ μή μοι ὁ Λυσίας 
ταπεινὸς φανῇ. PLat. Phaedr. 257 C. ivAa Bou de μὴ φανῇς κακὸς 
γεγώς. Sorpu. Tr, 1129. Οὐδὲν δεινοὶ ἔσονται μὴ βοηθεωσι ταύ TH. 
Hpr. vil. 235. “Ὑποπτεύομεν καὶ ὑμᾶς μὴ οὐ κοινοὶ ἀποβῆτε. 
Tuvce. iii. 53. Αἰσχυνόμενος μὴ φορτικῶς σκοπῶμεν. Ῥιμλτ, Theaet. 
183 E, Οἱ μῦθοι στρέφουσιν αὑτοῦ τὴν ψυχὴν, μὴ ἀληθεῖς ὦσι, 
torment his soul with fear lest they may prove true (92). Id. Rep. 
330 D, 

Δείσας μή πώς οἱ ἐρυσα ίατο νεκρὸν ᾿Αχαιοί. 1]. v. 298. “Alero 
yap μὴ Νυκτὶ θοῃ ἀποθύμια ἔρδοι. 1]. xiv. 961. ᾿γὼ γὰρ ἥμην 
ἐκπεπληγμένη φόβῳ, μή μοι τὸ κάλλος ἀλλ γος ἐξεύ pos ποτέ. SOPH. 
Tr. 24. ἔδεισαν ot “EAAnves μὴ προσάγοιεν πρὸς τὸ κέρας καὶ 
αὐτοὺς κατ τακόψειαν. Xen. An. i. 10, 9. Οὐκέτι ἐπετίθεντο, 
δεδοικότες μὴ ἀπ οτμ ηθεί σαν. Ib. iii. 4, 99. "Κδεισαν μὴ λύττα 
τις ὥσπερ κυσὶν ἡμῖν ἐμ πεπτώκοι. Ib. v. 4, 26. Ὑποπτεύσας μὴ 
τὴν θυ γατέρα λέ. γοι, ἤρετο, having suspected that he might mention his 
daughter. Id. Cyr. v. 2, 9. ᾿Ηθύμησάν τινες, ἐννοούμενοι μὴ τὰ 


xa NM 


ἐπιτήδεια οὐκ ἔνοιεν ὁπόθεν λαμβάνοιεν. Id. An. iil. 5, 3. VOELS 
) X I ) 





132 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [366 


a vw , > ΙΝ > , 
γὰρ κίνδυνος ἐδόκει εἶναι μή τις ἄνω πορευομένων ἐκ τοῦ ὄπισθεν ἐπί. 


σποιτο. ΤΌ. iv. 1, 6. 

Oi Φωκαιέες τὰς νήσους οὐκ ἐβούλοντο πωλεέειν, δειμαίνοντες μὴ 
ἐμπόριον γένωντα tu. Hor. i. 165. To yap δεδιέναι μη λόγοις 7 
σους ὦσι, τολμηρῶς πρὺς τὰ ἔργα ἐχώρουν. THUC. iii. 83. _ Tlepwens 
γενόμενος μὴ ἐπιπλεύσωσιν at νῆες. Id. iii. 80. "Edewa μὴ 
Τροίαν ἀθροίσῃ καὶ ξυνοικίσῃ πάλιν. Eur. Hee. 11: 38. Οἱ θεώμενοι 
ἐφοβοῦντο μή τι πάθῃ. XEN. Symp. ii. 11. Δῆλος ἣν πᾶσιν 
(Κῦρος) ὅτι ὑπερεφοβεῖτο μή οἱ ὃ πάππος ἀποθάνῃ. Id. Cyr. i. 
4, 2. 

For the present subjunctive in these sentences denoting what may 
hereafter prove to be an object of fear, see 92. 


366. The manner in which this complex sentence expressing fear 
was developed from an independent sentence like μὴ νῆας ἕλωσι, may 
they not seize the ships, and a preceding verb of fearing like δείδω, the 
two gradually becoming one sentence, has already been explained (307). 
As the fear and the desire to avert the cause of fear are both implied 
in μή with the subjunctive, it is not strange that this expression can 
follow verbs like ὁρῶ and οἶδα which do not imply fear in themselves; 
as ἐξελθών τις ἴδοι, μὴ δὴ σχεδὸν ὦσι κιόντες, let some one go out and see 
that they do not approach near (εἴ, videat ne accedant) ; originally, let 
some one go out and look to at: may they not approach, Od. xxiv. 491. 
So οὐδέ τι ἴδμεν, μή πως καὶ διὰ νύκτα μενοινήσωσι μάχεσθαι, nor do 
we know any way to prevent their being impelled to fight even during the 
night; originally, nor have we any knowledge: may they not be impelled 
to fight, Il. x. 100. See also Prat. Phaed. 91 D, τόδε ἄδηλον παντὶ, 
μὴ πολλὰ σώματα κατατρίψασα ἡ ψυχὴ τὸ i τά, ταῖον αὐτὴ ἀπολλύη- 
rat, ie. no one knows any security against the soul itself finally perishing, 
etc. The indirect question sometimes used in translating such a clause 
with μή, as whether they may not approach or whether they may not be 
impelled, is merely an attempt to express the hesitation which the 
apprehension involves, as there can be, of course, no real indirect 
question. See especially the cases of μή with the present indicative 
(369, 1), which are often called interrogative. See the corresponding 


> 


construction in 492. 


367. (Future Indicative.) Sometimes, though seldom, μή has 
the future indicative after verbs of fearing. The examples are :— 

Φρὴν ἀμύσσεται φόβῳ, μὴ πόλις Tv 10 ΠΝ a ee Kal τὸ Κισσίων 
πόλισμ᾽ ἀντίδου: TOV AO eT a, βυσσίνοις ὃ ἐν πέπ λοις ΤΙ πέσῃ λακίς. 
ἈΈΒΟΗ. Pers. 115. Ταῦτ ᾿ οὖν φοβοῦμαι, μὴ πόσις μὲν Ἡρακλῆς ἐ ἐμὸς 
καλεῖται (fut.) , τῆς νεωτέρας δ᾽ ἀνήρ. Sop. Tr. 550. Δέδοικα μὴ 
ἄλλου TLVOS μεθέξω. XEN, Cyr. il, 3, 6. Φοβοῦμαι ὁ δὲ μή τινας 
ἡδονὰς ἡδοναῖς εὑρήσομεν ἐναντίας. Puat. Phil. 13 A. ᾿Αλλὰ 
(φοβερὸν καὶ σφαλερὸν) μὴ σφαλεὶς κείσομαι. Id. Rep. 451 A. 
(The last two examples are not given by Weber.) 

For three cases of μή with the future optative after past tenses of 
verbs of fearing, representing the future indicative, see 131. 

















Μή WITH INDICATIVE 133 


368. The particles ἄν and κέ are never used with μή and the 
subjunctive. But a potential optative with ἄν can follow μή after a 
verb expressing fear or anxiety, after both primary and secondary 
tenses (168). 1... 

Δέδοικα yap μὴ πρῷ λέγο us ἂν τὸν πόθον τὸν ἐξ ἐμοῦ, I fear that you 
might perhaps tell. Sopu. Tr. 631. Odre προσδοκία οὐδεμία (ἦν) μὴ ἄν 
ποτε οἱ πολέμιοι ἐπιπλεύσειαν. ΤῊσυσ, ii. 93. ᾿Εκεῖνο ἐννοῶ μὴ 
λίαν ἂν ταχὺ σωφρονισ θείην, lest (in that case) I should be very soon 
brought to my senses, XEN, An. vi. 1, 28, Δεδιότες μὴ καταλυθείη 
ἂν ὃ δῆμος. Lys. xiii. 51. 


369. (Present and Past Terses of Indicative with μή.) Verbs 
of fearing may refer to present or past objects. (See 308.) My 
can therefore be used with the present and past tenses of the 
indicative after these verbs. 

1. My with the present indicative expresses a fear that some- 
thing is now going on. Eg. 

Δέδοικα μὴ πληγῶν δέει, I am afraid that you need blows. AR. 
Nub. 493. “Opopev μὴ Νικίας οἴεται τι λέγειν, let us be cautious 
lest Nicias is thinking that he says something. Puat. Lach. 196 (Ὁ. 
(Here οἴηται would have meant lest Nicias may think, in the future.) 


“Opa μὴ ἐκεῖνον κωλύει, Id. Charm. 163 A. Φοβεῖσθε μὴ δυσκολώ- 


τερόν τι νῦν διάκειμαι ἢ ἐν τᾷ πρόσθεν βίῳ, you are afraid that I 
am now im a more peevish state of mind than I used to be in (where the 
subjunctive would have been future, lest I may hereafter be). Id. Phaed. 
84 E. Ἐπίσχες, ὡς av προὐξερευνήσω στίβον, μή τις eudihe ἐν 
τρίβῳ φαντάζεται, κἀμοὶ μὲν € ἔλθῃ φαῦλος ὡς δούλῳ ψόγος. Eur. 
Phoen. 92, (Here μὴ φαντάζεται means lest any one is now to be seen ; 

and μὴ ἔλθῃ, lest any report may come hereafter ) ᾿Αλλ’ εἰσόμεσθα μή 
τι καὶ κατάσχετον κρυφῇ καλύπτει καρδίᾳ θυμουμένη, δόμους 
παραστείχοντες. SopH. Ant. 1253. (The idea is, we shall learn the 
result of our anxiety lest she is concealing, etc.") Κἀμαυτῆς 7 πέρι θέλω 
πυθέσθαι, μὴ ᾽πὶ τοῖς πάλαι κακοῖς προσκείμενόν τι πῆμα σὴν δάκνει 
Ppeve. as I wish to inquire about miyse lf, (in fear) lest, ete. Eur. 
Her, 481. “Ava, ἐμοί τοι, μή τι καὶ θεήλατον τοὔργον τόδ᾽, ἡ 
ξύννοια Bov 'λεύει πάλαι. Sopu. Ant. 278. (The idea is, my mind “i 
long been deliberating in an: ciety lest this 18 the work of the Gods, ἐστίν 
being understood after μή.) “Opa, φυλασσου, μή τις ἐν στίβῳ Bpo- 
τῶν (80, ἐστ LV). Eor. I. T. 67. 


' In this passage and the following, if anywhere, it would seem necessary 
to admit the interrogative force often ascribed to μή, But here, as elsewhe re, 

it is plain that the dependent clause with μή expresses the object of an appre- 

hension. To establish μή as an interrogative, meaning whether, μή should 
not only follow a verb like oléa, but also be followe d by a clause e xpre ssing no 
object of apprehension, like εἰσόμεσθα μὴ οἱ φίλοι ζῶσιν, we shall learn whether 

our friends are now living; but no such example can be found in classic 
Greek. The use of ei, whether, after verbs of fearing (376) shows how the 
Gree ks expressed an indirect question in such cases, 


3 That this is the correct explanation, and that we need not emend the 





134 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [370 


2. My with the perfect indicative expresses a fear that some- 
thing has already happened. The difference between this and the 
perfect subjunctive is often very slight, the latter expressing 
rather a fear that something may hereafter prove to have 
happened (103). Δ... 

Nov δὲ φοβούμεθα μὴ ἀμφοτέρων ἅμα ἡμαρτήκαμεν, but now we 
fear that we have missed both at once. Truc, iii. 53. (The perfect 
subjunctive here would mean lest it may hereafter prove that we have 
missed.) Δέδοικα μὴ λελήθαμεν (τὴν εἰρήνην) ἐπὶ πολλῷ ἄγοντες, 
I fear that we have been unconsciously enjoying peace borrowed at high 
interest, DEM. xix. 99. Φοβοῦμαι μὴ λόγοις τισὶ ψευδέσιν EVTETV X 1- 
kapev. Piat. Lys. 218 D. 

3. My can be used with the imperfect or the aorist indicative, 
to express fear that something happened in past time. 

Acidw μὴ δὴ πάντα θεὰ νημερτέα εἶπεν, I fear that all that the 
Goddess said was true. Od. v. 300. “AAX ὅρα μὴ παίζων ἔλεγεν, 
but be careful lest he was speaking in jest. Puat. Theaet. 145 B. 

370. (Ὅπως μ ἤ for μή with Verbs of Fearing. ) Verbs denot- 
ing fear and caution. are sometimes followed by an object clause 
with ὅπως μή and the future anger the subjunctive, or the 
opti itive, like verbs of striving, etc. (339). It will be noticed that 
ὅπως μή here is exactly sis ara to μή in the ordinary con- 
struction, so that φοβοῦμαι ὅπως μὴ γενήσεται (Or γένηται) Means 
I fear that it will happen (not I fear that it will not happen). £.g. 

Δέδοικ᾽ ὅπως μὴ ἈΚ τῆς σιωπῆς τῆσδ᾽ ἀναρρήξει (Laur. ἀναρρήξη) 
κακά, I fear that a storm of evil will burst forth from this silence. Sopn. 
+ Bay ig 1074 (the earliest example). Tov δαίμονος δέδοιχ᾽ ὅπως μὴ 
τεύξομαι κακοδαίμονος, I fear that the luck that I shall get will be bad 
luck. Ar, Eq. 112. EvAaBotpevor ὅπως μὴ οἰχήσομαι. Pia. Phaed. 


91 Ὁ. Δέδοικα ὅπως μὴ ἀνάγκη γενήσεται, Ϊ fear that there may 


be a necessity. DEM. 1x. 19. Ov φοβεῖ ὅπ τως μ ἢ ἀνόσιον πρᾶγμα τυ γ» 


χάνῃς πράττων ; PLAT, Euthyph. 4 EK. Φυλάττου ὅπ ως μὴ εις 
τοὐναντίον ἔλθῃς. Xen. Mem. iii. 6,16. Ἡδέως av ρα τὸν 
ἄνδρα), εἰ μὴ φοβοίμην ὅπως μ ὴ er αὐτόν με τράποιτο. Lb. 1] Ἔ 3 ᾿ 
Tots πρεσβυτέροις apiece ἀρηρεορος ἡμᾷ μὴ καταισχυνθῆναι ὅπως μὴ 
δόξει μαλακὸς εἰναι, 1.6. not to be shamed into fear lest he may seem to 
be «ἀρεῖ THUvC, vi. 13. 

Compare the corresponding use of μή for ὅπως μή in ordinary 
object clauses, especially with ὁρῶ and σκοπῶ, which belong equally 
to both classes, B and C. (See 354. 


371. (Indirect Discourse with ὡς or ὅπως.) In curious contrast 


passage so as to read τοὔργον τόδ᾽ ἧ, ξύννοια βουλεύει πάλαι, is suggested by the 
scholion: ἡ σύννοια μο. βουλεύεται καὶ οἴεται μὴ καὶ θεήλατόν ἐστι τὸ πρᾶγμα. 
So perhaps we should read φοβεῖσθαι μή τι δαιμόνιον τὰ πράγματα ἐλαύνει 
(vulg. ἐλαύνῃ) in Dem. ix. 54 (with Cod. A) But the subjunctive in both 
passages might be explained on the principle of 92. 








373] PECULIAR USES AFTER VERBS OF FEARING 135 


with the preceding construction with ὅπως μή for μή (370) is 
that by which verbs of fearing sometimes take the construction 
of ordinary indirect discourse. Here ws and even ὅπως, that, 
may introduce the object of the fear, thus taking the place of 
μή in the common construction. This apparently occurs only 
when the leading verb is negatived. £.g. 

Μὴ δείσῃς ποθ᾽ ὡς γέλωτι τοὐμὸν φαιδρὸν ou εται κάρα, do not fear 
that she will ever see my face joyful (=a) ἴδῃ). ὅοΡη, El. 1309: so 
1426. ᾿Ανδρὸς μὴ φοβοῦ ὡς ἀπορήσεις ἀξίου, do not fear that you 
will be at a loss. XEN. Cyr. v. 2,12. (Here the direct discourse 
would be ἀπορήσω, I shall be at a loss.) Μὴ δείσητε ὡς o UX L apte 
Kader δήσετε, do not fear that you will not sleep sweetly, Id. vi. 2, 30. 
(Here μὴ οὐχ would be the ordinary expression.) Ov τοῦτο δέδοικα, 
ὡς ἐὰν ἀκροᾶσθε αὐτῶν ἀποψηφιεῖσθε, I have no fear of this, that you 
will acquit them if you hear them. oh xxvii. 9. Μὴ τρέσῃς ὅπως σέ 
τις ἀποσπάσει Bia, that any on shall tear you away by force, Eur. 
Her. 248. Μὴ « poBev μ ἦτε ἐμὲ, ὥς σεο πειρώμενος λέη γω λόγον τόνδε, 
μήτε γυναῖκα τὴν ἐμὴν, μή τί τοι ἐξ αὐτῆς γέν ηται βλάβος, do not 


fear ater that 1 am saying this to ive you (ws λέγω), or lest any harm 


shall come (μὴ γένηται). Hot. i. 9. (Here the two constructions after 
φοβεῦ make the principle especially clear. ) 

In all these cases μή or ὅπως μή would be regular, and exactly 
equivalent to ws and ὅπως here. In the same way, we say in English 
he fears lest this may happen and he fears that this may happe n in the 
Same sense, In Greek we might have μ ἣ τρέσῃς ὅπ νον μή σέ τις ἀπο- 
σπάσει (370) in the same sense as μὴ τρέσῃς ὅπως σέ τις ἀποσπάσει 
(above), 


372. (Infinitive.) The future infinitive may stand in indirect 
discourse after verbs of fearing, to represent a future indicative 
of the direct course. Eq. 

Ov φοβούμεθα ἐλασσώσεσθαι. we are not afraid that we shall 
have the worst of uw. Tuuc. v. 105. (Here μή with the subjunctive 
would be the regular form.) 


373. The present or aorist infinitive (without μή), not in indirect 
discourse, may follow verbs of fearing, to denote the direct olyject of the 
fear; asin English, J fear to go. This infinitive may have the article. 
bg. 

Φοβοῦμαι οὖν διελέγχειν σε, μὴ ὑπολάβῃς. x.7.A., Tam afraid to 
refute you, lest you may suspect, ete, PLAY, Gorg, 457 E. Φοβήσεται 
ἀδικεῖν. he will be afraid to do wrong. XEN. Cyr. Vili. ic 15; (But 
φοβήσεται μὴ ἀδικῇ. hee will jear that he nay do wrong. ) Δεδιέναι 
φασκόντων Κερκυραίων ἔχειν αὐτόν. THuc, i. 1306. Οὐ κατέδεισαν 
ἐσελθεῖν. Id. iv. 110. Πέφρικα ᾿Ερινὺν τελέσαι τὰς κατάρας, I 
shudder at the idea of the Fury fulfilling the curses. AEscu. Sept. 720. 
(But in vs. 790, τρέω μὴ τελέσῃ means 1 tremble lest she may fulfil 





130 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [374 


them.) See also Xen. An. i. 3,17. Τὸ ὑδεὶς φοβεῖ- 
ται, τὸ δὲ ἀδικεῖν φοβεῖται. PLat. Gorg. 

374. Verbs of caution may be followed by an infinitive (with or 
without μή), which sometimes has the article; the infinitive or the 
infinitive with μή having the same meaning as a clause with μή and 
the subjunctive or optative. £.g. 

Πῶς οὐκ ἄξιον αὐτόν ye φυλάξασθαι τοιοῦτον γενέσθαι; why 
ought he not to guard against becoming such a man himself? XEN, Mem. 
i. 5, 3. (Here γενέσθαι is equivalent to μὴ γένηται.) Φυλαττόμενος 
τὸ λυπῆσαί τινα, taking care to offend no one, DEM, xvili, 258. 
Φυλάσσειν μηδένα περαιοῦσθαι, to φιιαγὰ against any one’s crossing over, 
Tuuc. vii. 17. Φυλαττόμενον καὶ προορώμενον μὴ καταισχῦναι 
ταύτην. Dem. xxv. 11. (For μή in this construction see 815, 1.) 
In Tuue. vii. 77, we find the infinitive with ὥστε after φυλάσσω. 

375. Κίνδυνός ἐστι, the principal expression denoting danger, which 
takes μή and a finite verb, is quite as regularly followed by the in- 
finitive. Κα. 

Οὐ opixpds κίνδυνός ἐστιν ἐξαπατηθῆναι, there is no little danger 
of their being deceived, PLAT. Crat. 436 Β, 

Κινδυνεύω is regularly followed by the infinitive (747). 

376. (Indirect Questions.) Verbs of fearing may be followed by an 
indirect question introduced by εἰ, whether, or by some other inter- 
rogative. Ὅπως as an interrogative here must not be confounded 
with ὅπως as a conjunction. Eg. 


> 


» Ν , ~ ~ , 
Ov δέδοικα εἰ Φίλιππος fy, GAN εἰ τῆς πόλεως τέθνηκε τὸ τοὺς 


ἀδικοῦντας μισεῖν καὶ τιμωρεῖσθαι, I have no fear (on the question) 
whether Philip is alive ; but I have fear (about this), whether our city’s 
habit of hating and punishing evil-doers is dead, Dem. xix. 289. Φόβος 
εἴ por ζῶσιν οὗς ἐγὼ θέλω. Eur. Her. 791. Φέρουσά σοι νέους ἥκω 
λόγους, φόβῳ μὲν εἴ τις δεσποτῶν αἰσθήσεται, through fear whether 
any one will perceive it (where μὴ αἴσθηται would have meant lest any 
one shall perce ive it), Eur. Andr. 60. See XEN. Cyr. V1. Pe ye Po- 
βοῦνται ὅποι ποτὲ προβήσεται ἡ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς δύναμις. XEN. Hell. vi. 
E. 14, (The direct question would be ποῖ προβήσεται *) Τὴν θεὸν 
δ᾽ ὅπως λάθω δέδοικα, I am in fear (about the question) how I shall 
escape the Goddess. Eur. I. T. 995. (The direct question was πῶς 
λάθω; 287.) So ϑορη. Ph. 337. ᾿Αποροῦντες πῶς χρὴ ἀπειθεῖν, 
φοβούμενοι δὲ πῶς χρὴ ἀπειλοῦντι ὑπακοῦσαι. XEN. Cyr. iv. 5, 19. 

377. (Causal ὅτι.) Verbs of fearing may be followed by ὅτι, because, 
and an ordinary causal sentence with the indicative (713). Eg. 

Οὐκ ἄξιον διὰ τοῦτο φοβεῖσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους, ὅτι πολλοὶ τυγ- 
χάνουσιν ὄντες, to fear them, because they happen to be many. 1800. 
vi. 60. Φοβουμένης τῆς μητρὺς, ὅτι τὸ χωρίον ἐπυνθάνετο νοσῶδες 
εἶναι. Id. xix. 99, Ὅτι δὲ πολλῶν ἄρχουσι, μὴ φοβηθῆτε, ἀλλὰ 
πολὺ μᾶλλον διὰ τοῦτο θαρρεῖτε, do not be afraid because they rule 
many, etc. XEN, Hell. iii. 5,10. ᾿Εφοβεῖτο, ὅτι ὀφθήσεσθαι ἔμελλε 
τὰ βασίλεια οἰκοδομεῖν ἀρχύμενος, he was afraid, because he was about 





or 


382] CONDITIONAL SENTENCES oi 
to be seen beginning to build the palace, Id. Cyr. 111.1,1. Φοβούμενος 


τὸ κάεσθαι καὶ τὸ τέμνεσθαι, ὅτι ἀλγεινόν, fearing them because they 
are painful. Puat. Gorg. 479 A. So Tuc. vii. 67. 


SECTION VI. 


Conditional Sentences. 


378. A conditional sentence consists of two clauses, a 
dependent clause containing the condition, which usually 


o 


precedes and is called the protasis, and the leading clause 
containing the conclusion, which is called the apodosis. 
The protasis is regularly introduced by the particle εἰ, 2, 
negatively εἰ μή. 


379. Ai isa Doric and Aeolic form for εἰ, and is sometimes used in 
epic poetry in the forms αἴθε and ai γάρ, and less frequently in αἴ xe! 

380. The name protasis is often restricted to clauses intro- 
duced by a particle meaning if. But it applies equally to all 
conditional relative and temporal clauses (520), and it properly 
includes all clauses which naturally precede their leading clauses 
. > Ἢ Ὗ ἴων 5 ἴων 
in the order of thought, as ἐπεὶ ἡσθετο τοῦτο, ἀπῆλθεν, after he 
perceived this, he departed. Such a clause may still be called a 
protasis, even when it follows its leading clause, provided the 
order of thought is not changed. 

381. The adverb ἄν (epic κέ or κέν, Doric xa) is regu- 
larly joined with εἰ in the protasis when the verb is in 
the subjunctive, ef with ἄν (a) forming the compound ἐάν, 
ἤν, or av (a). (See 200.) The simple εἰ is used in the 
protasis with the indicative and the optative. 

The same adverb ἄν is regularly used in the apodosis 
with the optative, and also with the past tenses of the in- 
dicative when non-fulfilment of the condition is implied. 

382. The only Ionic contraction of εἰ ἄν is ἤν, which is used in 
Homer and Herodotus. The Attic Greek has ἐάν, ἤν, and ἄν (a); but 

1 Ai for ef is usually left in Homer by editors as the Mss. give it. But 
Bekker (Homerische Blitter, pp. 61, 62) quotes Heyne with approval, who 
says that no human being can tell why we have αὐ in one place and εἰ in 
another. Bekker cites, to illustrate this, α ἴθ᾽ οὕτως χόλον τελέσει᾽ ᾽Αγαμέμνων, 
Il. iv. 178, and εἴθ᾽ ὥς τοι γούναθ᾽ ἕποιτο, iv. 313; also al κε θεὸς ἵκηται, 1]. v. 
129, followed immediately by ἀτὰρ εἴ xe ᾿Αφροδίτη ἔλθῃσ᾽ és πόλεμον. Bekker 


in his last edition of Homer (1858) gives only εἰ, εἴθε, and εἰ γάρ, without 
regard to the Mss, ; and he is followed by Delbriick. 





138 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [383 


[4 . 
av, tf, was probably never used by the tragedians or by Thucydides 
although the Mss. have it in a few cases. 


᾽ 


383. The negative particle of the protasis is regularly 
μή, that of the apodosis is οὐ. 


384, When ov is found in a protasis, it is generally closely 
connected with a particular word (especially the verb), with 
which it forms a single negative expression ; so that its negative 
force does not (like that of μή) affect the protasis as a ‘whole. 
Eg. 

Πάντως δήπου (οὕτως ἔχει), ἐάν τε σὺ καὶ ΓΆνυτος οὐ φῆτε ἐάν τε 
pyre, if you deny it, as well as if you admit it. Prat. Apol. 25 B. Ei 
τοὺς θανόντας οὐκ ἐᾶς (-- κωλύεις) θάπτειν. if you forlid burying the 
dead. SOPH. Aj. 1131. Ke μὲν οὐ πολλοὶ (= ὀλίγου ἦσαν, καθ᾽ 
ἐκαστον ἂν περὶ τούτων ἠκούετε, af there were only a few, ete. Lys. xiii. 
02: οἵ 16. Τῶνδε μὲν οὐδὲν ἔσον ἐστὶν, εἴγε ἀφ᾽ ἡμῶν γε τῶν ἐν 
μέσῳ OvoEts οὐδέποτε ἄρξετα t, there rs no fairness in _ if (tt 18 
the plan, that) no one is ever to begin with us. XEN, Cyr. i. 2. 3. ; 

In all these cases μή could be used, even where οὐ seems especially 
proper; as in ἄν r eyo pho ἄν τε μὴ « φώ, whether I admit or di ny it, 
De. xxi, 205. See Eur. Hipp. 995, οὐδ᾽ ἣν σὺ μὴ ys. The use 
of μή or ov was seiedcined by the feeling of the speaker at the 
moment as to the scope of his negation. The following example 
makes the difference between οὐ and μή particularly clear, οὐ affect- 
ing merely the verb, and μή affecting the whole clause (including the 
ov): εἰ μὴ [Tpo€ “EVOV OV χ ὑπεδέξαντ ο. ἐσώθησαν ἄν. uf ut had not 
been that they did not receive Proxenus, they would have been saved, DEM. 
ix. 74. 


385. Εἰ ov with the indicative is sometimes found in Homer where 
the Attic Greek would have εἰ μή; as in εἰ δέ μοι οὐκ ἐπέεσσ᾽ ἐπιπεί. 
σεται ἀλλ᾽ ἀλογήσει, [I]. xv. 162. See-also Il. xx. 199: Od. ii. 974 
Xl. 382, . 


386. After verbs expressing wonder, delight, and similar emotions 
( 
(494), where a protas is seems to take the place of a causal sente nce, εἰ 
ov can be used, on the principle of 384, though here μή is more 
COMMOR. pee ex: aly ‘les of εἰ μή under 194; and for εἰ ov see [soc 
} : . | 
: 1. 44, μὴ θαυμάσῃς εἰ πολλὰ τῶν εἰρημένων οὐ πρέπει σοι. See also 
ε 87. 


387. W he Ἢ two clauses introduced by μέν and δέ depend 
upon a single εἰ which precedes them both, οὐ is used even more 
frequently than μή; as such clauses have their own construc- 
tion independently of the εἰ, which merely introduces each of 
them as a whole, not affecting the construction of particular 


words. E.q. 


\ Ἃ ε 
Δεινὸν — εἴη, εἰ ol pev ἐκείνων ξύμμαχοι eT S50” λείᾳ τῇ δόἊδι᾽υ 
» 


ς ν 
ῥέροντες οὐ K ἀπεροῦσιν, ἡμεῖς ὃ ἐπὶ τῳ αὖὺ τοὶ oper bat οὐ Κ ἄρα 





390] CLASSIFICATION OF CONDITIONAL SENTENCES 139 


δαπανήσομεν, it would be a hard thing, if (it is α fact that) their alles 

will not refuse, etc. while we will not contribute, THuc. 1. 121. ir 

οὐκ αἰσχρὸν, εἰ τὸ μὲν ᾿Αργείων πλῆθος οὐκ ἐφοβήθη τὴν Λακεδαι- 

μονίων ἀρχὴν ὑμεῖς δὲ βάρβαρον φοβήσεσθε; is it not then disgraceful, 

if (it is true that), while the Argive people did not fear, you are going to 

be afraid, etc. Dem. xv. 23. See also Prat. Phaed. 97 A; Lys, xxx. 
Isak. vi. 2; DEM, xxxviil. 18; AESCHIN. 111. 242. 


CLASSIFICATION OF CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


388. The most obvious natural distinction is that of (a) 
present and past conditions and (b) futwre conditions. Present and 
past conditions (4) are divided into two classes by distinguishing 
(1) those which imply nothing as to the fulfilment of the con- 
dition from (2) those which imply that the condition is not or 
was not fulfilled. Future conditions (Ὁ) have two classes (1, 2), 
distinguished by the manner in which the supposition is stated. 
Class 1 of present and past conditions is further distinguished 
on the ground of the particular or general character of the sup- 
position, as explained below in II. (394). 

389. Excluding from the class (a) 1 the present and past 
general suppositions which have a peculiar construction (395, 
a and ὁ), we have— 


Four Forms of Ordinary Conditions. 
(a) PRESENT AND Past CONDITIONS. 


390. In present or past conditions, the question of fulfilment 
has already been decided, but we may or may not wish to imply 
by our form of statement how this has been decided. In Greek 
(as in English or Latin) we may, therefore, state such a condition 
in either of two ways :— 

1. We may simply state a present or past condition, implying 
nothing as to its fulfilment ; as if he is (now) doing this, εἰ τοῦτο 
πράσσει J —if he was doing it, εἰ ἔπρασσε, —if he did ut, εἰ ἔπραξε, 
— if he has (already) done it, εἰ rer paxe, —if he had (already) done 
it (at some past time), εἶ ἐπεπράχει. The apodosis here ex- 
presses simply what is (was or will be) the result of the fulfil- 
ment of the condition. ‘Thus we may say :— 


Ei : πράσσει τοῦτο, καλῶς ἔχει, if he is doing this, τέ 8 well ; 


7 πράσσει τοῦτο. ἡμάρτηκεν, ἢ he 18 αοΐης this, he has erred ; εἰ 

πράσσει τοῦτο, καλῶς ἕξει, if he ἐδ doing this, it will be well, Et 
ἔπραξε (or ἔπρασσε) τοῦτο, καλῶς ἔχει (εἶχεν, ἔσχεν, or ἕξει), if he 
did this, it is (was or will be) well. Ei πέπραχε τοῦτο, καλῶς ἕξει, if 





140 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [391 


he has done this, it will be well. So with the other tenses of the in- 
dicative in the apodosis, (See 402.) 

So in Latin: Si hoc facit, bene est ; Si hoc fecit, bene erit ; etc. 

2. On the other hand, we may state a present or past con- 
dition so as to imply that it is not or was not fulfilled ; as if he 
were (now) doing this, τοῦτο ἔπρασσε;---ἰ he had done this, «i 
τοῦτο ἔπραξε (both implying the opposite). The apodosis here 
expresses what would be (or would have been) the result if the 
condition were (or had been) fulfilled. The adverb ἄν in the 
apodosis distinguishes these forms from otherwise similar forms 
under (a) 1. Thus we may say :— 

Ki ἔπρασσε τοῦτο, καλῶς av εἶχεν, if he were (now) doing this, it 
would be well; or if he had been doing this, it would have been well, 

Εἰ ἔπραξε τοῦτο, καλῶς ἂν ἔσχεν (or ἂν εἶχεν), if he had done this, 
ἐξ would have been well (or it would now be well). On the other hand, 
εἰ ἔπραξε τοῦτο, καλῶς ἔσχεν (without dv) would mean if he did this, 
it was well. (See 410.) 

In Latin: Sx hoe faceret, bene esset (present); Si hoe fecisset, bene 
fuisset (past). 


᾿ λον ᾿ . : ane , 
391. The Greek has no form implying that a condition is or was 


fulfilled, and it is hardly conceivable that any language should find 
such a form necessary or useful, 


(6) Furure Conpirions. 


392. The question as to the fulfilment of a future condition 
is still undecided. We may state such a condition in Greek (as 
in English and Latin) in either of two ways :— 

1. We may say if he shall do this, ἐὰν πράσσῃ (or πράξῃ) 
τοῦτο (or, still more vividly, εἰ πράξει τοῦτο), making a distinct 
supposition of a future case. The apodosis expresses what will 
be the result if the condition shall be fulfilled. Thus we may 
say : 

: : ὑὰν πράσσῃ ‘or πράξῃ) τοῦτο. καλῶς ἕξει, uf he shall do this (or 
if he does this), it will be well (sometimes also εἰ πράξει τοῦτο). (See 
444 and 447.) In Latin: Si hoe fuctet (or δὶ hoe ἔδει rit), bene erit. 


2. We may also say if he should do this, εἰ πράσσοι (or 
πράξειε) τοῦτο, still supposing a case in the future, but less 
distinctly and vividly than before. The apodosis corresponds 
to this in form (with the addition of ἄν), and expresses what 
would be the result if the condition should be fulfilled. Thus 
we may say :— 


tt and . inn manne 1 n a ” “ . 
Εἰ πράσσοι (or πράξειε) τοῦτο, kaAws av ἔγοι, if he should do 
> 4 rene 4%, xe \ . + . . . 
this, it would be well. (see 455.) In Latin: Si hoc Jacvat, bene sit. 


ee ee es ee λέως, ΑΝ = κ᾿ Pee ais 


ert a 





CLASSIFICATION OF CONDITIONAL SENTENCES 141 


\393. The Latin commonly employs the future indicative, st hoc 


fatiet (corresponding strictly to εἰ τοῦτο πράξει, of he shall do this), or 


the future perfect, si hoc fecerit, to express the form of protasis which 
the Greek expresses by ἐάν and the subjunctive (ἐὰν τοῦτο πράσσῃ or 
πράξῃ) ; and it uses the form si hoc faciat to represent the Greek εἰ 
τοῦτο πράσσοι, if he should do this. 


II. Present and Past General Suppositions. 


394. The supposition contained in a protasis may be either 


particular or general. 


A particular supposition refers to a definite act or to several 
definite acts, supposed to occur at some definite time (or times) ; 
as if he (now) has this, he will give it; if he had i, he gave it; of he 
had had the power, he would have helped me; if he shall receive i 
(or if he receives it), he will give it; if he should receive it, he would 
give it. So if he always acts justly (or if he never commits injustice), 
I honour him; if he acted justly on all these occasions, he will be 
rewarded. 

A general supposition refers indefinitely to any act or acts 
of a given class which may be supposed to occur or to have 
occurred at any time; as if ever he receives anything, he (always) 
gives it; if ever he received anything, he (always) gave it; of he had 
(on any occasion) had the power, he would (always) have helped me ; 
if ever any one shall (or should) wish to go, he will (or would) always 
be permitted. So if he ever acts justly, I (always) honour him, of 
he ever acted justly, he was (always) rewarded. 


395. Although this distinction is seen in all classes of con- 
ditions, present, past, and future (as the examples show), it is 
only in present and past conditions which do not imply non- 
fulfilment (i.e. in those of 390, 1) that the Greek distinguishes 
general from particular suppositions in construction, Here, how- 
ever, we have two classes of conditions which contain only 
general suppositions. 

(a) When the apodosis has a verb of present time express- 
ing a customary or repeated action, the protasis may refer (in a 
general way) to any act or acts of a given class which may be 
supposed to occur at any time within the period represented in 
English as present. Thus we may say :— 

"Edy τις κλέπτῃ, κολάζεται, if (ever) any one steals, he is (in all 
such cases) punished ; ἐάν τις πράσσῃ (or πράξῃ) τοιοῦτόν τι, xade- 
παίνομεν αὐτῷ, if (ever) any one does such a thing, we are (always) angry 
with him ; ἐάν τις τούτου πίῃ, ἀποθνήσκει, if any one (ever) drinks of 


this, he dives. (See 462.) 





142 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [396 


(ὁ) When the apodosis has a verb of past time expressing a 
customary or repeated action, the protasis may refer (in a general 
way) to any act or acts of a given class which may be supposed 
to have occurred at any time in the past. Thus we may say :— 

Ki τις κλέπτοι, ἐκολάζετο, if (ever) any one stole, he was (in all such 
cases) punished ; εἴ τις πράσσοι (or πράξειε) τοιοῦτόν τι, ἐχαλε- 
παίΐνομεν α ὑτῴ, uf (ever) any one did such a th ing, we were (always) angry 
with him; εἴ τις τούτου πίοι, ἀπεθνῃσκεν, if any one (ever) drank of 
this, he died. (See 462.) 

396. Although the Latin sometimes agrees with the Greek in dis- 
tinguishing general conditions from ordinary present and past con- 
ditions, using δὲ faciat and si faceret in a general sense, like ἐὰν πράσσῃ 
and εἰ πράσσοι above, it yet commonly agrees with the English in not 
recognising the distinction, and uses the indicative alike in both classes. 
Even the Greek sometimes (especially in poetry) neglects the distinc- 
tion, and uses the indicative in these general conditions (467). 

397. In external form the general present condition coincides with 
the more vivid future condition, 392, 1, as both are expressed by ἐάν 
and the subjunctive, the form of the apodosis alone distinguishing 
them. But in sense there is a much closer connexion between the 
general present condition and the ordinary present condition expressed 
by εἰ and the present indicative, 390, 1, with which in most languages 
(and sometimes even in Greek) it coincides also in form (see 396). On 
the other hand, ἐάν with the subjunctive in a future condition agrees 
substantially in sense with εἰ and the future indicative (447), and is 
never interchangeable with εἰ and the present indicative. 3 


ORIGIN OF THE GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCE.—EARLY 
COMBINATIONS OF εἰ WITH κέ OR ap. 


398. It is impossible to discuss intelligently the origin of the 
conditional sentence until the etymology and original meaning 
of the particles εἰ, ai, ἄν, and κέ are determined. On these 
questions we have as yet little or no real knowledge. The 
theory of εἰ or ai which identifies it with the pronominal stem 
sva (σε), Oscan svai, and Latin si, is perhaps the most common. 
By this the original meaning of εἰ, or rather of one of its remote 
ancestors in some primitive language, would be at a certain time 
(or place), in a certain way. But, even on this theory, we can 
hardly imagine any form of εἰ as existing in the Greek language 
until the word had passed at least into the relative stage, with 
the force of at which time (or place ), in which way. mandi r which 
circumstances. It cannot be denied that the strong analogy 


ἢ ᾿ a ica : 
ἢ See Delbriick, Conj. u. Opt., pp. 70, 71, who terms this ἃ “wahrschein- 
liche positive Vermuthung.” 





400] ORIGIN OF GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCE 143 


between conditional and relative sentences and the identity of 
most of their forms give great support to any theory by which 
the conditional sentence is explained as an outgrowth of the 
relative, so that the conditional relative sentence is made the 
original conditional construction. Thus εἰ ἦλθεν might at some 
time have meant in the case in which he went, and εἰ ἐλθῃ, in the 
case in which he shall go (or in case he shall go), etc. But here we 
are on purely theoretical ground ; and we must content ourselves 
practically with the fact, that in the earliest Greek known to us 
εἰ was fully established in its conditional sense, like our if and 
Latin si. 

399. The regular types of the conditional sentence, which 
are given above (390-395) as they appear in Attic prose, have 
been mainly sifted from a rich variety of forms which are found 
in earlier Greek. In Homer we have all tenses of the indicative 
used as in Attic Greek, except that the imperfect bas not yet 
come to express an unreal present condition, but is still confined 
to the past. The future indicative sometimes has κέ in protasis, 
and the future with κέ or ἄν can stand in apodosis. The sub- 
junctive in protasis can have εἴ xe (even εἰ av), ἤν, or εἰ alone ; 
and it can stand in a future apodosis either alone or with ay or 
κέ (like the optative). The optative sometimes has εἴ xe in 


protasis, and occasionally stands in apodosis without av or κέ. 
Once we find εἴ κε with the aorist indicative (II. xxii. 526) 
Thus, while we have in Attic prose two stereotyped forms of 
future conditional sentences, ἐὰν (ἢν, av) ὃς, ἑλοῦμαι and εἰ δοίη, 
ἑλοίμην av, we have in Homer ἢν ὃς, εἴ κε da, εἰ dw, and εἰ δοίη, 


εἴ κε δοίη, in protasis ; and ἑλοῦμαι, ἑλοῦμαί K€, ἕλωμαι, ἕλωμαί KE, 

¢ , ΝΜ < , - _* » 
and ἑλοίμην κε (or av), rarely ἑλοίμην alone, in apodosis ; with 
every variety of combination of these. (For the details and 
examples, see 450-454 and 460.) 


400. There is a tendency in Homer to restrict the subjunctive 
with simple εἰ (without κέ or av) to general conditions (468), and 
a similar but less decided tendency to restrict the subjunctive 
with conditional relatives without κέ or av to the generic relative 
construction (538). But the general condition with εἰ appears 
in Homer in a primitive stage, compared with the corresponding 
relative construction, which is fully developed. Both subjunctive 
and optative are freely used in general relative conditions in 
Homer, as in Attic Greek ; while in general conditions with εἰ 
the subjunctive occurs only nineteen times and the optative only 
once (468). On the supposition that the clause with εἰ is derived 
from the relative clause, this would appear as the ordinary 
process of development. 











144 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [401 


401. It is perhaps the most natural view of the various 
conditional expressions, «i, εἴ xe, εἰ av, etc. to suppose that at 
some early stage the Greek had two perfectly analogous forms 
in future conditions, one with two subjunctives, and one with 
two optatives, ¢.g. εἰ dm τοῦτο, ἕλωμαι and εἰ δοίη τοῦτο, ἑλοίμην. 
The particle κέ would then begin to be allowed in both of these 
conditions and conclusions, giving to each more distinctly its 
force as a protasis or an apodosis.! It would thus be allowed 
to say εἴ κε δῳ τοῦτο, ἕλωμαΐί κε and εἴ κε δοίη τοῦτο, ἑλοίμην κε, 
both of which forms actually occur in Homer. Gradually the 
tendencies of the language restricted the use of κέ more and 
more to the subjunctive in protasis and the optative in apodosis, 
although for a time the usage was not strict. This state of 
transition appears in Homer, who preserves even a case of an 
otherwise extinct use of εἴ xe with the aorist indicative. Shortly 
before this stage, however, a new tendency was making itself 
felt, to distinguish the present general condition from the 
particular in form, the way being already marked out by the 
conditional relative sentence. As this new expression was to be 
distinguished from both the really present condition εἰ βούλεται 
and the future εἴ κε βούληται, the half-way form εἰ βούληται 
(which had nearly given place to εἴ xe βούληται in future con- 
ditions) came into use in the sense if he ever wishes.2 This would 
soon develop a corresponding form for use after past tenses, «i 
βούλοιτο, if he ever wished, of which we see only the first step in 
Homer, Il. xxiv. 768. (See 468.) It would hardly be possible 
to keep the two uses of εἰ with the subjunctive distinct in form, 
and in time the form with κέ (or av) was established in both 
(381). But we see this process too in transition in Homer, 
where εἴ xe or some form of εἰ ἄν is used in all future conditions 
except nine, and has intruded itself into five of the nineteen 
general conditions. We must suppose a corresponding process 
in regard to κέ or av in conditional relative clauses to have gone 
on before the Homeric period, with more complete results.? In 
Attic Greek, except in a few poetic passages, the usage is firmly 


1 As I do not profess to have any distinct theory of the origin or the 
original meaning of either κέ or ἄν, I have not attempted to detine their 
force, exce pt so far as they emp hasise what we see by usage may be implied 
by the sentence without their aid. 

2 Monro (Hom. Gr. p. 263) thinks “the primary use of ἄν or κέν i is to show 
that the speaker is thinking of particular instances or oceasions.” If this is 
so, we should expect these partic ‘les to be first used in future conditions, while 
the later general conditions would first take the —) εἰ, as is here supposed. 

3 See 4m. Jour. Phil. iii. pp. 441, 442, where Gildersleeve refers to 
the use of εἰ, ὅτε, etc. with the optative in oratio Sa representing ἐάν, 
ὅταν, etc. with the subjunctive in the direct form, as evidence of an old use 
of εἰ, ὅτε, etc. with the subjunctive. 











403] PRESENT AND PAST SIMPLE SUPPOSITIONS 145 


established by which the subjunctive in protasis requires av in 
both particular and general conditions. 


I. FOUR FORMS OF ORDINARY CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


(a) PRESENT AND Past ΟὈΝΡΙΤΙΟΝΞΒ. 


1. Simple Suppositions (chiefly Particular). 


402. When the protasis simply states a present or past 
particular supposition, implying nothing as to the fulfilment 
of the condition, it takes a present or past tense of the 
indicative with et. Any form of the verb may stand in the 
apodosis to express the result if the condition is or was 
gece HY .. 


i ἐβρόντησε, καὶ ἤστραψεν, if it thundered, it also lightened. 
are implies no opinion of the speaker as to the reality of the 
thunder.) Εἰ δ᾽ οὕτω τοῦτ᾽ ἐστὶν, ἐμοὶ μέλλει φίλον εἶναι. Il. i 
564. Ei τότε κοῦρος ἔα, νῦν αὖτέ με γῆρας ὀπάζει. Il. iv. 321. 
Ki μάλα καρτερός ἐσσι, θεός που σοὶ τό y ἔδωκεν. Il, 1. 178, Ki 
δὲ χρὴ Kal πὰρ codiy ἀντιφερίξαι, ἐρέω, but if I must match myself 
against the wise one, I will speak, Pind, Py. ix. 54. Ei θεοί τι δρῶσιν 
αἰσχρὸν, οὐκ εἰσὶν θεοί, if Gods do aught that is base, they are not 
Gods, Eur. Bell. Fr. 294, Ei ἐγὼ Φαῖδρον ἀγνοῶ, καὶ ἐμαυτοῦ ἐπι- 
λέλησμαι: ἀλλα γὰρ οὐδέτερά ἐστι τούτων, if I do not know Phaedrus, 
I have Jorgotten myself ; but neither of these 18 the case. Pat. Monte 
228 A. Εἰ μὲν ( Ἀσκληπιὸς) θεοῦ ἦν, οὐκ ἦν αἰσχροκερδής" εἰ δ᾽ 


αἰσχροκερδὴς, οὐκ ἦν θεοῦ, Id. Rep. 408 C. Ei δὲ ἐκεῖνος ἀσθε- 
e , ere 
VETTEPOS ἦν, ἑαυτῷ τοῦ πάθους αἴτιον ἢγησατο. Dem. xxiii. δ4. 


403. The imperative, the subjunctive in exhortations or pro- 
hibitions, the optative in wishes, the potential optative or in- 
dicative with ἄν, or the infinitive may stand in the apodosis. 
Lg. 

"AAN εἰ δοκεῖ σοι, στεῖχε, if thou art resolved, go, Sor. Ant. 98. 
(Here ἐὰν δοκῇ would refer to the future, while εἰ δοκεῖ is strictly 
present in its time. Cf. Ant.76.) ᾿Αλλ’ εἰδοκεῖ, πλέωμεν, ὁρμάσθω 
ταχύς. Id. Ph. 526. Ki μὲν ἔστε pe τοιοῦτον, . .. μηδὲ φωνὴν 
ἀνάσχησθε. Dem. xviii. 10. ᾿Αλλ'᾽ εἴ που πτωχῶν γε θεοὶ καὶ ἐρινύες 
εἰσὶν, ᾿Αντίνοον πρὸ γάμοιο τέλος θανάτοιο κιχείη. Od. xvii. 475. 

"AAN εἰ δοκεῖ σοι ταῦθ᾽. ὑπαί τις ἀρβύλας λύοι τάχος, but if this 

πον you, let some one quickly loose my shoes. AnscH. Ag. 944. Kaku? 

7 πολοίμην, ᾿ΞΙανθίαν εἰ μὴ « φιλώ. AR, Ran. 579. Πολλὴ γὰρ ἂν 

εὐδαιμονία εἴη T epi TOUS VEOUS, εἰ εἷς μὲν μόνος αὐτοὺς διαφθείρει 

οἱ ἄλλοι ὠφελοῦσιν. Puat. Ap. 25 Β, See also Il. vi. 198, εἰ 

. . » εἰλήλουθας, οὐκ dv... μαχοίμην. Tov Ὑπερείδην, εἴπερ 
L 








146 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [404 
adn Or) μου yoV κατηγορεῖ, μᾶλ λον ἂν εἰκότως ἢ τόνδ᾽ ἐδ ίωκεν. uf he 
18 Now bringr ng true ὃ harges against mee, he would have prosec uted Hypereides 
with much more reason than he does this man. Dem. xviii. 223. (See 
479, 2; 503.) 

404. This form of condition may be used even when the supposi- 
tion is notoriously contrary to fact, if the speaker does not wish to 
imply this by the construction; as in Dem. xviii. 12, τῶν μέντοι Ka- 
τηγοριῶν, .. . εἴπερ ἦσαν ἀληθεῖς, οὐκ ἔνι τῇ πόλει δίκην ἀξίαν 
λαβεῖν. but uf the charges were true erant, not essent), the state can 
not obtain adequate satisfaction. So in English, we can say uf three times 
six are twenty as well as if three times six were twenty, or if all men are 
liars as well as if all men were liars,—from different points of view. 

405. A present or past general supposition is sometimes 
expressed by the indicative: see examples in 467. Here the 
Greek neglects the distinction which it regularly makes between 
general and particular suppositions of this class. 

406. Pindar uses these simple conditions with εἰ and the indicative 
more than all other forms.! 
general conditions (467), which most writers would have expressed by 
the subjunctive. 

407. (Future Indicative in Present Suppositions.) Even the 
future indicative with εἰ may be used in a present condition, if 
it expresses merely a present intention or necessity that some- 


But among his forty-eight cases are many 


thing shall be done hereafter ; as when εἰ τοῦτο ποιήσει means if 


he is (now) about to do this, and not (as it does in an ordinary 
future condition) if he shall do this (he reafte r). Eq. 

Aipe πλῆκτρον, εἰ μα χεῖ, raise your spur, if you are going to fight. 
Ar. Av. 759. (Εἰ μαχεῖ in protas is commonly means if you shall 
Sight, like ἐὰν μ' ἴχῃ.) Ἢ νῦν Ε᾽ γὼ μὲν οὐκ ἀνὴρ, αὕτη S ἀνὴρ, εἰ ται τ᾽ 
ἀνατὶ τὴδε κείσεται κράτη, ie. if this is to pass unpunished. SopH. 


9s "» 


Ant. 484. Τί διαφ ῥέρουσι των Ἂς ἀνάγκης κακοπαθούντων, εἰ γε πει- 
νήσοι σι καὶ διψ ἥσουσι καὶ pey ὥσουσι καὶ ἀγρυπνήσουσι καὶ 
τἄλλα πάντα μοχθήσουσιν ἑκόντες ; how do they diffe r, etc. uf they 
are to suffer hunger, thirst, ete.? Xen. Mem, ii. 1,17. So εἰ πόλεμός 
TE Sapa καὶ λοιμὸς ᾿Α χαιούς, if both 11} and pestile vice are to lay the 
Achaeans low, Il. i. 61: and εἰ διαβληθήσομαι, if I am to be slandered, 
Eur. Hee. 863. In ἔν 11, ἧ ῥ᾽ ἅλιον τὸν μῦθον ὑπέστημεν 
Μενελάῳ, Weg ae εἰ Ov TOW μαίνεσθαι ἐάσομεν ov) OV "Apia, vain 8 the 


, 


word we pledged, if we are to permit, etc., the verb of the apodosis is 
past, showing that the condition is not future. 

408. It is important to notice that a future indicative of this kind 
could not be changed to a subjunctive with ἐάν without an entire 
change of sense and time. It must therefore be distinguished from the 
future in future conditions, where it is generally interchangeable with 


1 See AM, J Va Phil. lil. 


lenient i ag i ea gal 


rh as ee eee Meer 


ia ihn ye seh eis abe Se 


110] PRESENT AND PAST UNREAL CONDITIONS 147 


the subjunctive (447). Here it is nearly equivalent to the periphrastic 
future e — by “μέλλω and the infinitive (73), in which the tense 
of μέλλω ( as in εἰ μέλλουσι τοῦ TO ποιεῖν = εἰ τοῦτο ποιήσουσιν) 
shows that the condition is really present and not future. So with 
the Latin periphrastic future, si hoc factwrus est. 

409. A present condition may be expressed by a potential optative 
in the protasis, and a present or past condition by a potential indicative ; 
as εἴπερ ἄλλῳ τῳ ἀνθρώπων πειθοίμην ἂν, καὶ σοὶ πείθομαι, if (it is 
true that) I would trust any one of mankind, I trust you, PLaT. Prot. 329 

3; εἰ τοῦτο ἰσχυρὸν ἣν ἂν τούτῳ τεκμήριον, κἀμοὶ γενέσθω τεκμήριον, 

ὅτι, κι τι λ.. uf | ‘at as true that) this would have heen a strong proof for him 
(if he had used it), so let it be a proof for me, that, etc., DEM. xlix. 58. 
(See 458, and other examples in 506.) 


2. Wath Supposition contrary to Facet. 

410. When the protasis states a present or past sup- 
position, implying that the condition is not or was not ful- 
filled, and the apodosis expresses what would be (or would 
have been) the result if that condition were (or had been) 
fulfilled, the past tenses of the indicative are used in both 
protasis and apodosis, and the apodosis contains the adverb ἄν. 

The imperfect here, in either protasis or apodosis, refers 
to present time or to an act as going on or repeated in 


past time, the aorist to a simple occurrence in past time, 
and the (rare) pluperfect to an act completed in past or 
present time. Ly. 


Ei TOUTO ἔπρασσε, καλῶς ἂν εἶχεν, if he were (N0wW) doing thas, 
it would be well (implying that he 7s not doing it). This may also mean 
uf he had heen doing this, it would have heen well implying that he was 
not doing it), The context must decide, in each case, to which time 
the imperfect refers. Ei τοῦτο ἔπραξε, καλῶς ἂν ἔσχεν, if he had 
done this, it would have been well (implying that he did not do it). Εἰ 
TOUTO ETET PAX EL, καλῶς av εἶχεν, if he had finished doing this (now 
or at any past time), τὲ would be well (implying either he has not or he 
had not Sinished at). 

(Impf. of Present Time.) Ec δέ μ ᾿ ὧδ 
ἦσθα λυπηρὰ κλύειν. if you always began your talk to me in this way, 


> If Δ a 


5 4 , 
Gel λόγους ε ξηρχες. οὐκ ἂν 


you would not be offi 8117: to liste n to (as you are). SOPH. El. 556, So 
El. 992, 1331, O. T. 1511; and Aegsca. Sept. 662, Ag. 1395. Kai 
νῦν εἶ φοβερόν τι ἐνωρῶμεν, πᾶν av σοι προεφράζομεν, if we saw 
any CAUSE of alarm, we should tell at all to you. Hpr. 1. 120. Tavra οὐκ 
ἂν ἐδύναντο ποιεῖν, εἰ μὴ καὶ διαίτῃ μετρίᾳ ἐχρῶντο. they would not 


be able to do this, uf they did not lead an abstemious life. XEN. Cyr. i. 2, 














148 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [410 


16. Εὖ ἴσθ᾽ ὅτι εἴ τι ἐμοῦ ἐκήδου, οὐδενὸς ἂν οὕτω pe ἀποστερεῖν 
ἐφυλάττου ὡς ἀξιώματος καὶ τιμῆς, if you cared for me at all, 
you would take precaution, ete. Ib. v. 5, 34. Πολὺ ἂν θαυμαστό- 
τερον ἦν, εἰ ἐτιμῶντο, tt would be much more wonderful, if they were 
honoured. Pat. Rep. 489 B. Λέγουσι 7 πάντα ἡ ἔχει" καίτοι εἰ μὴ 
ἐτύγχανεν αὐτοῖς ἐπ τιστήμη ἐνοῦσα. οὐκ ἂν οἷοί τ᾽ ἦσαν τοῦτο 
ποιήσειν, they tell everything as it is: and yet ἐξ knowledge did not 
chance to be in them, they could not do this. Id. Phaed. 73 A. Οὐχ 
οὕτω δ᾽ ἂν προθύμως ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ὑμᾶς παρεκά ίλουν, εἰ μὴ τὴν 
εἰρήνην ἑώρων αἰσχρὰν ἐσομένην, I should not exhort you, did I not see 
(as I do), etc. Isoc. vi. 87. 

(Impf. of Past Time.) Kai ταῦτ᾽ ἂν οὐκ ἔπρασσον, εἰ μή μοι 
πικρὰς αὐτῷ τ᾽ ἀρὰς ἠρᾶτο. and this I should never have eae had he 
not invoked bitter curses on myself. Sorpu. O, C. 951. Οὐκ ἂν νήσων 
ἐκράτει, εἰ μή τι καὶ ναυτικὸν εἶχεν, he would not have been master 
of islands, if he had not had also some naval force (implying ναυτικὸν 
εἶχεν and νήσων ἐκράτει, he had a navy, for he was master of islands). 
Tuuc. i. 9. (Tatra) οὐκ dv προέλεγεν, εἰ μὴ ἐπίστευεν ἀληθεύ- 
σειν, he would not have declared these things (referring to several), had he 
not been confident that he should speak the truth, Xen. Mem, i. Ἧ 5. Εἰ 
ἦσαν ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ, ὡς σὺ fis, οὐκ ἄν ποτε ταῦτα ἔπασχον, tf they 
had been good men, as you say, they would never have suffered these things 
(referring to several cases). PLat. Gorg. 516 E. 

(Aorist of Past Time.) Ee μὴ ὅρκοις ἡρέθην, οὐκ ἄν ποτ᾽ ἔσχον 
μὴ οὐ τάδ᾽ ἐξειπεῖν πατρί, had I not been bound by oaths, I should never 
have refrained, etc. Eur. Hip p. 657. Kai tows ἂν διὰ ταῦτ᾽ ἀπέθανον, 
εἰ μὴ ἡ ἀρχὴ διὰ ταχέων κατελύθη. Prat. Ap. 32 Ὁ. Τί ποτ᾽ 
ἂν ἔπαθον ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν, εἰ πλείω χρόνον ἐπε τροπεὺ θην; εἰ κατε- 
λείφθην μὲν ἐν ιαύσιος, at ἢ ern δὲ 7 T POTETETPOTEDV θην ὑπ᾽ αὐ τῶν, οὐδ᾽ 
ἂν τὰ μικρὰ ταῦτα παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀπέλαβον. Dem. xxvii. 63. Ke 
τοίνυν ὁ Φίλιππ πος τότε ταύ Τὴν ἔσχε τὴν γνώμην, οὐδὲν ἂν ὧν νυνὶ 
πεποίηκεν ἔπραξεν, οὐδὲ τοσαύ ~~ ἐκτήσατο OV νάμιν. Id. iv. 5. 

(Different tenses in Protasis and A podosis.) Ki μὴ ὑμεῖς ἤλθετε, 
ἐπορευόμεθα ἂν ἐπὶ βασιλέα, v ἀρ had not come, we should (now) be 
on our way to the King. XEN. An. ii.1,4. “O εἰ ἀπ εκρίνω, ἱκανῶς ἂν 
ἤδη παρὰ σοῦ τὴν ὁσιότητα Γ᾿ ie uf you had given this answer, 
I should have already learned, ete. Puat. Euthyph. 14 Ο, Λοιπὸν δ᾽ 
dv ἦν ἡμῖν ἔτι περὶ 1 τῆς. πόλεως διαλεχθῆναι τῆς ἡμετέρας, εἰ μὴ 
προτέρα τῶν ἄλλων τὴν εἰρήνην ἐπεποίητο. (This implies : ἀλλὰ τὴν 
εἰρήνην προτέρα πεποίηται. ) Isoc. v. 56. Ki > yap ἐκ τοῦ mapeAn- 
λυθότος χρόνου τὰ δέοντα οὗτοι συνεβούλευσαν, οὐδὲν ἂν ὑμᾶς νῦν 
ἔδει βουλεύεσθαι, if they had qiven the necessary dpe in time past, 
there would now be no need of your deliberating. Dem.iv.1. Tov ἀδικη- 
μάτων ἂν ἐμέμν NTO τῶν αὑτοῦ, εἴ τι περὶ ἐμοῦ γ᾽ ἔγραφεν. Id. 
xvill. 79. 

These examples show the fully developed construction, as it appears 
in the Attic writers and in Herodotus. For the more primitive 
Homeric usage, see 435 and 438. 


PRESENT AND PAST UNREAL CONDITIONS 149 


411. This construction is equivalent to that of the Latin im- 
perfect and pluperfect subjunctive in protasis and apodosis. With 
regard to the tenses, the Latin imperfect subjunctive represents the 
Greek imperfect indicative referring to present time, and rarely that 
referring to past time; while the Latin pluperfect subjunctive repre- 
sents the Greek aorist and pluperfect indicative, and also most cases of 
the Greek imperfect referring to past time. 


412. 1. It will be seen that, when this construction is used, it is 
usually implied not merely that the condition of the protasis is not (or 
was not) fulfilled but also that the action of the apodosis does not (or 
did not) take place ; thus εἰ τοῦτο εἶτον, ἐπείσθη av, if I had said this, 
he would have been persuaded, generally implies not merely that 1 did 
not say this but also that he was not persuaded. But this denial of the 
apodosis is not an essential character of the construction, as we can see 
if we change the apodosis to οὐκ av ἐπείσθη. he would not have been 
persuaded, when it is not implied that he really was persuaded. We 
have seen that there is nothing in the nature of the potential indicative 
which makes a denial of its action necessary (244); and when this 
form is made the apodosis of an unreal condition, it simply states that 
something would happen (or would have happened) in a case which did 
not arise. Denial of the apodosis can follow as a logical inference from 
denial of the protasis only in the rare cases in which the unreal con- 
dition is the only one under which the action of the apodosis could 
have taken place, as when we say if the moon had entered the earth’s 
shadow, she would have been eclipsed, where the denial of either clause 
carries with it by necessity the denial of the other. But if we say if 
it had rained, the ground would be wet, the denial of the protasis cuts off 
only one of many conditions under which the ground might be wet. 
Such sentences as this are, however, very common, though they are not 
used to prove the opposite of the apodosis (that the ground is not wet) ; 
but they are arguments in which the apodosis is assumed to be false 
(on the ground of observation or experience), and from this it is 
argued that the assumption of the protasis is false ; that is, since the 
ground is not wet (as we can see), it cannot have rained, which is a good 
argument. This is the case in TuHuc. i. 9, and Prat. Gorg. 516 E 
(quoted in 410, above); where it is argued that Agamemnon had a 
navy because this was a necessary condition of his ruling islands, and 
that certain persons were not good men because they suffered what they 
did, the facts of ruling islands and of suffering being assumed in the 
argument as established on independent evidence. In other cases, 
where it is stated that the apodosis would follow as a consequence from 
the fulfilment of the condition, as in Sopn. Aj. 45, κἂν ἐξεπράξατ᾽ et 
κατημέλησ᾽ ἐγώ, he would even have accomplished it, if I had been careless, 
whatever negation of the apodosis is implied (here οὐκ ἐξεπράξατο) comes 
from a feeling that when the only condition under which it is stated 
that an action would have taken place fails, there is no reason for 
believing it to have taken place at all. We may doubt whether any 








δ0 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [412 


negation of the apodosis is implied in the form of expression in such 
cases. Certainly, in many cases in which the apodosis states a con- 
sequence which would follow from the action of an unreal protasis, 
this negation is assumed as already known apart from the construc- 
tion ; thus in Sopn. El. 556 (quoted in 410) the apodosis means you 
would not then be offensive to listen to, and the only ground on which 
we mentally add as you now are is our knowledge of Clytaemnestra’s 
feeling towards Electra. If the sentence were 2 all men began their 


speeches politely, they would not be offensive, we should not think of 


supplying as they now are without some knowledge of the facts. 

2. When the sentence merely affirms or denies that one act, if it 
had occurred, would be accompanied by another act, and there is no 
necessary relation between the two acts as cause and effect, and there is 
no argument drawn from the admitted unreality of the conclusion to 
prove the opposite of the condition, no denial of the apodosis is implied 
in the expression, although we may know from the context or in some 
other way that the action of the apodosis does not (or did not) occur. 
Thus in Puat. Ap. 17 D, εἰ τῷ ὄντι ξένος ἐτύγχανον ὧν, ξυνεγιγνώ- 
σκετε δήπου ἄν μοι εἶ ἐν ἐκείνῃ Τῇ φωνῇ ἔλεγον, etc., if I were really a 
foreigner, you would surely pardon me if I spoke in my own dialect, ete., 
it is not implied that now you do not pardon me. We should rather 
say that nothing at all is implied beyond the statement you would 
pardon me in that case. If the apodosis were you would not be angry 
with me, the impossibility of understanding but now you are angry would 
make this plainer. Again, in Xen. An. vi. 1, 32, οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἔγωγε 
ἐστασίαζον εἰ ἄλλον εἵλεσθε, neither should I (any more than Xenophon) 


be quarre lsome uf you had chosen another man, nothing like στασιάζω is 
» 


implied ; on the other hand, any such implication as ov στασιάζω 
must come from the circumstances of the case, not from the form of 

. 4 mn > ‘ ” 4 ” b , ‘e 
expression. In Sopu. Ὁ. T. 220, ov yap av pakxpav tyvevov αὐτός, 11 


> » » 
’ 


the protasis is εἰ ἔχνευον αἵ TOS, if I were undertaking the search by myself 
(alone), the apodosis I should not be very far on the track does not imply 
μακρὰν tyvevw, or anything more than the sentence states. (See 511.) 
Again, in Sopa, Tr. 896, εἰ παροῦσα π᾿ ησία ἔλευσσες οἵ ἔδρασε, 
κάρτ᾽ ἂν ᾧκτισας, the statement does not imply οὐκ ᾧκτισας, although 
this may be true. 

3. Further, in concessive sentences introduced by καὶ εἰ or et, even 
uf or although, or οὐδ᾽ El, not even if, where it is stated that something 
would be true even in a supposed case (which does not arise), we have 
what amounts to a statement that the thing in question would be true 
in any case, Here, therefore, the action of the apodosis is distinctly 
affirmed ; as in Isoc. xxi. 11, Νικίας μὲν, εἰ καὶ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον 
εἴθιστο συκοφαντεῖν, τότ᾽ ἂν ἐπαύσατο" Εἰὐθύνους δὲ, καὶ εἰ μηδὲ 
πώποτε διενοήθη ἀδικεῖν, τότ᾽ ἂν ἐπήρθη, ie. N. would then have 
stopped, while RK. would have been urged on, in any case. So Dem. ἜΧΕ, 
14, and χ]. 38. See παν. Rep. 620 D, τὰ avr 


‘ 


ὶ ἂν ἔπραξε καὶ πρώτη 
a / \ ’ , ” . ‘ 
λαχοῦσα {ΞξΞ Και εἰ 7 PWT?) eAa yer), ut would have done the same even uf 
it had drawn the first choice, 


ee et ae ea ς 


415] PRESENT AND PAST UNREAL CONDITIONS 9 


413. In the unreal conditional sentence, therefore, the unreality 
of the supposition is always implied, and that of the apodosis 
is generally either assumed or implied. The implied opposite 
of an imperfect is always a present or imperfect, that of an aorist 
is an aorist, and that of a pluperfect is usually a perfect or 
pluperfect. Thus εἰ ἔπρασσε, when it means if he were doing, 
implies ἀλλ᾽ οὐ πράσσει, but really he is not doing ; when it means 
if he had been doing, it implies ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἔπρασσε, but really he was 
not doing ; εἰ μὴ ἔπραξεν, if he had not done, implies ἀλλ᾽ ἔπραξεν, 
but really he did do: εἰ ἐπεποιήκει τοῦτο, if he had already done this, 
implies either ἀλλ᾽ οὐ πεποίηκεν, but really he has not done tt, or 
ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐπεποιήκει, but really he had not done it, according to the 
context, The aorist, however, is very often used here, as else- 
where, where the pluperfect would express the time intended 
more exactly ; as in the sentence quoted in 410 from Dem. iv. 
5, οὐδὲν av ὧν νυνὶ πεποίηκεν ἔπραξεν, where the perfect πεποίηκεν 
shows that the pluperfect might have been used for ἔπραξεν 
(see 58). 

414. Sometimes an aorist not referring to past time is found in the 
apodosis, after a protasis in the imperfect referring to the present. 
This occurs chiefly in Plato, and generally with εἶπον ἄν, ἀπεκρινάμην 
av, or a similar verb, meaning I should at once reply. The aorist excludes 
the idea of duration which the imperfect would express, and for the 
same reason it cannot be strictly present ; in effect it does not differ 
much from an aorist optative with av, the apodosis really being the 
result (in the case supposed) would be (ἦν av) that I should reply (εἴποιμι 
ἄν), etc. Hag. 

Ki μὲν οὖν σύ pe ἠρώτας τι TOV νῦν δὴ, εἶπον ἂν, K.T.A., if then 
you were asking meé any one of the questions before US, I should (at once) 
say, etc. Pua. Euthyph. 12 Ὁ. “ὥσπερ ἂν εἰ ἐτύγχανεν ov ὑποδημά- 
των δημιουργὺς, ἀπεκρίνατο av δή πού σοι ὅτι σκυτοτόμος, as, Uf he 
chanced to be a maker of shoes, he would answer that he was a cobbler. Id. 
Gorg. 447 D. See also Phar. Symp. 199 D, Men. 72 B, Theag. 123 B ; 
Ant, Tetr. A. B. 13. In Prat. Prot. 311 B, C, we have et ris ce 
ἤρετο, τί ἂν ἀπεκρίνω; with the answer εἶπον ἂν ws, k.7.A., twice, 
referring to present time ; but in D, εἰ οὖν τις ἡμᾶς ἔροιτο (future), 
followed by τί ἂν αὐτῷ ἀποκριναίμεθα ; 

An example of this is found in ΒΌΡΗ. Ant. 755: εἰ μὴ πατὴρ ἦσθ᾽, 
εἶπον ἄν σ᾽ οὐκ εὖ φρονεῖν, if you were not my futher, I should say You 
were not right in mind. See Eur. Alc. 125, ἦλθεν ay, ie. (the result 
would be that) she would return. So Alc. 360. 


Ὑ Δ 


ApobosiIs WITHOUT ἄν.---ἴ ἔδει, χρῆν, ETC. WITH THE INFINITIVE. 


415. A peculiar form of potential indicative without ἄν con- 
sists of an infinitive depending on the imperfect of a verb of 





50 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [412 


negation of the apodosis is implied in the form of expression in such 
cases. Certainly, in many cases in which the apodosis states a con- 
sequence which would follow from the action of an unreal protasis, 
this negation is assumed as already known apart from the construc- 
tion ; thus in Sorpn. El. 556 (quoted in 410) the apodosis means you 
would not then be offensive to listen to, and the only ground on which 
we mentally add as you now are is our knowledge of Clytaemnestra’s 
feeling towards Electra. If the sentence were of all men began thewr 
speeches politely, they would not be offensive, we should not think of 
supplying as they now are without some knowledge of the facts. 

2. When the sentence merely affirms or denies that one act, if it 
had occurred, would be accompanied by another act, and there is no 

ssary relation between the two acts as cause and effect, and there is 
no argument drawn from the admitted unreality of the conclusion to 
prove the opposite of the condition, ho denial of the apodosis is implied 
in the expression, although we may know from the context or in some 
other way that the action of the apodosis does not (or did not) occur. 
Thus in Puat. Ap. 17 D, εἰ τῷ ὄντι ἕενος ἐτύγχανον ὧν, ξυνεγιγνώ- 
σκετε δήπου ἂν μοι εἰ ἐν ἐκείνῃ τ τῇ φων ἔλεγ ov, ete., if I were really a 
foreigner, you would surely pardon me uf I spoke in my own dialect, etc., 
it is not iinplied that now you do not pardon me, We should rather 
say that nothing at all is implied beyond the statement you would 
pardon me tn that case. If the apodosis were you would not be angry 
with me, the impossibility of understanding but now you are angry would 
make this plainer. Again, in XEN. An. vi. 1, 32, οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἔγωγε 
ἐστασίαζον εἰ ἄλλον εἵλεσθε. neither sh yuld Ϊ any more than Xenophon) 
be quarrelsome if you had chosen another man, nothing like στασιάζω is 
implied ; on the other hand, any such implication as οὐ στασιάζω 
must come from the circumstances of the case, not from the form of 
expression. In Sopnu. O. T. 220, ov y ap ay μακρὰν ἴχνευον αὐτός, if 
the protasis is εἰ iy vevov αὐτός, if I were undertaking the search by myself 
(alone Ἧ the apodosis ἰ should not he very far on the track does not imply 
μακρὰν ἰχνεύω, or anything more than the sentence states. (See 511.) 
Again, in Sopu. Tr. 896, εἰ παροῦσα πλησία ἔλευσσες οἷ᾽ ἔδρασε, 
κάρτ᾽ ἂν OKTUTAS, the statement does not imply οὐκ ᾧκτισας, although 
this nay be true. 

3. Further, in concessive sentences introduced by καὶ εἶ or εἶ, even 
if or although, or οὐδ᾽ εἰ, not even if, where it is stated that something 
would be true even in a supposed case (which does not arise), we have 
what amounts to a statement that the thing in question would be true 
in any case. Here, therefore, the action of the apodosis is distinctly 
affirmed ; as in [soc. xxi. Ai, Νικίας μὲν, εἰ καὶ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον 
εἴθιστο συκοφαντεῖν. ἐπαύσατο" Εὐθύνους δὲ, καὶ εἰ μηδὲ 
πώποτε διενοήθη ἀδικεῖν. ἐν ἂν ἐπ πήρθη, 1.6. Ν. would then have 
stopped, while EK. would have heen aed on, un any case, So Dem. XXX. 
14, and xl.23. See Piar. Rep. 620 D, ra αὐτὰ ἂν ἔπραξε καὶ πρώτη 
λαχοῦσα ΔΉ καὶ εἰ πρώτη ἔλαχεν), it would have done the same even uf 
it had drawn the jirst chovce. 


415] PRESENT AND PAST UNREAL CONDITIONS 57 


413. In the unreal conditional sentence, therefore, the unreality 
of the supposition is always implied, and that of the apodosis 
is generally either assumed or implied. The implied opposite 
of an imperfect is always a present or imperfect, that of an aorist 
is an aorist, and that of a pluperfect is usually a perfect or 
pluperfect. Thus εἰ ἔπρασσε, when it means if he were doing, 
implies ἀλλ᾽ οὐ πράσσει, but really he is not doing ; when it means 
if he had been doing, it implies ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἔπρασσε, but really he was 
not doing : a μὴ ἔπραξ fev, if he had not done, implies ἀλλ᾽ ἔπραξεν, 
but really he did do: εἶ er εποιήκει τοῦτο, if he had already done this, 
implies either ἀλλ᾽ οὐ πεποίηκεν, but really he has not done tt, or 
ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐπεποιήκει, but really he had not done it, according to the 
context, The aorist, however, is very often used here, as else- 
where, where the pluperfect would express the time intended 
more exactly ; as in the sentence quoted in 410 from DEM. iv. 
5, οὐδὲν ἂν ὧν νυνὶ πεποίηκεν ἔπραξεν, where the perfect πεποίηκεν 
shows that the pluperfect might have been used for ἔπραξεν 
(see 58). 

414. Sometimes an aorist not referring to past time is found in the 
apodosis, after a protasis in the imperfect referring to the present. 
This occurs chiefly in Plato, and generally with εἶπον av, ἀπεκρινάμην 
ἄν, or a similar verb, meaning J should at once reply. The aorist excludes 
the idea of duration which the imperfect would express, and for the 
same reason it cannot be strictly present ; in effect it does not differ 
much from an aorist optative with ἄν, the apodosis really being the 
result (in the case supposed) would be (ἦν av) that I should reply (εἴποιμι 
av), ete. Eg. 

Ki μὲν οὖν σύ pe ἠρώτας τι TOV νῦν δὴ, εἶπον av, K.T.A., if then 
you were ask ing me any one of the questions he fore us, I should (at once) 
say, etc, PLAT. Euthyph. 1 12 D. “ὥσπερ ὁ ἂν εἰ ἐτύγχανεν. Ov ὑποδημά- 
των δημιουρ γὺς, ἀπ εκρίν ατο ἂν δή πού σοι ὅτι σκυτοτύμος, as, uf he 
chanced to be a maker of shoes, he would answer that he was a cobbler. Id. 
Gorg. 447 D. See πρῶ PLat. Symp. 199 D, Men. 72 B, Theag. 123 B ; 
Ant. Tetr. A .Ρ.1 . In Prat. Prot. 311 Β. C, we have εἴ τίς σε 
ἤρετο, TL ἂν ἀπεκρίνω; with the answer εἶπον ἂν ws, k.7.A., twice, 


᾽ . . 5 <> ε ” ᾽ 
referring to present time ; but in D, εἰ οὖν Tis ἡμᾶς εἐροιτο future), 


᾿ 


followed by τί ἂν αὐτῷ f aad set ° 

An example of this is found in Sopu. Ant. 755: εἰ μὴ πατὴρ ἦσθ᾽, 
εἶπον ἄν σ᾽ οὐκ εὖ φρονεῖν, if You were not my futher, I should say YOU 
were not right in mind. See Eur. Ale. se ἦλθεν ἄν, ie. (the result 
would be that) she would return. So Ale. 360. 


Apoposis wiTHouT dv.— Kée., χρῆν, ETC. WITH THE INFINITIVE, 


415. A peculiar form of potential indicative without av con- 
sists of an infinitive depending on the imperfect of a verb of 





CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [416 


obligation, propriety, or possibility, like ἔδει, χρῆν or ἐχρῆν, εἰκὸς ἦν, 
or προσῆκεν. This expression refers to past or present time, and 
generally implies a denial of the action of the infinitive. Thus 
ἔδει τοῦτον ἀποθανεῖν in this idiomatic use means he ought to have 
perished (but did not); ἔδει ἡμᾶς τοῦτο ποιεῖν means we ought to be 
doing this (but we are not) or we ought to have done this (but we did 
not do it). This combination contains in other words what might 
have been expressed substantially by a past indicative with av of 
the verb of the infinitive, qualified by an adverb or other expression 
denoting obligation, propriety, or possibility: thus ἔδει τοῦτον 
ἀποθανεῖν is (as a construction) equivalent to οὗτος δικαίως (or 
ἀξίως) ἂν ἀπέθανεν, he would gustly have perished, and εἰκὸς ἦν σε 
τοῦτο παθεῖν is equivalent to τοῦτο εἰκότως ἂν ἔπαθες, you would 
properly have σοι this (implying οὐκ ἔπαθες). Strictly, the ex- 
pression inv olves also an unreal protasis, as (in the last case) εἰ 
τὸ εἰκὸς ἔπαθες, which with the apodosis τοῦτο ἔπαθες ἄν appears 
substantially iN εἰκὸς WV σε τοῦτο παθεῖν. (See 511.) 

When the present infinitive is used, the expression is present 
or past ; with the aorist infinitive it is always past. 

416. The following imperfects may take the infinitive in this 
sense : ἔδει, χρῆν OF ἐχρῆν, εἰκὸς ἦν, προσῆκεν, ἐνῆν, ἐξῆν, ἦν (or 
uTnpxev'),it was possible, one might, the impersonal ἦν with adjectives 
or nouns expressing obligation, propriety, possibility, and similar 
ideas, as δίκαιον ἦν, ἀξιον ἦν, κα λὸν (κάλλιον, " κρεῖττον,“ κράτι- 
στον "ἢ ΠΣ αἰσχρὸν ἣν, rk aes ἦν, οὐ θαυμαστὸν ἣν," ἀσφαλέστερον 


ἦν," ἴσον ἦν, €v ἤλογον ἦν; Cov γγνωστὸν ἦν, οἷός Ἢ ἦν, ἔργον ἦν, ἦν 
with the verbal in -TEOS,— also ; ἐπ ρεπεν, συνέφερεν," ἐλυσιτέλει,}9 
with other verbs of the same nature. To these must be added 


the expressions specially mentioned below in 424-431. 


417. These are all originally expressions of past necessity, 
obligation, ete., involving no reference to any condition (unful- 
filled or otherwise) ; and in this sense they may always be used, 
as In Dem. xix. 124, ἔδει μένειν, he was obliged to stay (and did 
stay), and Hor. 1. δι χρῆν γὰρ Κανδαύλῃ γενέσθαι κακῶς, for CU’, was 
doomed to fall into trouble. It is only by idiomatic usage that the 
denial of the action of the infinitive comes to be implied in them, 
and that a past tense comes to express present time, both of 
which characteristics are found in Greek, Latin, and English ; as 
ἔδει σε αὐτὸν φιλεῖν, debebas eum colere, you ought to love him (but 


1 See Isoc. v. 84. 3 Isar. ii. 15; Antstor. Eth. x. 9,18 (p. 1181 a, 4). 

> Dem. xx. 23. * Isoc. xx. 14, > Dem. xviii. 248. δ Lys. vii. 24, 

7 Ant. v.13. ® Arisrot. Eth. x. 9, 19 (p. 1181 a, δ, ° Lys. xiii. 28. 
: Ὁ Dem. lix. 112. The imperfects not included in these references will be 
found among the examples in 419-422. The above list could doubtless be 
greatly extended. 





419] Ἔδει ETC. WITH INFINITIVE WITHOUT ἄν 153 


you do not), ought being the past of owe. The infinitive is felt to 
be negatived, even when the negative belongs to the leading verb. 


418. Like the potential indicative, this form of expression 
can either (1) be used alone, with no external protasis expressed 
or distinctly implied, as in χρῆν σε ἐλθεῖν, you ought to have gone ; 
or (2) stand as apodosis to an unreal protasis, as in εἰ ἐκέλευσε, 
χρῆν σε ἐλθεῖν, if he had commanded it, you ought to have gone. 


419. I. When these expressions are used alone, the denial of 
the action of the infinitive is always implied. £.g. 


Τούσδε yap μὴ ζῆν ἔδει, for these ought not to be ling (as they 
are), Sopu. Ph. 418. "ἔδει pev TOUS λέγον τας ἅπαντας μήτε πρὸς 
ἔχθραν ποιεῖσθαι λόγον μηδένα μήτε πρὸς χάριν, ie. the speakers 
ought not to say a word out of regard either to enmity or to favour (and 
yet they do so), Dem. viii. 1. Σιγήσας ἡνίκ᾽ ἔδει λέγειν, keeping 
silence when he ought to speak, Id. xviii, 189: cf. xviii. 191. 

Χρῆν yap σε μήτ᾽ αὐτόν ποτ᾽ εἰς Tpofav μολεῖν, ἡμᾶς τ' ἀπείρ- 
γειῖν, for you ought yourself never to have gone to Troy, and you ought 
(now) to keep me away from it. Sopa. Ph. 1363. See Axgscu. Ag. 879, 
Cho. 930 ; SopH. El. 1505. Oa νείν, θανεῖν σε, πρέσβυ, χ χρῆν πάρος 
τέκνων. Eur. And, 1908. Τί ἐχρῆν με ποιεῖν; μὴ προσάγειν 
γράψαι (τοὺς πρέσβεις); what ought I to have done (which I did not 
do)? Ought I not to have proposed (as I did) to invite the ambassadors ? 
Den. Xvill, 28, Ἐχρῆν μὲν οὖν καὶ δίκαιον ἦν τοὺς τὸν στέφανον 
οἰομένους δεῖν λαβεῖν αὑτοὺς ἀξίους ἐπιδεικν ναι τούτου, μὴ ἐμὲ 
κακῶς λέγειν" ἐπειδὴ δὲ τοῦτο παρέντες ἐκεῖνο ποιοῦσιν, K.T.A., 1.6, 
those who think they ought to receive the crown ought to show that they 
deserve i themselves, and not be abusing me; but since now they have 
neglected the former and do the latter, etc. Id. li. 3. 

Zpov δ᾽, ὦ τέκν. ovs μὲν εἰκὸς ἦν πονεῖν τάδε, those of you who 
ought to be bearing these labours. SopH. Ὁ. C. 342. Πρὸς τούτους τὸν 
ἀγῶνα καταστῆναι, οὕς εἰκὸς ἦν τῷ μὲν τεθνεῶτι τιμωροὺς γενέ- 
σθαι τῷ δ᾽ ἐπεξιόντι βοηθούς, who properly should have come for ward 
to avenge the dead and to help the _ prosecutor. Ant. i. 3. Εἰ ὑπὸ τῶν 
πολεμίων μὲν ἐσώθημεν, οὗς εἰκὸς ἣν διακωλύειν μὴ σῴζεσθαι, 
1.e. who would naturally have tried to prevent us from beong saved, Lys. 
xx, 36. See De. xl, 30. Kai μάλιστα εἰκὸς ἣν ὑμᾶς T poopa- 
σθαι αὐτὰ καὶ μὴ μαλακῶς, ὥσπερ νῦν, ξυμμαχεῖν. Tuuc, vi. 78. 
(The orator adds, ἀλλ οὔθ᾽ ὑμεῖς. νῦν γέ πω ov οἱ ἄλλοι ἐπὶ ταῦτα 
oppna Ge.) Miévew yap ἐξῆν τῷ κατηγοροῦντι τῶν πον, he might 
have stood his ground (but really he ran away). Dem. iii. 17: οὗ, xviii. 
14, xxvii. 58; Lys. xii. 31. 

Τὴν διαθήκην ἠφάνικατε, ἐξ ἧς ἦν εἴδέναι περὶ πάντων τὴν 
ἀλήθειαν, you have concealed the will, from which we (now) might know 
the truth about the whole matter. DEM. xxviii. 10. Τῆς ἡ ἡμετέρας ἔχθρας 
ἡμᾶς ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν δίκαιον ἣν τὸν ἐξετασμὸν ποιεῖσθαι, ie. 
we should justly settle wp our quarrel by ourselves. Id. xviii. 16 : of 13, 





54 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [420 


where δίκαιον ἦν is understood with χρῆσθαι, he would justly have 
used them. Ilparrwv πολὺ βέλτιον ἢ σὲ προσῆκον ἣν (sc. πράτ- 
τειν), being much better off than you deserve to be, Id. xlv. 69. Kai 
μὴν ἄξιόν Υ͂ ἣν ἀκοῦσαι, indeed, ἐξ was worth your while to hear 
them (ἀξίως ἂν ἠκού scare). Ῥιλτ. Euthyd. 804 D. The person addressed 
had just said οὐκ οἷός τ᾽ ἢ κατακούειν. 

"AAXw ἔπρεπεν λέγ γειν ἃ λέγεις, another would have becomingly 
said what you say (ἄλλος ἂν ἔλεγε πρεπόντως). Prat. Rep. 474 10. 
Τὸ δυσχερέστατον. τῶν ὀνομάτων, ὃ τῶν φθονούντων ἔργον ἦν 
λέγειν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τῶν προεστώτων τῆς τοιαύτης παιδεύσεως. the most 
disagreeable of names (Sophist), which the envious ought to use rather 
than those who stand at the head of the business in question. Isoc. xiii. 19. 


420. II. When this form is made the apodosis of an unreal 
condition (expressed or distinctly implied), it states that what 
the infinitive denotes would necessarily, properly, or possibly be 
done (or have been done) if the case supposed were a real one. 
The chief force of the apodosis here always lies in the infinitive, 
while the leading verb acts as an auxiliary (which we can 
generally express by ought, might, or could, or by an adverb), 
modifying the idea of the infinitive more or less in different 
cases. But when the chief stress is laid on the necessity, pro- 
priety, or possibility of the act, and Ὁ on the act itself, so that 
the real apodosis is in the leading verb, this takes ay, like any 
other imperfect in such an apodosis ( =. In some cases, how- 
ever, even when no ay is added, the force of the infinitive is so 
modified by the idea of the leading verb that the opposite of the 
apodosis (which is generally inferred) cannot be expressed with- 


out including both ideas (see examples in 422, 1). 


421. In the following examples the infinitive represents the 
real apodosis, and its action is denied as when no protasis 1s 
added (419): 


‘ an 5 4 , 
Ki er ἡμέας μού VOUS ἐστρατ aye O Πέρσης, ΧΡΉΡν αὐτὸν TAVTWV 
τῶν ἄλλων ἀπ τεχόμεν OV LEV at ov TW Τ τὴν ἡμετέρη! 5 καὶ av ἐδήλου 


\ 


πᾶσι ws ἐπὶ Σκύθας ἐλαύ VEL, if the its were making his e xpedition 
against us alone, he should leave all others and he marching directly into 
our country ; then he would show everybody that he was marching against 
Scythians. Hpr.iv. 118. Δεῖν (= ἔδει) δὲ, εἴπερ ἦν δυνατὸν, ἄνευ τῶν 


” . δ᾿ "ἃ , ͵ - ΜΠ ~ s rie 
ἄλλων αὐτὸ Ae yer Garr νῦν δὲ ἀδύνατον. PLAT. Theaet. 202 A. 
. ” > ‘ ‘ ᾿ , on , , ~> 


Χρῆν Oo, εἰπέρ ἡσθα μὴ κακὸος, πεισᾶντα μὲ γάμειν γάμον TOVO , 
ἀλλὰ μὴ σιγὴ φίλων, Le, uf you were not base, you should male this 
marriage with my consent, and not (as you do) in secret from your free nds, 
Eur. Med. 586. Eid τινα (προῖκα) ἐδίδου, εἰκὸς ἦν καὶ ΤῊΝ δοθεῖσαν 


ὑπὸ τῶν παραγενέσθαι φασκόν ΤΩΡ μαρτ υρεῖσθαι, 1.e. uf he had gwen 


any dowry, it would naturally have been attested by witnesses . ISAR. iil. 


28. See Id. iv. 18. Ἐμὲ εἰ μὲν ἐν ἄλλαις τισὶν ἡμέραις ἠδίκησέ 


4 5A 7 
Τι Τούτων LoLWT IV ὄντα, ἰδίᾳ καὶ δίκην 7 προσῆκεν αὐτῷ διδόναι, 








429 “Ede ETC. WITH INFINITIVE WITHOUT ἄν 


i.e. in that case he would properly have given satisfaction by a private 
suit (as if he had said προσηκόντως ἰδίᾳ δίκην ἂν ἐδίδου). DEM. xxi. 
33; see xxxiii. 25 and 38. Οὐ γὰρ ἐνῆν μὴ παρακρουσθέντων 
ὑμῶν (= εἰ μὴ παρεκρούσθητε) μεῖναι Φιλίππῳ, for Philip could not 
have remained (as he did) unless you had been deceived. Id. xix. 193. 

on ἦσαν ἄνδρες, ὥσπερ φασὶν, ἀγαθοὶ, ὅσῳ ἀληπτότεροι ἦσαν τοῖς 
πέλας, τοσῳδε φανερωτέραν ἐξῆν αὐτοῖς τὴν ἀρετὴν δεικν ύ Val, i.e. 
in that CASE they maght t all the more plainly manife st their virtue (which 
they do not do). Tauc.i. 387. Ei ἐβούλετο δίκαιος εἶναι, ἐξῆν αὐτῷ 
μισθῶσαι τὸν οἶκον. ἢ γῆν πριάμενος ἐκ τῶν προσιόντων τοὺς καῖδας 
τρέφειν, 1.6. he might have let the house, or have bought land and sup- 
ported the children from the income, Lys. xxxii, 23, Ἔν αὐτῇ τῇ δίκῃ 
ἐξῆν σοι φυγῆς τιμήσασθαι, εἰ ἐβούλου. Prat. Crit. 52 C. (See 
[soc. xvii. 39,)ὺ Τ]ολλοῖς δόξω, ὡς οἷός τ᾽ ὦν σε σῴζειν εἰ ἤθελον 
ἀναλίσκειν χρήματα, ἀμελῆσαι, many will think that, whereas I might 
have saved you if I had been willing to spend money, I neglected it. Ib. 44 Β, 


422. 1. In the following examples the idea of the infinitive 
is so modified by that of the leading verb, that the real apodosis 
(the opposite of which is implied) includes both ideas ; but the 
chief force still remains in the infinitive, so that no av is added. 

Ki yap ὑπὸ ὀδόν τος TOL εἶπε τελευτήσειν με, χρῆν δή σε ποιέειν 
τὰ ποιέεις" νῦν δὲ ὑπὸ αἰχμῆς, for if the dream had said that I was to 
be killed by a tooth, then you would properly do what you now do; but it 
really saul I was to be killed by @ spear. Hpt, 1. 39. (Here the real 
apodosis is not in ποιέειν alone, which is affirmed in τὰ ποιέεις, but in 
the combined idea you would do with propreety ᾿ and it is the opposite 
of this which is implied. Χρῆν av, which might have been used, 
would throw the main force on the χρῆν, with the meaning τέ would 
be your duty to do.) Ki pev οὖν ἅπαντες ὡμολογοῦμεν Φίλιππον τῇ 
πόλει πολεμεῖν, οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἔδει τὸν παριόντα λέγ γειν καὶ συμ- 
βουλεύειν ἢ ὅπως ἀσφαλέστατα αὐτὸν ἀμυνούμεθα, i.e. if then we 
were all agreed that Philip is at war with us, the speaker ought to say 
nothing else and to give no other advice than this, ete. (but it is added 
that, as there is a difference of opinion, it is necessary, ἀνάγκη ἐστίν, 
to speak on another subject also). Dem. ix. 6. (This implies not he 
does speak, etc., but he is bound to speak, etc. "det av would merely 
have thrown the balance of force τ Ἢ the necessity, whereas now it 
falls on the speaking and advising.) Ei γὰρ παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ ἐτέθη τὸ γραμ- 
ματεῖον, ἐν ἣν αἰτιάσασθαι ᾿Απατουρίῳ ὡς ἐγὼ ἢ φάνικα τὰς συν- 
θήκας, for uf the account-book had been given me to keep, A. might 
possibly have charged me with putting the contract out ef the way (imply- 
ing that, as it was, he could not charge me with this). Id. xxxiii. 37. Ke 
μὲν ἑώρα μεταμέλον τῇ πόλει τῶν πεπραγμένων, οὐκ ἄξιον ἦν 
θα vader v αὐτοῦ, tf he had seen that the state repented of her acts, we 
should have no good reason for being surprised at him (implying we now 
have good reason for surprise, ἀξίως θαυμάζομεν). Isoc. xvill. 21, 

The preceding examples confirm the reading of the best Mss. in 





56 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [423 


Eur. Med. 490, εἰ γὰρ ἦσθ᾽ ἄπαις ἔτι, συγγνωστὸν ἦν σοι τοῦδ᾽ 
ἐρασθῆναι λέχους, which may be translated, for if you had remained 
still childless, you might pardonably have become enamoured of this new 
marriage, the apodosis being equivalent to ἠράσθης av with an adverb 
meaning pardonably (if you had done what would have been pardonable). 
This implies not you were not enamoured, but you were not pardonably 
enamoured. If no protasis had been added, συγγνωστὸν ἦν ἐρασθῆναι 
(in its potential sense) must have meant you might pardonably have 
become enamoured (but you did not), and then av would have been 
required to give the sense ἐξ would have been pardonable (but is not 80). 
The other reading, evyyvwor ἂν ἦν, would make the same change 


in the balance of force that χρῆν ἄν, ἔδει ἄν, ἐνῆν ἄν, and ἄξιον av 
ἣν would make in the preceding examples. 


Ia? » 


In concessive sentences introduced by καὶ εἰ, even if, ovd εἰ, 
not even if, or εἰ, although, containing unreal conditions, where 
the action of the apodosis is not denied but affirmed (see 412, 
3), the real apodosis may be represented by an infinitive and a 
leading verb like ἔδει, ἐξῆν, etc. combined, δ... 

Οὐκ ἐξῆ ν αὐτῷ δικάζεσθαι περὶ τῶν τότε γεγενημένων, οὐδ᾽ εἰ 
πάντα ταῦτ᾽ ἦν πεποιηκὼς ἅ φησιν οὗτος, he could not maintain a suit 
about what was then done, even if I had really done what he says I did 
(implying οὐκ ἔξεστιν αὐτῳ δικάξεσθαι, but with the chief force on 
δικάζεσθαι). Isoc. xviii. 19. Οὐδ᾽ εἰ γν ἥσιοι ἦσαν εἰσπ οιητοὶ dé, ὡς 
οὗτοι ἔφασαν, οὐδ᾽ οὕτω 7 προσῆκεν αὐτοὺς K ἡὐκτήμονος εἶναι, not 
even uf they were genuine sons and were afterwards adopted into wate 
family, would they now properly he long to KE’ s house (implyi Ing the y do not 
properly belong there), Isan. vi. 44. See also Hpr. vii. 56 ; Dem. xviii. 
199, xxii. 107. 

Οὐδ᾽ εἰ γὰρ ἦν τὸ πρᾶγμα μὴ θεήλατον, ἀκάθαρτον ὑ ὑμᾶς εἰκὸς ἣ ν 
οὕτως ἐῶν, for even tf the duty were not urged upon you by a God, you 
ought not to leave the quilt unpurged as you do, Sop. Ὁ. T. 255. 
(Here the apodosis as a whole is affirmed, although the infinitive 
itself, not to leave, is denied. So in the two following examples.) 
Καλὸν δ᾽ ἦν, εἰ καὶ ἡμαρτάνομεν, τοῖσδε εἶξαι τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ ὀργῇ, 
ἡμῖν ὃ αἰσχρὸν (se. ἦν) βιάσασθαι τὴν μετριότητα, if we had even 
been in the wrong, they ταν τ 7αὐγὶῃ have yielded to our wrath, while we 
could not have done violence to their moderation without disgrace, Tuuc. i. 
38, "Αξιον ἣν, εἰ καὶ “μηδὲν αὐταῖς πρότερον ὑπῆρχεν ἀγαθὸν, 
(ταύτας) τῆς με γίστης δωρεᾶς 1 παρὰ τῶν ᾿λλήνων τυχεῖν, ie. these cities, 
even if they had had no other merit to rely on, deserved to receive (ought to 
have received) the greatest reward from the Greeks (which, it is said, they 
did not receive). Isoc. xii. 71. 


423. ("Eda ἄν, etc.) The examples in 421, 1 and 2, show 
that the common rule for dis tinguishing ἔδει ete. with the infinitive 
(without dv) from ἔδει ἄν ete. with the infinitive, —that the 
former is used when the action of the infinitive is denied, the 


ποτ IR Ae ΜΠ WA peeeTRPLSE Se 


Ἔδει ἄν ETC.—APODOSIS WITHOUT ἄν 157 


latter when the obligation, propriety, or possibility is denied, 
—often cannot be applied, though as a working rule it can be 
used in the great majority of cases. While there are many 
sentences in which either form would express the required sense, 
the essential distinction is, that the form without ἄν is used when 
the chief force of the apodosis falls on the infinitive, the leading 
verb being an auxiliary (see 420); but the leading verb takes 
av when the chief “le falls on the necessity, propriety, or 
possibility of the act, rather than on the act itself. 

The following examples will illustrate the form with av :-— 

Εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἐγὼ ἔτι ἐν δυνάμει. ἣν τοῦ ῥᾳδίως 7 πορεύεσθαι πρὸς τὸ 
ἄστυ. οὐδὲν ἄν σε ἔδει δεῦρο t ἰέναι" ἀλλ᾽ ἡμεῖς ἂν παρὰ σὲ ἢμεν" 
νῦν δέ σε χρὴ πυκνότερον δεῦρο ἰέναι, i.e. in that case there would be 
no need (as there now 18) of your coming hither. Prat. Rep. 328 C. To 
pev πατρὶ αὐτῆς, εἰ παῖδες ἄρρενες μὴ ἐγένον TO, οὐκ ἂν ἐξῆν ἄνευ 
ταύτης διαθέσθαι, her father, if he had had no male children, would not 
have been allowed to leave her out of his will (implying ἀλλ᾽ ἐξῆν). ISAE. 
x. 13. Ei οὖν παρεκαλοῦμεν ἀλλήλους ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκοδομικὰ, πότερον 
ἔδει ἂν ἡ ἡμᾶς σκέψασθαι ἡ ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ ἐξετάσαι εἰ ἐπιστάμεθα τὴν 
τέχνην; ἔδει ἂν ἢ ov; ie. in that case would it be our duty or not to 
examine ourselves and inquire whether we understand the art? Piat. Gorg. 
514 A. See also Dem. iv. 1, quoted in 410. 

A comparison of these examples with those in 422, 1, will show 
the distinction between the two forms and also the narrowness of the 
line which sometimes separates them. 

For a discussion of χρὴν and χρῆν ἄν in Dem. xviii. 195, and of 
χρὴν and ἐχρῆν ἄν in Lys. xii. 32 and 48, and for other remarks on 
these constructions, see Appendix V. 


424. 1. The imperfect ὥφελλον or ὄφελλον οἵ ὀφέλλω (Epic 
of ὀφείλω), owe, debeo, and the aorist ὥφελον or ὄφελον are some- 
times used with the infinitive in Homer like χρῆν, ἔδει, ete. in 
the later construction (415). 1.9. 

Τιμήν. πέρ a ὄφελλεν Ὀλύμπ tos ἐγγυαλίξαι Ζεὺς ὑψι βρε- 
μέτης" νῦν δ᾽ οὐδέ με τυτθὸν ἔτισεν, ie. Zeus ought to have secured 
me honour ; but now he has not honoured me even a little. Il. i. 353. 
Nov ὄφελεν κατὰ πάντας ἀριστῆας πονέεσθαι λισσόμενος, NOW 
ought he to be labowring among all the nobles, beseeching them. 1]. x. 117. 
᾿Αλλ’ ὥφελεν ἀθανάτοισιν εὔχεσθαι, but he ought to have prayed to 
the Gods, 1]. xxiii. 546. For the reference to present time in 1]. x. 
117, see 246 and 734. 

2. From this comes the common use of this form in expres- 
sions of a wish, in Homer and in Attic Greek ; as ὥφελε Κῦρος 
(jv, would that Cyrus were living (lit. Cyrus ought to be living), 
XEN. An. ii. 1, 4. (See 734.) 


425. Similar to this is the occasional use of ἐβουλόμην (with- 





158 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [426 


out av) and the infinitive, to express what some one wishes were 
now true (but which is not true). £.9. : 

Ἐβουλόμην μὲν οὖν καὶ τὴν βουλὴν καὶ τὰς ἐκκλησίας ὀρθῶς 
διοικεῖσθαι καὶ τοὺς νόμους ἰσχύειν, I would that both the Senate 
and the assemblies were rightly managed, and that the laws were Νι jorce 
(implying the opposite of ὀρθῶς διοικεῖσθαι and ἰσχύειν) Phis is 
analogous to oeXev εἶναι, would that ub were, and eet avast, u ought 
to be (but is not). AmSCHIN, 1. 2. "EBPovAopynv μὲν οὐκ ἐρίζειν 
ἐνθάδε. I would that I were not contending here (as Τ am), or I would 
not be contending here. Ar. Ran. 866. Ἔ βουλόμ nv τὴν δύναμιν του 
λέγειν ἐξ ἴσου μοι καθεστάναι ΤΊ συμῴορᾳ, Ϊ would that powe r of 
speech equal to my misfortune were granted me. ANT. V. 1. KE BovAop nV 
κἀγὼ τἀληθῆ Tpos ὑμᾶς εἰπεῖν δυνηθῆναι, I would that I had found 
the power to tell you the truth. IsaK. x. 1. Εβουλόμην pd ud ἐνὸς 
ἀδικεῖσθαι τῶν πολιτῶν, I would I had not be h wronged by a sungle one 
of the citizens. Id. Frag. 4 (Scheibe): see Frag. 22. 

426. ᾿Εβουλόμην av, vellem, J should wish or I should have liked, 
can always be used as a potential indicative, like ede ἂν etc. (423): 
see Ar. Eccl. 151 - AESCHIN. lll. 115. (See 246.) 


427. (a) The aorist of κινδυνεύω is used with the infinitive, as 
a periphrasis for the verb of the infinitive with ἄν. Eg. 

Ἡ πόλις ἐκινδύνευσε πᾶσα διαφθαρῆναι εἰ ἄνεμος ἐπεγένετο, 
the city ran the risk of being utterly destroyed uf a wind had, arisen. 
Tuue. iii. 74. Et μὴ ἐξεφύγομεν εἰς Δελφοὺς ἐκινδυνεῦσαμεν 
ἀπολέσθαι, we ran the risk of pe rishing had we not fled to Delphi, 
1.6, we should very probably have pe rished uf we had not Sled. A ESCHIN.,. 11], 
123. For ἐκινδύνευσα ἄν see (b) below. cs 

So with κίνδυνος ἦν: as in Anp. ii. 12, εἰ τότε τὰ ἐπιτήδεια μὴ 
εἰσήχθη, οὐ περὶ τοῦ σῶσαι τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ὃ κίνδυνος ἣν αὐτοῖς μάλλον 
ἢ; K.T.A., i.e. they ran a risk, in case the supplies had not then been 
brought in, not so much about saving Athens, as, ete. be 

(b) When the chief force of the apodosis lies in extvOvvevora, even 
though the meaning is not much affected by the distinction in form, 
av is used (as with ἔδει etc. in 423). So in Xen. An. iv. 1, 11, εἰ 
πλείους συνελέγησαν, ἐκινδύνευσαν ἂν TOs ὺ διαφθαρῆναι του 
στρατεύματος. uf nore had been collected, there would have been dange r 
of much of the army he ing destroyed. 


428. (a) The imperfect of μέλλω with the infinitive may 
express a past intention or expectation which was not Tealised, and 
so take the place of the verb of the infinitive with av. Κ᾽. 

7H μάλα δὴ ᾿Αγαμέμνονος φθίσεσθαι κακὸν οἶτον ἔμελλον, εἰ 
μὴ om (ἃ ἔειπες, le. 71 should have perished like <A. lit. 1 was to have 
perished), if thou hadst not spoken. Od. xiii. 383. MeAAev μὲν ποτε 


> cas , 4 \ » " = he : ἊΨ - 2 ᾿ ae ea = , 
οἶκος 00 ἀφνειὸς καὶ ἀμύμων ἐμμεναι" VUV ὃ ETEPWS ἐβόλοι ro θεοί, 
th Ls house was to have bee nr ch and al rious ἢ hut now the Gods have 


willed ut otherwise. Θὰ, 1, 232. Ov συστρατεύυσειν ἔμελλον, they were 


ee Jame 


ΤΉ ΤῊ ΟΝ ΠΥ ΠΕ tee 


439] APODOSIS WITHOUT ἄν 159 


not going to join him, or they would not have joined him (in that case). 
Dem. xix. 159 ; see xviii. 172. Ἥττον τὸ ἀδίκημα πολλῶν οὐσῶν 
ἔμελλε δῆλον ἔσεσθαι, the offence would have been less plain when 
there were many (olive trees). Lys. vii. 24. See THuc. v. 38, μέλλοντες 
πρότερον, εἰ ταῦτα ἔπεισαν, πειράσεσθαι. Compare the Latin: 
Hoe facturi erant, nisi venisset, they were to have done this (would have 
done this), had he not come. 

(Ὁ) A single case of av with ἔμελλεν occurs in AND, i. 21: εἰ καὶ 

ες has “ier” ‘ , - ἦν ; , 
ΠΑΤΉΡ ἐβούλετο UTOPLEVELY, τους φίλους αν οἴεσθε “et et ET LT PETTELV 
αὐτῷ, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἂν παραιτεῖσθαι καὶ δεῖσθαι ἀπιέναι ὅπου ἂν ἔμελλεν 
σωθήσεσθαι ; i.e. to depart to a place where he would have been likely to 
be safe. Most critics repudiate this av; but it seems perfectly analogous 
to ἄν with ἔδει, χρῆν, ete. (423). 

429. Similar is the use of ἔφην in Od. iv. 171: καί μιν ἔφην 
ἐλθόντα φιλήσεμεν ἔξοχον ἄλλων, εἰ νῶιν νόστον ἔδωκεν (Ζεύς), 1.6. 
I intended to love him (and should have done so) had Zeus granted us a 
return. 


430. An analogous case is Lys. xii. 60: ἀπολέσαι παρεσκευ- 
ἄζοντο τὴν πόλιν εἰ μὴ δὲ ἄνδρας ἀγαθούς, they were preparing to 
destroy the city (and would have destroyed it) had it not been for good men. 

431. A few expressions which have no dependent infinitive 
are practically equivalent to a potential indicative with dv, and 
so can stand as the apodosis of an unreal condition. ΚΕ... 


Τούτῳ δ᾽ εἰ μὴ ὡμολόγουν ἃ οὗτος ἐβούλετο, οὐδεμίᾳ ζημίᾳ ἔνοχος 
ἦν, but if they had not acknowledged to him what he wanted, he was licble 
to no charge (1.6, he could not have been accused), Lys. Vil. 37. ‘Qs. εἰ 


‘ ‘ > 4 , » . > A 
μὲν τὸ ἐπ᾿ αὐτοφώρῳ μὴ προσεγέγραπτο, ἔνοχος ὧν (=v) τῇ ἀπα- 


yoy), assuming that, if the words ἐπ᾽ αὐτοφώρῳ had not been added, he 
might properly have been tried by ἀπαγωγή. Id. xiii. 85. Πιστεύοντος 

“hs 5 ~ 5 4 50. a , ; ~ 5 ε , . . 
yap ἐμοῦ ἐμοὶ εἰδέναι ἃ λέγω, καλῶς εἶχεν ἢ παραμυθίας ie. for if I 
trusted (-- εἰ ἐπίστευον) to any knowledge of my own about what 1 am 

\ } ge ὁ y 

saying, the consolation which you offer would encourage me (lit. your con- 
solation was good on that supposition). PLat. Rep. 450 D. (We might 
have had καλὸν ἦν oe παραμυθεῖσθαι in the same sense.) Ei τὸ κω- 

~ 4 “~ «ες ‘ , / > ’ » \ ’ Ἀ 4 
Avoat τὴν TOV λλήνων κοινωνίαν ἐπεπράκειν ἐγὼ Φιλίππῳ, σοὶ τὸ 
μὴ σιγῆσαι λοιπὸν ἦν, in that case it remained for you not to keep 
silent (1.6. you should not have kept silent). Dum. xviii. 23. (The article 
with σιγῆσαι only slightly distinguishes this from the examples under 
421.) 

ae 


432. The same explanation applies to other cases in which a 
rhetorical omission of ἄν in apodosis is commonly assumed; as in 


1 This use of ἔμελλον with the infinitive corresponds precisely to the 
Sanskrit use of the past future tense in the sense of the Greek aorist indicative 
with ἄν. Thus “if he had said (avaksyat) this, he would have slain (ahanisyat) 
Indra” (Cat. Brahm. i. 6, 819), where the two verbs are augmented past 
futures, meaning literally he was going to say and he was going to slay. See 
Whitney’s Sanskrit Grammar, § 950. 


> 





160 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [433 


- , ‘ . ἢ Ελλήνων 
ἿΝ ‘ ΗΟ f LEV 4 ] 
ἰ δὲ μὴ Ppvywov πύργους TETOVTAS Ἡσὶ 
Eur. Hee. 1113, εἰ δὲ μὴ Pp A yd pat if we had not know 
Γ , , - ——, u wid not known 
δορὶ φόβο ν παρέσχεν OV μέσως ὁὃδε KTUTOS, but of we atte 
> ‘ ν ͵ ΟΞ ΙΝ aa . . se 0 . éTTro 
th é the Phrygian towers had fallen, this nose gave us cause for 
u ἡ 
earnest (i.e. would easily have ter 
433. Occasionally a protasis takes the plac 
Γ᾿ ( ’ 
in the construction of 419. Κι. ἰ ΞΞ a = 
= > ‘ee ᾿᾿Οδυσεὺς καὶ VTOTPOTOS LKETO 
Rael τόδε KEpOLOV HEV, εἰ VOOTHT ( +“ , 8 
ge ς ᾿ y ope : ‘ned (lor KEPOLOV 
δῶμα, for it had been a greater gain if Ulysses had a f τῷ 
ut fs ae ‘ are MATTH. Ev. xxvi. 24, 
εν Odveéa vorTnrat). Od. xx. 331. Compare ἊΝ ; sre Ἔ 
, λὸν ἢ a οὐκ ἐγεννήθη ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἐκεῖνος. τὲ had been good 
KGAAOV 1) V ανυτῳ, ει 0 t a, 3 2 he ὦ "yy θῆναι). 
fe that man if he had not been born (for καλὸν ἢ} αὐτῷ ΜῊ γε} ἢ } } 
or ( ᾿ . > “΄ ee  aeeeneen iOS ( = ἐδ μὴ 
Ν "δ ἴσττων ἦν ὁ ἄγων μὴ γεγενήμενον \ 
ti δὲ ἀποφεύξεται, κρείττων ἢ} γ Ἀδ 
Ku ὃὲ ἀποφεὺξ é , , tr ul never 
ἐγεγέν 7ΤΟ) but if he is acquitted, it were better that the trial he em 
μὲ μὲ ἑ ὦ τ > δ δ Νὰ » vevevnoGat). AESCHIN. 1. 192. 
ae place (for κρεῖττον ἦν τὸν ἀγῶνα μὴ γεγε! nat 4 = Shas the 
’ ae. αν ἃ nrotasis 13 not indicate that the 
This occasional substitution of a protasi: does n 3 
- αι δλθεῖν. he had better have gone, was felt 
sy finiti j ¢ TTOV Ἣν αὐτῷ ἐλθεῖν. he ha ‘ : 
infinitive In ΚΡΕΙΤΤῸΡ 4) εξ ι ᾿ς Enclish it were better if he 
We could substitute for this English v 1 ) 


ified us). 
e of the infinitive 


as a protasis. : “as 
r by a change construction. 
had gone, but only by a change Ot Col 


HomERIC PECULIARITIES. 


434. In Homer the construction of the unreal conditional 


It is not improbable 


᾿ Ἂ Ω Υ̓ τῶ 1 
antence 18 not com letely develope ; _ 
aged ᾿ could express In a 


that in the primitive language the optative nia og 

rough way both present and past unreal cone _ | 
9 τὸ . . δὰ ; ᾿ ᾿ 3 δυῶν ν 

Homer the present unreal condition 1s still expressed only bj 


the present optative (438). 


435. The aorist indicative in Homer, both in rms τι 
᾿ Pat oa —s ic Greek: but the 1m- 
apodosis with av or Ke, 1S used asin Attic Gree k; but 
< ᾿ " f ς ae 1 P 
perfect 1s always past, never present. Eg. : 
Ἔξ εἰ eter ΟΝ SOV ITAaCOVTO, εἰ 
Kat vu κε δὴ ξιφεεσσ QUTOT KEOOY Οὔτε δι ΣΝ Ἢ 
ἦλθον. they would have wounded each other, had not heratds ae 
1). , οἱ ‘ i 4 5 , - Σ ΞΕ ant , -_ él L? ap 
vii. 273. "ἔνθα xe λοιγὸς ENV καὶ ἀμηχανα ἐργά YEevorrd, oo i 
— then there would have been, etc. . 
> > 
ἀμ- 


μὴ κήρυκες 


ν ᾽ wv 


. ‘ > ~ - πὰ : on = 
ὀξὺ νόησε πατὴρ ἀνὸρων TE θεὼν τε. 
- “ ane es “ane ΝΜ pas ery © ἔρις 
viii, 130. So vin. 860. Kat vv κε δὴ προτει : } 1] 
. e Φ 4 > 4 ; 5 ff 5 ; τέ υκεν. ᾿ 
φύτεροισιν εἰ μὴ ᾿Αχιλλεὺς αὐτὸς ἀνίστατο καὶ KATES 
“ ᾽ ary 


, pres 
xxiii, 490. See Il. xi. 504; Od. xvi. 221, xxiv. δ]. 


γένετ 


j { ‘fers to Od. 

1 Mr. Monro (Hom. Gr. p. 236) doubts this statement, a t syed 
i 24 : Σ δέ κεν ἡμέ διέκρινεν, ai 

‘vy 178. καί κε θάμ᾽ ἐνθάδ᾽ ἐόντες ἐμισγόμ θ᾽, οὔδε κεν ἡμέας ἄλλο OLEKP , 88 
εἰβλ κα sn Pogte : the present time, we 


; : ‘6 δ ταῦρος émoavoueba takes in 
pane μόν τῳ τῇ till sie ao ‘aon - ὶ ti ud = It seems to me that, 
y . Ἷ Ν ave been meeting. ; ; : 
should (trom that time ti now l : τι ἢ ᾿ ; “γόμεθά κε 
according to the Homeric usage, we can find no more In θάμα rose ἡ τὸ ἴω. 
than we should have had frequent meetings, and the rest oo Ἐν θα ἃν ἐπὶ 
te xt In anv case, this use is far removed from the Attic ἐπορευόμε ote 
xt. { i ; 5 rs ἢ f ΣΟΥ ay) ac 
βασιλέα we should (now) be on our way to the King (410). A neare Ae. P 8 
͵ . 5 . a oe os , 4 A, ΠῚ . 
to the later use perhaps appears In Il. XXIV. 220, εἰ τὰ αι μ 
opr / \ 2 δι , see Li. 11. 8U. 
Never, if any other (had 3) commanded me. But 


440] HOMERIC UNREAL CONDITIONS 161 


Kai νύ κ᾽ ἔτι πλέονας Λυκίων κτάνε dios Ὀδυσσεὺς, εἰ μὴ ἄρ᾽ ὀξὺ 
νόησε μέγας κορυθαίολος “ ἄκτωρ, ie. Ulysses would have killed still 
more, had not Hector perceived him. Il. v. 679. Καί νύ κεν ἥια πάντα 
κατέφθιτο καὶ péve ἀνδρῶν, εἰ μή τίς με θεῶν ὀλοφύρατο καί pe 
ἐσάωσεν. Od. iv. 363. 

But ὥφελον with the present infinitive may be present, even in 
Homer, both as a potential expression (424) and in wishes (734). 


436. We find the imperfect referring to present time in Theognis : 
ae > \ 4 A A > ’ , > ΕῚ \ 9! > = 
see Vs, 905, εἰ μὲν yap κατιδεῖν βιότου τέλος ἣν, εἰκὸς ἂν ἦν. See 
Pinp. Nem. iv. 13. 


eee ” . . . . . . . 
437. In Il. xxiii. 526, εἴ κε is found with the aorist indicative in 
protasis, xe apparently adding nothing to the sense :— 
35 a7 5 ” , 7 “ 
Ki δέ κ᾽ ἔτι ΤροΤέρω γὙενετο δρόμος ἀμφοτέροισιν, 
mir” , , Ἂ "» 
ᾳ κεν μι 4 παρέλασσ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἀμφήριστον ἐθηκεν. 


438. (Optative in present unreal Conditions.) In Homer a 
present unfulfilled condition is regularly expressed by the present 
optative with οἰ, and its apodosis (if present) by the present 
optative with κέ or av. 

The only instance of this form in both protasis and apodosis is II. 
XXili. 274, εἰ μὲν νῦν ἐπὶ ἄλλῳ ἀεθλεύοιμεν ᾿Αχαιοὶ, ἢ τ᾽ ἂν ἐγὼ 
τὰ πρῶτα λαβὼν κλισίηνδε φερο ίμην, if we were now cont nding in 
honour of any other (than Patroclus), I should take the first prize and bear 
ἐξ to my tent. Twice we have the optative with av in apodosis with 
the regular imperfect or aorist indicative (past) in the protasis: I]. ii. 
80, εἰ μέν τις τὸν ὄνειρον ἄλλος ἔνισπεν. ψεῦδός κεν φαῖμεν καὶ 
νοσφιζοίμεθα μᾶλλον, if any other had told the dream, we should call 
at a lie and rather turn away from it; and the same apodosis after εἴ 
τίς μ᾽ ἄλλος ἐκέλευεν, in Il. xxiv. 222. In Od. ii. 84, οὐκ ἂν τόσσα 
θεοπροπέων ἀγόρευες, οὐδέ KE Τηλέμαχον κεχολωμένον ὧδ᾽ ἀνιείης, 
we have first the imperfect with ἄν as ἃ past apodosis, (in that case) you 
would not have made this speech with all its divination ; and then the 
present optative with κέ as present, nor would you be urging Telemachus 
on, as you now are; both referring to an unfulfilled past condition, if 
you had perished, suggested by καταφθίσθαι, ὥφελες in vs. 183. 


439. See the corresponding use of the present optative in Homer 
to express an unaccomplished present wish (739). In both wishes and 
conditional sentences, it must be remembered, the use of the optative 
in its ordinary future sense is completely established in Homer. See 
examples in 455 and 722, : ι 

440. (Optative in past unreal Apodosis.. Homer has four cases of 
the optative with κέ (three aorist and one present) in the apodosis 
referring to the past, with the regular indicative in the protasis ex- 
pressing a past unfulfilled condition. These are— 

Καί vi κεν ἐνθ᾽ ἀπόλοιτο ἄναξ ἀνδρῶν Αἰνείας, εἰ μὴ ap ὀξὺ 
νόησε Διὸς θυγάτηρ ᾿Αφροδίτη, Aeneas would have perished, had not 
Aphrodite quickly perceived him. ΤΊ. ν. 311. Καί νύ κεν ἐνθ᾽ ἀπόλοιτο 

Μ 





1602 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [441 


δ , δ᾿ ‘a “Epuen ἐξή ων. 388. 
"Apys aTOS πολέμοιο, εἶ μὴ Ηεριβοία Eppen ἐξήγγειλει . fl T ᾿ c 
Οὔ κε θανόντι περ ὧδ᾽ ἀκαχο μην, εἰ μετὰ οἷς ἑτάροισι δάμη Ἰρώωι 
ἐνὶ δήμῳ I should not have felt so grieved af he had perished, θανόντι 
wD, δ U : . ᾿ : ’ xa 7 Ἶ Od i 236. 
” - ther exnl; : δ᾽, ες ORM. GaL2@ 
(=i ὅθεν) being further expiant ty oe To sank) 
Ἔνθα a ῥεῖα φέροι κλυτὰ TEV X EA, ει μὴ οι αἀγασσατο ot Bos AATOs 
4 " / L : 
λων. he would easily have borne away the famous armour had not 
3 Ἢ . oo ae ἘΞ. μὰ Ε ἀμὴν 
Phoebus Apollo grudged him. Il. xvii. 70. Here ἀπώλετο, ee > 
; ; » formes even i r, corresponding 
and ἔφερε would be the regular forms even in Homer, corres} g 
to the regular protases. 


441. In the transitional state of the Homeric language we see that 
the past tenses of the indicative had fully established ee 
the protasis of past unreal conditions, but not so chasougesy In ae 
apodosis, where the optative occasionally occurs, Th eee unrea 
conditions, the optative alone is used in both protasis and apodosis. 


442. Besides the full conditional sentences above quoted, we find 
in Homer many potential optatives with κε or ἂν which seem to 
belone to the borderland between past and future conclusions, and are 
not definitely fixed in the past (like the apodoses in 440) by a past tense 
in the protasis. 


,aAf 


Such are especially φαίης κε, as in I. 1. 220, xv. 697, and οὐδὲ 
: . 


κε φαίης, as in 1]. iv. 429, xvii. 366, Od. iii. 124, τι in. 392. Ξὰ 
the first four cases it seems most natural to translate them as past, 
you would have said, nor would you have said; but μὴ the last two mee 
it is more natural to translate nor would you say (future), and so oe 
φαίην κεν, Il. vi. 285. But in the fluid state of the language ᾿ τρῶς 
allowed both ἀπώλετό κε and ἀπόλοιτο κε to mean de woul ΜΝ 
pe rished, and φέροι κε to mean both /eé would carry fut.) and he woul 
have carried, according to the protasis which was used with them, it 
is easy to understand how φαίης κε (without a protasis) might have ἃ 
vague potential force, you maght pe rehance say, which could be felt θη 
either past or future as the context demanded. We must, therefore, 
hold that the optative with κέ in such cases expresses merely what 
could happen, without any limitations of time except such as are 
imposed by the context ; and according to the limitations thus imposed 
we translate such optatives (with more exactness than they reall) 
possess) either as past or as future. In one case the feeling of past 
time is seen in the dependent verb: Il. v. 85, Γυδεϊδην ὃ οὐκ ἂν 
γνοίης ποτέροισι μετείη, you would not have known to what side he 
belonged. (This oceurs in the same book of the [liad with both the 
examples of ἀπόλοιτό κε for ἀπώλετό κε.) 
Other examples are the following :-— 


; Ν ~s , , , \ Ὺ le . Ὰ 
Οὐκ ἂν ἔπειτ (Λδυσηι y ἐρίσσειεν βροτὸς ἄλλος. no other mortal 
7 " ᾿ ᾽ ν» 

᾽ . ν᾽ ᾿ ὰ , eee o«* 4 . a 
could then vue with ἶ lysses (alter a past verv). Ll. 111, 223. Kv _— 
ἄν βρίῷ τὰ ἴδοις ᾿Αγαμέμνονα δῖον. Il. iv. 223. "ἔνθ᾽ οὐ κεν pea 
ἵππος ἐσβαίη., πεζοὶ δὲ μενοίνεον εἰ τελέουσιεν (the connection with 

Ἵ , 5 

, . ᾽ 4 : “uae ἕὧἱ . ss ῶ » | 

pevoiveov gives ἐσβαίη a past direction). 1]. xii. 58. Ἔνθα x 


’ ΟΝ 


4 7 \ 
Kal ἀθάνατός περ ἐπελθὼν On NTAaLTO LOWY Kat tap pGety φρεσὶν 


ἔπειτα 





fe ee ΠΥ ee 


444] SUBJUNCTIVE IN FUTURE CONDITIONS 163 
now. Od. v. 73. ‘Qs οὐκ ἂν ἔλποιο νεώτερον ἀντιάσαντα, i.e. as 
you would not expect (?) a younger person to do. Od. vii. 293. Οὐδέ κεν 
ἴρηξ κίρκος ὁμαρτήσειεν. Od. xiii. 86. Further, compare Od. ix. 
241 with Il. 1. 271 and v. 303. 


Homeric Usaces ΙΝ Heropotus anp ΙΝ Artic GREEK. 


443. (a) Herodotus has a few cases of the potential optative with 
the same vague reference to time which has been noticed in Homer 
(442), and we may sometimes translate these, like those in Homer, by 
past expressions. Eq. 

εκ ἤ Si A \ ΕΝ a7 , 5 / > NN , e 
ἄάχα O€ ἂν καὶ οἱ ἀποδόμενοι λέγοιεν ἀπικόμενοι ἐς Σπάρτην ὡς 
ε Ἃ . 5 
ἀπαιρεθείησαν ὑπὸ Σαμίων, and γι rhaps those who sold it (the cup) might 
come to Sparta and tell that they had been robbed of τί. Hpr. i. 70 (see 
Stein’s note), All that the optative itself seems to express is that 
this would be a natural story for them to tell. In vii. 214, εἰδείη 

4 4 ” 4 >\ 4 N - 4 , Ν ” Ν b / > = 
μεν γὰρ αν καὶ EWV μὴ i [ηλιεὺς TAUTYV ΤΡ AT PATOV Ονήτης, εὐ ΤΊ) 
χώρῃ πολλὰ ὁμιληκὼς εἴη, for Onetes, even uf he was not a Malian, 
might know this path, supposing him to have had much acquaintance with 
the country, the optative in protasis (expressing no condition contrary to 
fact) shows that εἰδείη ἄν is not felt to be past. See also vii. 180, 

, Ὁ» » > ’ ee ‘ > , > ” , . 
τάχα ὃ ἂν τι ἐπαύροιτο ; Vill. 136, τάχ᾽ ἂν προλέγοι, mought perhaps 
warn him ; ix. 71, ταῦτα ἂν εἴποιεν. they m ight say this. 

7 ’ a> ” ἴω » nw . . . . 

For εἴησαν δ᾽ ἂν οὗτοι Κρῆτες, Hor. i. 2, and similar expressions, 
see 238. 

ἢ Ἀν + baw y A \ 

(6) In Eur. Med. 568, οὐδ᾽ ἂν od da ins εἴ σε μὴ κνίζοι λέχος, 

*,* . - » A 
the condition seems to be present and contrary to fact, like” εἰ μὴ 
exvicev. See also Prat, Menex. 240 D, ἐν τούτῳ δὴ ἄν τις γενόμενος 


yvoly οἷοι ἄρα ἐτύγχανον ὄντες, κιτιλ. Such examples are extremely 
rare in Attic Greek. 


(0) Future CoNnpIrTIons. 


Subjunctive or Future Indicative in Protasis with a 


Suture 4 {podosis, 


444. When a supposed future case is stated distinctly 
and vividly (as ἐγ I shall go or if I go in English) the protasis 
generally takes the subjunctive with ἐάν, ἤν, or dv (a) (Epic εἰ 
κε Or ai xe). The apodosis takes the future indicative or some 
other form expressing future time, to denote what will be 
the result if the condition of the protasis is fulfilled. 11. 


᾿Εάν τι λάβω, δώσω σοι, if I (shall) receive anything, I will give it to 


> »s 7 7 a 7 . . . . . 5 » 
you. Eav τι λάβῃς, δός μοι, if you receive anything, give it tome. Et 
, 


ο΄ ΄ ad - / ᾽ \ , » » μέ > 
O€ κεν ὡς ἐρξῃς καί Tor πείθωνται ᾿Αχαιοὶ, γνώσῃ ἔπειθ᾽ ὅς O 
ἡγεμόνων κακὸς ὅς τέ νυ λαῶν, but if you shall do thus and the Achaeans 





164 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [445 


} > leaders | which of the 
bey you, you will then learn both which of the leade rs and whi yf 
cas ω i ων πάν ἐποντα 

hes οἷ 1 TLii.364. Αἴ κ᾿ αὐτὸν γνώω νημερτέα πάντ’ ἐνεπ VTA, 
τραρμῆσδοναμρν' om aad τε, εἵματα καλά. Od. xvii. 549. So αἱ 
ἕ | ivav TE χιτωνά TE, Ξ - : 
ἕσσω μιν χλαῖναι χιτι ἷ a wae 
δῶ - ΠῚ 128, Ei μέν κεν Μενέλαον ᾿Αλεξανὸρος καταπεῴ ἢ» 
KE WC lt, Ade . naps , , ie ‘ é , -_ πάντα ἡμεῖς ὸ εν νήεσσι 
ros ἔπειθ᾽ Ἑλένην ἐχέτω καὶ κτήματα π > HH 
eae neg ssp nate TTS ¢ \ λέξανδρον κτείνῃ ξανθὸς Μενέλαος, 
νεώμεθα ποντοπόροισιν' εἰ dex Αλεξανὸρον KT ELV YE ΤῊΝ 
Τρῶας ἔπειθ᾽ Ἑλένην καὶ κτήματα πάντ ἀποδοῦναι. - 5 ws 
Γ᾿ ᾿ ‘subj. 1 : ion) l ἀποῦδουναι (infin. for 
‘Ss , tation), and απὸ 
Here ἐχέτω, νεώμεθα (subj. in exhortat on), a phono alt eaie t 
ive) are in the apodosis. Αἴκα τῆνος ἐλῇ KEpao τράγον, 
imperative) are : 2 ᾿ ae eae 
» λα by THEOC. i. 4 Av δέ tis ἀνθιστηται, μ ᾿ 
TU Λλανη.- LOU. 1, 4, ' ΠΝ ἰὼ 
) ba χειροῦσθαι, if any one shall stand opposed to =. ut you 
σόμεθα yet ; i: je e ae ae 
I 7 will try to overcome him. XEN. An. vil. 3, ll. μὴ 
help we wi ry oo > fo? ow ς Pe. 24 nag 6 σόμεθα 
ἐθέ ἐκεῖ πολεμεῖν αὐτῳ, ἐνθαὸ tows avay ) 
ἐθέλωμεν €KEL TOs εἰ y 1? hig f ht " ἫΝ aha oo 
Seo ποιεῖν. and tf we shall not now be willing to fig Ἴ ᾿ , 
TOUTO TC ᾽ ᾿ : = - / ‘re vov re ers 0 
shall perhaps be forced to do so here. DEM. 1V. ἫΝ (Here : peer 
7 5 . 6 a Th “2 now . 
i ͵ r he present: of we are not 1 
ime nediately following the Ἶ not will 
ΩΝ ἐ μὰ v6 ἐθέλομεν.) “Hv γὰρ ταῦτα καλὼς ὁρισώμεθα, 
would be εἰ μὴ νυν ἐθελομεν. ἣν γὰρ sega igen 
) at 7 τῶν ἄλλων. Isoc. vill. 18. 
* "ὦ Be υ λευσόμεθα καὶ περὶ TW Ὁ. ἢ ; 
αμεινον 9 / , \ ἕω» Cc ε Las AvVTOVS TAapaT X wW- 
AN ‘ aS ἐὭσωῳω μεθα. και TOLOUVUTOVUS ὮΙ! Ss spe, 
O€ Τὴν εἰρηνὴν TOL) ‘ f i ᾿ ἔπ ἐπρέϑδεν, Ia ot 8. 
ὰ πολλῆς ἀσφαλείας τὴν πόλιν οἰκήσομεν. vi . 
μεν, μετα TOs ] μ ” ” τ XEN (wr Vv 3 97 Καὶ χρω 
"ho by ins νῦν, πότε ἔσει olKot; AEN. Cyr. ν. 3, 27. ΧΙ 
= ag Ὁ Fy ging τ ᾽ ll be i Ἧι d Ib Υ. 4 30. 
τι, and use them, tf there shall be any need, 1b. : 
‘ >) 


> A ὟΝ ~ 4, “ > 
αὐτοῖς, ἐαν δεῇ ) ἄνευ ὅπλων, εἰ 


Ἂ ‘ = : τος Rid ΄ ε dev ΤΙ 
Ἢν μὲν πόλεμον α ἱρῆσθε, ΠῚ “ λων ἥκετε" ὡς δὲ 
σωφρονεῖτε" ἢν δὲ εἰρήνης δοκῆτε δεῖσθαι. ανευ OTAWI ne ἢ Ἢ 
; , ’ , , Σ μοὶ ἡσει. Lb. 11]. 
καλῶς ἕξει τὰ ὑμέτερα, ἢν φίλοι γένησθε, πος εν 
ps oe δ GOLKELV 
2.13 Ἐὰν γάρ τί σε φανὼ κακὸν πεποιηκώς, ὁμολο ™ Πα 
᾽ν ὃ » 3 ἥ =. Ἠῶ > ; θεὶς. OV Kat 
ἣν μέντοι μηδὲν φαίνωμα ι.ι κακὸν TETOLIKWS μὴθε = ἮΝ 13 (Her 
A τ ε ase “ »Ο «8 . ), vy. ὃς ς). { ere 
σὺ αὖ 0 LO λογὴσεις μηδὲν UT ἐμοὶ —— 1 ἘΠ a ἣ οἱ 
βιὰ vofara uture. “αν μ 
ε A Ψ ‘onfess, relers to the , 
ὁμολογῶ, I am ready Ν ΗΝ ae ἢν ϑασιλῆς φιλοσοφήσωσιν, 
φιλόσοφοι βασι λεύσωσιν ἢ οἱ Ι ALAS hil Love shall 
: ᾿ "5 gn . sophers 
οὐκ ἔστι κακῶν παῦλα ταῖς πόλεσιν, unless either the ake ΤῊΣ bles for 
. . ᾿ ρᾷ or 
‘ “ . los "3 Ὃ 18 no escape from rOUDUES , 
become kings or the kings philosophe oy re , ᾿ ἑαυτὸν, ἢν τάδε 
tates. Puat. Rep. 473 D Δίδωσ᾽ ἑκὼν κτείνειν EQAUTOY, ν hall 
states. AT. . oe “99° ἕω a nm case he sha 
νευσθ ἢ λέγων. he offers himself willingly to suffer death an cas , > 
ol tease v ' 246 AVYTEOV, ἐάν 
be , ‘ed false in this that he says. Soru. Ph. 1342. Μηχαι : seal, Ἔνι 
Me prove ; " a : τε GavaTov agua 


~ ss 
‘ ; Ν ernie ἀν» αν 
ἐπὴν οὐδ on , aToowW τοῦτο, € 
TE χρυσίον ἡρπακὼς ἢ πολὺ, μὴ ἀποὸῳ 7 ' 


f a τὸ δες Ὁ stolen much 
“ye πως un ἀποθανεῖται. if he shall prove to) have s 
ἠδικικὼς > OF WS μὴ ἀποθανε sf 7 


} ‘eat: ‘f he shall have 
gold, we must contrive that he shall not restore αἴ ; way “4 4 481 
<i ἈΝ Ὶ Ἰ 7 i 2 4] all not di LAT. ΤΟΙ, © 
committed erimes deser Linu death, that h ἊΝ ΕΣ F bide <a 
\ (for the perfects see 103). Hv σε τοῦ λοιποῦ Tor τ Α 
: a i “ish, uf er take them 
χρόνου κάκιστ᾽ ἀπολοίμην, ie. may I perish, uf I ever tak 
/ ens Ψ . 
away, Ar. Ran. 586. (See 181.) | 
ι 3... 
445. It will be seen that the apodosis here (444) may con: at : 
: . . ΓΙ Γ ὦ Ἶ , — "2 16 
any future expression,—the future indicative, th imperative, 
: ns , , , ᾿ ὰ . . ᾿ . _ anv 
subjunctive in exhortations and prohibitions, the infinitive in y 
fut ive Wl Lv, OF » optative in 4 
future sense, the potential optative with ἄν. or the ΟἹ — 
. . . ΝΕ . ᾽ : j τὰ , Ὄ = 
wish. It may also contain a present indicative including a rele 
Sil. Ay air 83 | ' os 
ike γρή or δεῖ or the verbal in τέος, or the presen 
to the future, like χρὴ « 








447] FUTURE INDICATIVE IN PROTASIS 165 


used emphatically for the future, like ὁμολογῶ above quoted (444) 
from XEN. Cyr. v. 5, 13, or παῦλά ἐστι in Puat. Rep. 473 Ὁ. 


446. The English, especially the colloquial language, seldom ex- 
presses the distinction between this form of the future condition and 
the present condition (402). Thus modern custom allows us to use 
the inexact expression if he wishes, not merely for εἰ βούλεται, if he 
NOW wishes, but also for ἐὰν βούληται, of he shall wish. The sense, 
however, generally makes the distinction in time clear. 

[t is worth noting that the Authorised Version of the English New 
Testament never uses forms like if he does, if he is, in either future or 
present conditions, even when the Greek has the present indicative 
with εἰ ; but it has either the subjunctive or the future indicative in 
future conditions, and the subjunctive in present conditions, The 
Revised Version, on the other hand, admits the present indicative (as 
if he is) in present conditions, but not consistently. See Luc. xxiii, 
35, εἰ οὗτός ἐστιν 6 Χριστός, A. V. tf he be Christ, R. V. if this ts the 
Christ ; but in Marrn. vi. 23, εἰ οὖν τὸ φῶς τὸ ἐν σοὶ σκότος ἐστίν. 
both versions have if therefore the light that is in thee be darkness. See 
also Cor. ii. v. 17. 


447. (Future Indicative in Protasis.) The future indicative 
with εἰ is often used in the protasis to express a future condi- 
tion. This is a still stronger form of expression than the sub- 
junctive, though it sometimes alternates with it in the same 
sentence. Both, however, correspond to the English if I shall 
do this, if I do this, ete. The future, as an emphatic form, is 
especially common when the condition contains a strong appeal 
to the feelings or a threat or warning.’ It is thus a favourite 
construction with the tragedians. £9. 


4 
3 4 > 4 ’ ~ Ὰ [ 
Εἰ γὰρ ᾿Αχιλλεὺς οἷος ἐπὶ 1 ρώεσσι μαχεῖται, οὐδὲ μίνυνθ᾽ ἕξουσι 
ποδώκεα Πηλεΐωνα, if Achilles shall fight alone against the Trojans, not 
even a little while will they keep back the swift son of Peleus. 1]. xx, 26. 


ἊΝ 


35 , > "» , , 
Ki O€ OV γ ες πόλεμον πωλ ἤσεαι,ς 


5 ’ ia ¢ , , / 
1) Τε σ᾽ OLW βιγήσειν πόλεμόν γέ; 
καὶ εἴ χ᾽ 


ἑτέρωθι πύθηαι, if you shall mingle in the battle, verily do I 
believe you will shudder at the γι ry name of battle, even if you hear it 
elsewhere (away from the war), IL v. 350. Εἰ δέ μοι οὐ τίσουσι βοῶν 
€TLELKE. ἀμοιβὴν, δύσομαι εἰς ᾿Αἴδαο καὶ ἐν νεκύεσσι φαείνω. but uf 


* In * minatory and monitory conditions ” : 
Am. Phil. Assoc. for 1876, p. 13. This article contains an enumeration of all 
the cases of ἐάν with the subjunctive in future conditions and of εἰ with the 
future indicative in the three tragedians, It appears that in Aeschylus there 
are 22 cases of the future and only 8 of the subjunctive; in Sophocles 67 
futures and 55 subjunctives: in Euripides 131 futures and 177 subjunctives. 
If we omit the futures which are equivalent to μέλλω with an infinitive, for 
which the subjunctive could not. be substituted (see 407), we have in Aeschy- 
lus 15 futures in future conditions and 8 subjunctives: in Sophocles 46 and 
55; in Euripides 98 and 177. In Attic prose Thucydides and Lysias have the 
largest proportion of futures; but in prose, as in Aristophanes, the subjunc- 
tives always preponderate, 


see Gildersleeve in Trans. of 





166 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [448 


they do not pay me a proper requital for my cattle, I (the Sun) "" em 
to Hades and shine among the dead. Od. xii. 382. Εἰ δὲ πρὸς τοῦ ὌΝ" 
ἔτι τελευτήσει τὸν βίον εὖ, οὗτος ἐκεῖνος τὸν sy aps =“ aos 
κεκλῆσθαι ἄξιός ἐστι, and if beside 8 he shall stall ¢ nd his life well, μ Ἢ 
that happy man you are seeking. Hor. i. 32. hare sel Sat 
ψῆφος, ἄλλ᾽ ἐρεῖς τάχα, but if the gudgme nt shall lay not 9 you Md ' 
will soon tell another story. ΔΈΒΟΗ. Eum. 597. See Prom. 31 Ι, προ 
196, Suppl. 472, 474, 924, Cho. 683. = veers eee τ Ἦν" 
μὲν ἐξ ἐμοῦ. ϑοΡη. Ant. 93. See Ant. 229, 3234, +E. 868, O46, 
O. C. 628, Ph. 75, El. 465, 834, 1004. Ki Two épusoass, =— 
φανεῖ, if you aid this man, you will appear base. so — 
Μὴ ζῴην, εἰ μὴ φάσγανον σπάσω. Id. ὍΣ, 558: σοὶ a = 
Or. 157, 272, 1212, Med. 346, 352, 9381. μι μὴ καὶ aus yee 
σαν, ἔσται σοι κακά. Εσπ. Aeg. Fr. 5. Ki δὲ μὴ weer vets 
πῶς χρὴ ταύτῃ τῇ προκλήσει προσέχειν ὕμας TOV γοῦν. ‘ “a = : : 
52. Εἰ δ᾽ ὑμεῖς ἄλλο τι γνώσεσθε, ὃ μὴ γένοιτο, τίνα “Ἢ ‘ αἱ 7 
ψυχὴν ἕξειν ; but if you shall gre any other judgme nt, ete, | : ar 
21, (Referring to the same thing, XXVII, 67, Demosthenes oe 
ἐὰν yap amrod ύγῃ με οὗτος, ὃ μὴ γένοιτο, τὴν ἀπωβελιαι a 
Ἢν ἐθέλωμεν ἀποθνήσκειν ὑπὲρ τῶν δικαίων, ἐπνκνηνυμεν" sf 
φοβησόμεθα τοὺς KLVOVVOUS, εις πολλὰς a peal eye 
ἡμᾶς αὐτούς. Isoc. vi. 107. Here what is feared - a BY ie r 
emphatic future as a warning, while the alternative that = ye erre 
has the subjunctive. See also Dem. XViii. 116, where εἰ wpraces- 
cope? ἡμεῖς, εἴ τι δύσκο) wind TET PAKTAL Θηβαίοις ee ’ ie 
μεμνῆσθαι, if we shall pref r to ἐν member every unpleasan pes τῇ 
Thebans have ever done to us, is vividly stated by the future, as this is 
the course which the orator specially fears and wishes to age i 
people against ; while he puts his own proposition ato the an - 
subjunctive form, ἢν μέντοι πεισθητ €pot καὶ meee —— 
ἀλλὰ μὴ φιλονεικεῖν γένησθε. See also Isoc. XV. 130. Pas Ey τ ; 
eases it is difficult to detect any distinction, as in Dem. XXVII, 67 an 
xxviii, 21 (above), and in Hpr. i. 71; ef. 1]. 1. 135 and 137. 

448. The future in protasis is also appropriately used when a 
future apodosis is implied in a past, tense ; as in SOPH. QO. ἢ 585, 
εἰ λέξει τὸν αὐτὸν ἀριθμὸν, οὐκ ἐγὼ κτάνον, uf he shall tell the -_ 
number (it will follow that) J did not kill him. So Eur. Med. 1249. 


449. This use of the future must be distinguished from its use In 
present conditions ( 107), where it is equivalent to μέλλω and the ln- 
finitive and cannot be interchanged with the subjunctive. 


HomMERIC PECULIARITIES. 
In the Homeric language the following peculiarities 
appear 1n this construction :— 


450. By far the most common Homeric form with the sub- 





iA 


54] HOMERIC PECULIARITIES 167 


junctive in future conditions is εἴ xe, often εἰ μέν κε, εἰ δέ Ke, etc. 

(218). “Hy also is frequent, being the only Homeric contraction 
5 ” a! a) ” . eee > ” »” . 

of εἰ av. Ei δ᾽ ἄν occurs in Il. iii, 288, and εἰ περ av in Il. v. 


224 and 232. Ἤν περ γάρ κ᾽ ἐθέλωσιν is found in Od. xviii. 
318. 


451. Ei xe or αἴ xe is sometimes found even with the future 
indicative in Homer. ΚΕ... 


ΝΜ ” > , π᾿ 
Αἴ κεν ἄνευ ἐμέθεν Ἰλίου πεφιδήσεται οὐδ᾽ ἐθελήσει ἐκπέρ- 
σαι, ἴστω τοῦτο. Il. xv. 213. (See 196.) 


452. The subjunctive with κέ is sometimes used in the apodosis 
instead of the future indicative, thus making the apodosis cor- 
respond in form to the protasis. ἢ... 

ΕΣ se 4 


αἱ ὃε KE μὴ δώῃσιν, ἐγὼ δέ κεν αὐτὸς ἕλωμαι, and if he do not 
give her up, I will take her myself. Tl. i. 324 (compare i. 137). This 
gives a form with two subjunctives analogous to that which has the 
optative in both protasis and apodosis (460). See 399. (For δέ in 
apodosis see 512.) 


For the Epic use of the future indicative with κέ or ἄν in apodosis, 
see 196, 


453. The simple εἰ (without κέ or av) is sometimes used with 
the subjunctive in future conditions in Homer, apparently in the 
same sense as εἴ κε or ἦν. Eg. 


4 
ed 


, , ” 3 
ut περ γάρ σε κατακτανῇ».ς Ov CF 


" 5 5 


, , ee 

«T ἐγὼ γε κλαύσομαι. Il. xxii. 

Δ᾽» Ἂν» > = ε ’ a“ > ἈΝ ΝΜ , , > , 

“ Ὁ αὖ TIS Patynat Gewv evi OLVOTTL πόντῳ, τλήσομαι εν στη- 
” , , 

θεσσιν έχων ταλαπενθέα θυμόν. Od. ν. 991. 

223, 245; Od. 1. 204, 1. 188, xii. 348. 


86. 


So IL i. 341, v. 258, xii. 
Only these nine cases occur, 
and the more common use of the simple εἰ with the subjunctive in 
Homer is in general suppositions (see 468), 


454. 1. This Homeric use of the simple εἰ with the subjune- 
tive in future conditions was allowed by poetic license in a few 
passages of the Attic drama, chiefly in tragedy, even in the 
dialogue. £.g. 

Ki yap θάνῃς καὶ τελευτήσας ἀφῃς. Sopu. Aj. 496. Δυστάλαινα 
Tap ἐγὼ, εἴ σου στερη θῶ. Id. Ο. C. 1449. Ei μή σ᾽ ἐκφάγω ἐκ 
τῆσδε τῆς γῆς. οὐδέποτε βιώσομαι. AR. Eq. 698. So Arscu. Pers. 
791, Eum. 234; Eur. I. A. 1240, εἰ πεισθῆς (Mss.); all in dialogue. 
In Sappho 118, 1 we have ai τις ἔρηται. 


2. In Attic prose, this construction is extremely rare and always 
doubtful. The Mss., however, have it in a few passages, as THUC. Vi. 


a 5 ~ nw “a = ‘ eX & lal 
Zi: Ov ναυτικὴς στρατιᾶς μόνον O€L, ἀλλὰ και TECOV πολὺν ζυμπλεῖν, 


ἄλλως τε καὶ εἰ ξυστῶσιν αἱ πόλεις φοβηθεῖσαι. (Here a few 
inferior Mss, read ἦν.) 





CONDITIONAL SENTENCES 


2. Optative in Protasis and Apodosis. 

455. When a supposed future case is stated less dis- 
tinctly and vividly than the subjunctive would state it (as 
if I should go in English), the protasis takes the optative 
with ef. The apodosis takes the optative with av to denote 
what would be the result if the condition of the protasis 


should be fulfilled. Z.. 


ΜᾺ 


3 

{i ἔλθοι, πάντ᾽ ἂν ἴδοι, tf he should ge, he would see all. εἴ - 
οὕτως ἐθέλοι φιλέειν κήδοιτό τε θυμῳ, τῷ κέν τις κεῖνον γε ἣν 
ἐκλελάθοιτο γάμοιο, uf she should be willing thus to = Tr ae 
then some of them would cease eve n to think of marriage. αι ΕἾΝ, — 
Ἦ κεν γηθήσαι Πρίαμος Πριάμοιό τε παῖδες, βάλοι τε Εν 
κεν κεχαροΐατο θυμῷ, εἰ σφώιν τάδε πάντα πυθοία ro paps τὸ" = 
Ἧ i. 255. ᾿Αλλ’ εἴ μοί τι πίθοιο. τὸ κεν πολὺ κέρδιον “ ᾿- i 2 
28. Eins φορητὸς οὐκ ἂν, εἰ πράσσοις καλὼς, you ὌΝ d bend ‘ 
bearable if you should ever be in prosperity. AESCH. Prom, 979. ᾿ = 
δ᾽ avros, εἰ φθογγὴν λάβοι, σαφέστατ ἂν Λάξετεν, ἐπ . 6. 37. 
Οὐδὲ yap av Μήδοκός pe ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπαινοίη, εἰ ἐξέελαι νοιμι 
Οὐδ᾽ εἰ πάντες ἔλθοιεν Llepoat, 
ς πολεμίους. Id. Cyr. i. i 


εξ 
, «ε " a 
to Tov θάνατον ὃ τοιοῦτος 


τοὺς εὐεργέτας. XEN. An. vil. 7, 11. 
, 5 ” 4 

πλήθει γε οὐχ ὑπερβαλοίμεθ ἂν To 
i 


8. Οὐ πολλὴ ἂν ἀλογία εἴη, εἰ φοβο τ τ ; αὐ αὶ 
Prat. Phaed. 68 B. Εἰ δέ τις τοὺς κρατοῦντας Tov πλήθους al 
ἀρετὴν προτρέψειεν, ἀμφοτέρους ἂν ὀνήσε = Isoc, ate ἫΝ a 
TOV σοι συνόντων ἐπαρθείη ποιεὶν ἃ συ τυγχάνεις εὐλογῶν , ae 
ἂν ἀθλιώτατος ety ; Id. xi, 47. [Los οὖν οὐκ ἂν οἰκτρότατα 7 ΤῊΝ 
ἐγὼ πεπονθὼς εἴην, εἰ ἐμὲ ψηφίσαιντο εἶναι ξένον ; hou then 
should I not have suffered (lit. be hereafter in the condition of mareny 
suff red) the most prtrable of all things, if they should vote me a Jorevgner ¢ 


Dem. lvii. 44. (See 103 for other examples of the perfect optative.) 


456. This form of the conditional sentence in its fully developed 
use, as it appears in Attic Greek, must be carefully distinguished from 
that of 410; the more so, as we often translate both et) av and ἣν ἂν 
by the same English expression, ἐξ would δὲ; although the latter im- 
plies that the supposition of the protasis is a false one, while the 
former implies no opinion of the speaker as to the truth of the 
supposition. We have seen (438-440) that the more primitive 
Homeric language had not yet fully separated these two construc- 
tions, and still used the optative in the apodosis of present, and some- 
times of past, unreal conditions. f ; 

On the other hand, the distinction between this form and that of 
444 is less marked, and it is sometimes of slight impartance which 
of the two is used. As it is often nearly indifferent in English 
whether we say if we shall ao (or if we go it will be we ll. or if we should 
go it would be we ll, so may it be in Greek whether we say ἐὰν ἔλθωμεν 





460] HOMERIC USAGES WITH THE OPTATIVE 169 


καλῶς ἕξει or εἰ ἔλθοιμεν καλῶς ἂν ἔχοι. In writing Greek, this 
distinction can generally be made by first observing the form of the 
apodosis in English; if that is expressed by should or would, it is to 
be translated by the Greek optative with av; if it is expressed by 
shall or will, by the future indicative. Other forms of the apodosis, 
as the imperative, will present no difficulty. The form to be used 
in the protasis will then appear from the principles of the dependence 
of moods (170-178); the optative will require another optative with 
εἰ in the dependent protasis, while the future indicative or any other 
primary form will require a subjunctive with ἐάν or a future indicative 
with εἰ, 

457. In indirect discourse after past tenses we often find an optative 
in protasis, which merely represents the same tense of the subjunctive 
or indicative in the direct discourse, See 667, 1; 689; 694, 

For the occasional omission of ἄν in an apodosis of this kind, see 
240-242. 

458. The potential optative with ἄν may stand in the protasis 
with εἰ ; as in εἰ ἔλθοιμι ἄν, supposing that I would go, easily distin- 
guished from εἰ ἔλθοιμι, supposing that I should go. Such an ex- 
pression does not belong here, but is really a present condition. (See 
409; 506.) 

459. The future optative cannot be used in protasis or apodosis, 


except in indirect discourse to represent a future indicative of the 
direct discourse. (See 128 and 203.) 


Homeric PECULIARITIES. 


460. Ei xe with the optative is sometimes found in Homer, 
and εἴ περ av occurs once.) This is a mark of the unsettled usage 
of the earlier language, in which κέ or ἄν was not yet required 
with the subjunctive in protasis, and was still allowed with the 
optative or indicative (401). It is difficult to see any essential 
difference between these protases with εἴ xe and those with the 
simple εἰ and the optative. ΚΕ... 

Ke δέ KEV [Ἄργος ἱκοίμεθ᾽ ᾿Αχαιικόν, οὖθαρ ἀρούρης, γαμβρός 
κέν μοι ἔοι, and if we should ever come to Achaean Argos, then he would 
shall) be my son-in-law. 1]. ix. 141 ; ef. ix. 283, and Od. xii. 345, xix, 
589. [Πῶς dy ἐγώ σε δέοιμι μετ᾽ ἀθανάτοισι θεοῖσιν. εἴ κεν "Apys 
οἴχοιτο χρέος καὶ δεσμὸν ἀλύξας, Od. viii. 352. Τῶν κέν τοι xapr- 
σαιτο πατὴρ ἀπερείσι ἄποινα. εἴ KEV ἐμὲ ζωὸν πεπύθοιτ᾽ ἐπὶ 
νηυσὶν ᾿Αχαιῶν. Il. vi. 49. The distinetion between these cases and 
those of 458 is obvious. 

In 1], i, 60, εἴ κεν with the optative forms a subordinate protasis, 

* See the examples in Lange, Partikel EI. pp. 185, 186. There are 
twenty-six cases of ef xe with the optative in Homer, and one of εἴ περ ἄν (II. 


iil. 597) ; besides Il. v. 273 (= viii. 196) and Od. xvii. 223, mentioned in the 
text (461). 





170 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [461 


with a remoter and less emphatic supposition than the main protasis 
Ἃ A Ν " - ” , i " , = a 7 ny re ; , ἤ 
εἰ Sapa (future) ; νῦν ἄμμε πάλιν πλαγχθει τας ὀίω ἂψ ἀπονοστήσειν, 
εἴ κεν θάνατόν γε φύγοιμεν, εἰ δὴ ὁμοῦ πόλεμός τε Sapa καὶ 
λοιμὸς ᾿Αχαιούς, now I think we shall be driven back and shall return 
home again—that is, supposing us to escape death—sf both war and pestil- 
ence are at the same time to destroy the Achaeans. In 1]. 11, 597 we have 
” Ἃ 3 \ “~ > ss 
ει περ αν advuTat Μοῦσαι “ELOOLEYV. 
These constructions are never negative. 


ΟἿ" 


461. In the strange protasis, εἰ τούτω κε λάβοιμεν, 1]. ν. 273 
and viii. 196, the separation of εἰ from κέ might compel us to re- 
cognise a potential force, uf we could ( possibly) secure these: but the 
difference between this and the Attic examples of εἰ with the potential 
optative and ἄν (458 ; 506), and the difficulty of seeing any difference 
between this and εἰ τούτω λάβοιμεν, if we should secure these, induced 
Bekker to read εἰ τούτω ye λάβοιμεν here, and also τόν γ᾽ εἴ μοι 
Soins (for τόν x’ εὖ in Od. xvii. 223, 

The Homeric use of the optative in present and past unreal con- 
ditional sentences has been discussed (438). 


Il. PRESENT AND PAST GENERAL SUPPOSITIONS., 


462. In present or past veneral Stippositions, the 
apodosis expresses a customary or repeated action or a general 
truth in present or past time, and the protasis refers in 
a general way to any act or acts of a given class. Here 

: . Γ . . . > " : : εἷς 
the protasis has the subjunctive with ἐών after present 

Φ ° » ν Ἱ ἊΨ" ΓΙ" 
tenses, and the optative with εἰ after past tenses. The 
apodosis has the present or imperfect indicative, or some 
other form which implies repetition: Z.g. 

Ἢν ἐγγὺς ἔλθῃ θάνατος, οὐδεὶς βούλεται θνήσκειν, if (or when) 
death comes near, nO one 18 (eve 7) willing to die. EUR. Ale. 671. Hy 
μὲν ἅδῃ καὶ νήφουσι, χρέωνται αὐτῷ: ἣν δὲ μὴ ἅδῃ, μετιεῖσι. 

"Pr. 1.133. Διατελεῖ μισῶν, οὐκ ἤν τίς τι αὐτὸν adtky, ἀλλ᾽ ἐάν 
τινα ὑποπτεύσῃ βελτίονα ἑαυτοῦ εἶναι, he continues to hate, not uf 
any ore Wrongs him, but uf he ever suspects that any OM is het te r than 
himself. Xun, Cyr. v. 4, 35. “Aras λόγος, dv ἀπῇ τὰ πράγματα, 
μάταιόν τι φαίνεται καὶ κενόν. all speech, 1 deeds are wanting, appears 
mere emptiness and vanity. Dem. il. 13. Kav de δόξῃ TQ ot.kdatad 
ἐγκαλεῖν καὶ ἕλῃ τὸν δεδρακότα TOV φόνου, Ovo OUTW KUplos 
γίγνεται τοῦ ἁλόντος. Id. xxiii. 69 (so 74, 75. 76). 


i 
᾿Αλλ᾽ εἴ τι μὴ φέροιμεν, ὥτρυνεν φέρειν, but if we ever stopped 


-- » 


bringing him food, hu always urged us to bring it. Eur. Ale. 755. orf 
τις dvreivos εὐθὺς τεθνήκει, if any one objected, he was a dead man 
at once (52). Tuc. vii. 66. Ei τινα πυνθάνοιτο ὑβρίζοντα, 
TOUTOV ἐδικαίευ. Η 1. i. 100. Ki δέ τινας θορυβουμένους αἴσθοι- 





467] PRESENT AND PAST GENERAL CONDITIONS 171 


i , “Aw 4 5 “~ 
TO, TO αἴτιον τούτου σκοπῶν κατασβεννύναι τὴν ταραχὴν ἐπειρᾶτο, 
whenever he saw any making a disturbance, he always tried, ete. XEN. 
i 4 — ᾽ ᾽ , ” > A > a > a ” 
Cyr. v. 3,55. Οὐκ ἀπελείπετο ἔτι GUTOV, εἰ μὴ τι ἀναγκαῖον εἴη, 
he never left him, unless there was some necessity for it. Id. Mem. iv. 2, 
> Ξ - 4 5 A > , a- = , Μ ’ 
40)͵ Ην τοις μεν οφθαλμοῖς ἐπικουρὴημα THS x loros, €t Tts μέλαν 
w 4 “~ > Ἢ ~ , A i. 1 ~ » 
τι ἔχων πρὸ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν πορεύοιτο, τῶν δὲ ποδῶν εἴ τις 
~ ° pe ‘ 51: ἊΝ ~ aa 
κινοῖτο. Id, An. iv. 5, 13. ὑπειδὴ δὲ εἶδον αὐτὸν τάχιστα, συλ- 
, ” ” ε > A a tiny \ ” 
λαβόντες ἄγουσιν ἀντικρὺς WS ἀπόκτέενουντες, οὗπερ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους 
"» ΄ vw 4 " “~ . 
ἀπεσῴφαττον εἰ Τινα λῃστὴν 1) KAKOUPYOV συλλάβοιεν, 1.6, where 
they had been in the habit of killing any others whom they took. Lys. xiii. 


»- 


id. 


463. This optative referring to past time must be especially dis- 
tinguished from the optative in ordinary protasis referring to the 
future (455). Εἰ and ἐάν in this construction are often almost 
equivalent to ὅτε or ὅταν (which are the more common expressions), 
and the protasis has precisely the same construction as the relative 
sentences of 532, 


464. The present and aorist subjunctive and optative here do not 
differ except as explained in 87. The future optative of course is 
never used here (128), 


465. The examples in 462 exhibit the ordinary Attic usage. 
In Homer we find this construction in a partially developed 
state: see 468. 


466. The gnomic aorist (154) and other gnomic and iterative 
expressions (162; 163) may be used in the apodosis of these 
general conflitions. The gnomic aorist, as a primary tense, is 
followed by the subjunctive. E.g. 

Ἢν σῴφαλώῶσιν, ἀντελπίσαντες ἄλλα ἐπλήρωσαν τὴν χρείαν, 
uf they fail, they always supply the defiere ney, etc. THuc. i. 70. Ἢν δέ 


τις τούτων τι παραβαίνῃ, ζημίαν αὐτοῖς ἐπέθεσαν, they (always) 
LiNpose ( pe nalty wpon every one who transqre SSES, XEN. Cyr. i, 2, 2. Ὁ 
τινες ἔδοιέν πῃ τοὺς σφετέρους ἐπικρατοῦντας. ἀνεθάρσησαν ἄν, 
whenever any saw their friends in any way victorious, they would be 
encouraged (1.6, they were encouraged an all such CUSES), TuHuc. Vii. ΤῈ; 


See XEN. Mem. iv. 6, 13, quoted in 162, 


467. (Indicative.) The indicative is sometimes found in the 


place of the subjunctive or optative in these general conditions, 


that is, these follow the construction of ordinary present and past 
suppositions, as in Latin and English. Here the speaker refers 
to one of the cases in which the event may occur, as if it were 
the only one,—that is, he states the general supposition as if it 
were particular. Eq. 

Μοῖραι δ᾽ ἀφίσταντ᾽, εἴ Tts ἔχθρα πέλει ὁμογόνοις, αἰδῶ καλύψαι, 
the Fates stand aloof to hide their shame, uf there is enmity among kindred, 
Pin. Py. iv. 145 ; ef. Ol. i. 64, (See 406.) Ei τις δύο ἢ καὶ πλέους 





172 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [468 


τις ἡμέρας λογίζεται, μάταιός ἐστιν, if any one ever counts upon two 
or even more days, he is a fool. Sopu. Tr. 944. ᾿Ελευθέρως πολιτεύο- 
μεν, ov du ὀργῆς τὸν πέλας, εἰ καθ᾽ ἡδονήν τι Spa, ἔχοντες, ie. not 
(having a halit of) being angry with our neighbour if he ever acts as he 
pleases. THUC. 11. 37. (Here the indicative dpa is used as if some 
particular act of one neighbour, and not any act of any neighbour, 
were in mind.) Ki yap τις ἐν δημοκρατίᾳ τετιμημένος τολμᾷ 
βοηθεῖν τοῖς παράνομα γράφουσιν, καταλύει τὴν πολιτείαν ὑφ᾽ ἧς 
τετίμηται. AESCHIN. iii. 196. Εἴ τίς τι ἐπηρώτα, ἀπεκρίνοντο, if any 
one asked anything, they replied (to all such). Tauce. vii. 10. “Epioes 
οὐκ εἴ τις κακῶς πάσχων ἡμυνετο, GAN εἴ τις εὐεργετούμενος ἀχάρι- 
στος φαίνοιτο. XEN. Ag. xi. 3. Here, without any apparent reason, 
the writer changes from the indicative to the optative. (See 534.) 


HoMERIC AND OTHER Poetic PECULIARITIES. 


468. In Homer the subjunctive appears in protasis in general 
suppositions (462) only nineteen times, and the optative only 
once. Here the subjunctive generally (in fourteen cases) has 
the simple εἰ (without κέ or dv).  E.g. 

Ki περ γάρ τε χόλον γε καὶ αὐτῆμαρ καταπέψῃ, ἀλλά γε καὶ 
μετόπισθεν ἔχει κότον, ὄφρα τελέσσῃ, for even if he swallows his wrath 
for the day, still he keeps leis anyer hereafter, until he accomplishes its object. 
3:81. Tow δ γι μετατρέπομ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἀλεγίζω, εἴ T ἐπὶ δεξί 
ἴωσι, εἴ τ᾽ ἐπ ἀριστερά, I do not heed them nor care for them, whether they 
go to the right or to the left. Il. xii. 238. So IL. iv. 262, x. 225, x1. 116, 
xvi. 263, xxi. 576, xxii. 191 (the last four in similes)g Od. i. 167, 
vii. 204, xii. 96, xiv. 373, xvi. 98 (= 116). 

Ἤν TOTE δασμὸς ἵκηται, σοὶ τὸ γέρας πολὺ μεῖζον, uf ever a 


> > 


division comes, your prize 13 always much greater, Ll. Ἰ, 1606. So Od. Xl. 
159, ἣν μὴ τις ἔχῃ. Besides these two eases of ἣν, Homer has two 
of εἰ κε, 1]. xi. 391, xii. 302 ; and one of εἴ περ ἄν, 1]. iii. 25 (five in 
all). 


The single case of εἰ with the optative in a past general condition 


in Homer is Il. xxiv. 768: ἀλλ᾽ εἴ τίς pe καὶ ἄλλος ἐνίπτοι, ἀλλὰ 


ov Tov ye KatepuKes, but if any other upbraided me, you (always) re- 


strained him. 


469. Pindar has only eight cases of the subjunctive in protasis. 
These all have general suppositions and all have the simple εἰ ;! as 


πολλοὶ δὲ μέμνανται, καλὸν εἴ τι ποναθῃ, but many remember it if a 


noble work is done, Ol. VL l a 


470. The other lyric and elegiac poets show no preference for the 
simple εἰ The following cases may be cited: CaLh. i. 13 εἰ ) (but ΡΨ 


' Am. Jour. Phil. iii. p. 448, The examples are Ol. vi. 11; Pyth. iv. 
“Οὐ, 273 (perhaps also 263) ; Nem. vii. 11, ix. 46; Isth. iii, 58. iv. 12; Frag. 
171 (Béckh), 5. The references to the other poets in 470 and 471 do not 
protess to be complete. 











472 SUBSTITUTION AND ELLIPSIS IN PROTASIS 173 


in 17); Tyrr, xii. 35 εἰ φύγῃ (but ἤν xi. 16); Sox. iv. 30 εἰ 7? (but 
se aes ᾿ me ς > ey 4 : 
Ὧν xu. 1, ΧΗΣ, 29); ΤΉΕΟα. 121, 122 εἰ λελήθῃ... ἔχῃ, and 321 
εἰ ὁπασσῃ (but nv 93, 186, 379, 697, 929, 932, 1355, 1356, 1385) ; 
all (both εἰ and ἢν) in general conditions. See Sr. AMORG, Vii. 15, 
69, 97 (jv). 
471. In the Attic poets we find a few cases of the simple εἰ in 
general conditions. ΚΟ. 
> a ae ” > , , > 5» ἵν) 
: Αλλ ανὸρα, KEL τις ἢ σοφὸς, τὸ μανθάνειν πόλλ αἰσχρὸν οὐδὲν 
καὶ TO py τείνειν ἄγαν. SopH. Ant. 710. So Ant. 887; O. T. 198 
_— Εν, ; τ Γ 
874; O. C. 509. 
For the simple εἰ in future conditions, see 453; 454. For the 
probable relation of εἰ to εἴ xe, ἤν, ἐάν, etc., see 401. 


PECULIAR Forms ΟΕ CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 
Substitution and Ellipsis in Protasis.—Protasis without aVerb. 


472. Often the protasis is not expressed in its regular form 
with εἰ or ἐάν, but is contained in a participle, or implied in an 
adverb like οὕτως or δικαίως, in a preposition with its case, or 
in some other form of expression. When a participle represents 
the protasis (841), its tense is always that in which the verb 
itself would have stood in the indicative, subjunctive, or optative. 
The present (as usual) includes the imperfect, and the perfect 
includes the pluperfect. ΚΖ... 

| Τοῦτο ποιοῦντες εὖ πράξουσιν (1... ἐὰν πο ιῶσιν), of they (shall) do 
this, they well prosper, Τοῦτο ποιήσαντες εὖ πράξουσιν (1.6. ἐὰν ποι, ή- 
σωσιν). Τοῦτο ποιοῦντες εὖ ἂν πράττοιεν (i.e, εἰ ποιοῖεν), if they 
should do this, they would prosper. otro ποιήσαντες εὖ ἂν πράττοιεν 
(i.e. εἰ ποιήσαιενδ. Τοῦτο ποιοῦντες εὖ ἂν ἔπραττον (i.e. εἰ ero ίουν), 
of they were doing this (or uf they had been doing this), they would be in 
prosperity. Τοῦτο ποιήσαντες εὖ ἂν ἔπραττον (i.e, εἰ ἐποίησαν) of 
they had done this, they would be in prosperity. 

Ὁ» ΠΠῶς δῆτα δίκης ο VTS ὁ Ζεὺς οὐκ ἀπόλωλεν τὸν πατέρ᾽ αὑτοῦ 
ὄησας ; 1.6. how is it that Zeus has not been destroyed, if Justice exists ? 
Ar. Nub. 904. (Here δίκης οὔσης represents εἰ δίκη ἐστίν.) ᾿Αλλ’ 
εἰσόμεσθα δόμους παραστείχοντες (ἐὰν παραστείχωμεν), but we shall 
know, uf we enter the house. Sopp. Ant. 1255. Σὺ δὲ KA Jer εἴσει τάχα 
(εαν KAvys), but you will soon know, if you listen. Ar, Ay. 1390. So 
μὴ μαθών, unless I learn, for ἐὰν μὴ μάθω, Nub. 792. Καί κεν TOUT 
ἐθέλοιμι Διός γε διδόντος ἀρέσθαι (Διὸς δίδοντος -- εἰ Ζεὺς διδοίη) 
and this I should like to obtain. 1 Zeus would only give tt. Od. 1. 390. 
Τοιαῦτά τἂν γυναιξὶ συνναίων ἔχοις (εἰ συνναίοις), such things would 
you suffer, if you should live with women. Arscu. Sept. 195. Οὐδ᾽ ἂν 
σιωπήσαιμι τὴν ἄτην ὁρῶν στείχουσαν ἀστοῖς (ie, εἰ ὁρῴην). ΞΟΡΗ. 
Ant. 185. ᾿Αθηναίων δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ τοῦτο παθόντων, διπλασίαν ἂν 





174 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [472 


τὴν δύναμιν εἰκάξεσθαι (οἶμαι), but uf the Athenians should ward ~~ 
this (παθόντων = εἰ πάθοιεν), I think it would be inferred that their powen 
was twice as great. THuc.i.10. (Here only the context shows that 
παθόντων does not represent εἰ ἔπαθον, if they had ever suffered.) τνν 
γενέσθαι ἠπίστησεν ἄν τις ἀκούσας (i.e. εἰ ἠκουσεν), before Μὲ Rapp ned, 
any one would have dishelieved such α thing uf he had heard ot. 1 HUC, a 
28. Ov yap ἂν μεταπείθειν ὑμᾶς ἐζήτει μὴ τοιαύτης ave τῆς 
ὑπαρχούσης ὑπολήψεως, for he would not he seeking to ks =; 
minds, uf such were not the prevarling en 6. εἰ μὴ Ἰρνὰ μον ώρά. ὁ ἮΝ 
Dem. xviii. 228. "ἔστιν οὖν ὅπως ταῦτ ἄν, ἐκεῖνα προειρηκὼς, ὁ 
αὐτὸς ἀνὴρ μὴ διαφθαρεὶς ἐτόλμησεν εἰπεῖν ; is τὶ possuble then rae 
the same man, after saying that, would have dared to say thas unless he ha 
been corrwpted (εἰ μὴ διεφθάρη) 2 Id. XIX. 308. Μὴ Satara ete 
Αἰσχίνου μηδὲν ἔξω τῆς γραφῆς ovo ἂν αὶ τ λόγον ce aoe 
ἕτερον (εἰ μὴ κατηγόρησεν). Id. XVI. 34. la αὐτὰ ἂν ΝΕ a 
πρώτη λα χοῦσα (i.e. εἰ πρώτη ἐλαχεν), it (the soul) mages ecole one 
the same, even of tt had had the first chovce by the lot. PLAT, Rep. 620 1). 
Mappav δ᾽ ἂν α iT 1) O VTOS ἧκόν σοι φερων ον αρτονς and uj you wy 
asked for something to eat, I used to come bringing you bread. Ar. Nu . 
1383. (Here αἰτήσαντος represents εἰ αἱἰτήησειας in a general supposi- 
tion, 462. For ἧκον ἄν see 162.) Ξ Ξ = = 

Οὔτε ἐσθίουσι πλείω ἢ δύνανται φερειν, οιαρρα yee v rr av* OUT 
ὕνανται φέρειν, ἀποπνιγεῖεν yap av, they do 


Ἂ “ 
} 


ἀμφιέννυνται πλείω ἢ ὁ 
not eat more than they can bear, for (if they should they would burst, ete. 
XEN. Cyr. viii. 2, 21. Αὐτοὲ ἂν ἐπορεύθησαν ἢ οἱ ἀλλοι" τὰ ὃ 

ὑποζύγια οὐκ ἣν ἄλλῃ ἢ ταύτῃ ἐκβῆναι, they would have ~~ them- 
selves where the others went; but the animals could not go otherwise than 
as they did. Id. An. iv. 2,10. So ἦ yap ἂν λωβήσαιο, Ii. 
232. 7 : sea 

Ἡμῖν δ᾽ ἐξ πολλῆς ἂν περιουσίας VEWV μόλις ΤΟΥ͂ΤΟ ὉπῆρΡΧχε 
καὶ μὴ ἀναγκα ζομένοις, ὥσπερ νῦν, πάσαις φυλάσσειν, but we should 
hardly have this advantage if we had a great superiority in numb r of ships 
(= εἰ πολλὴν περιουσίαν εἴχομεν and uf we wert not sit δὲ lled = μη 
ἠναγκαζόμεθα), as we are, to use our whole fleet un guarding. T'uuc. vii. 13. 
‘Oo μὲν ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνῳ πολλάκις ἂν ὁὀιελύθησαν, uf ut had depe nded on 
him, they often would have been dishanded. [soc. iV. 142. Aca γε υμας 
αὐταδε “πάλαι ἂν ἀπολώλειτε. uf ut had dep nded on yoursel ve 8, you would 
long ago have been ruined. Dem. Xvill. 49. (So sometimes καθ᾽ ὑμᾶς.) 
[[άλαι γὰρ ἂν ἕνεκά γε Yn φισμάτων EOEOW KEL OLKYY, Jor, uf decrees 
were of any avail, he would long ago have suffered punishment. Id. 11}. 14. 
(Here the protasis is implied in ἕνεκα ψηφισμάτων.) Οὕτω yap 
οὐκέτι τοῦ λοιποῦ πάσχοιμεν ἂν κακῶς, for in that case we should no 
longer suffer. Id. iv. 15. So ὡς οὕτω περιγενόμενος av, XEN. An, i. 
τ, 10. Οὐδ᾽ ἂν δικαίως ἐς κακὸν πέσοιμί τι. ὅοΡΗ. Ant. 240, 

In such cases the form of the apodosis generally shows what form 
of protasis is implied. When the apodosis is itself expressed by an 
infinitive or participle (479), as in Tuve. i. 10 (above), the form of the 
protasis is shown only by the general sense of the passage. 


SUBSTITUTION AND ELLIPSIS IN PROTASIS 


473. The future participle is not used to represent the future 

indicative in future conditions (447); it may, however, represent the 
future in present conditions (407), where it is equivalent to μέλλω and 
the infinitive ; as in Dem. xxiy. 189, μὴ περὶ τούτων ὑμῶν οἰσόντων 
τὴν ψῆφον, τί δεῖ ταῦτα λέγοντα ἐνοχλεῖν με νυνί; tf you are not to 
give your vote about this, μὴ οἰσόντων representing εἰ μὴ οἴσετε -- εἰ μὴ 
μέλλετε φέρειν. The present and aorist participles, when they repre- 
sent the present and aorist subjunctive, express future conditions, thus 
making the future participle unnecessary. The aorist participle in 
protasis can always represent an aorist subjunctive in the sense 
explained in 90, 
474. The verb of the protasis is suppressed in the Homeric 
εἰ δ᾽ ἄγε, come now! This is commonly explained by an ellipsis 
of βούλει, if you will, come ποῦ ἡ But it is probable that no 
definite verb was in the speaker’s mind in such expressions, 
even when we find it necessary to supply one. 1... 

“i δ᾽ ἄγε, τοι κεφαλῇ κατανεύσομαι, come now! I will nod my 
assent to thee. I], i. 524. Εἰ δ᾽ ἄγε μὴν, πείρησαι, ἵνα γνώωσι καὶ οἵδε, 
well! come now, try it. 1]. 1,309. Εἰ μὲν δὴ θεός ἐσσι θεοῖό τε ἔκλυες 
αὐδῆς, εἰ δ᾽ ἄγε μοι καὶ κεῖνον ὀιζυρὸν κατάλεξον (th ; apodosis being 
introduced by εἰ δ᾽ ἄγε, come now, tell me). Od. iv. 831, 


475. (Ὡς εἰ.) There is a probably unconscious suppression of 
the verb of the protasis when ὡς εἰ or ὡς εἴ re is used in com- 
parisons (especially in Homer) with a noun or adjective or 
with a participle. 1... 

Tov νέες ὠκεῖαι ὡς εἰ πτερὸν ἠὲ νόημα, their sh ips are swift as (if) a 
wing or thought. Od. vii. 36. ‘Qs pe ἀσύφηλον ἔρεξεν ᾿Ατρεΐδης ὡς 
εἴ Tw’ ἀτίμητον μετανάστην, for the son of Atreus insulted me like (i.e. 
as if he were insulting) some despised wanderer, Tl. ix, 648, ᾿Ἑπλέομεν 
Βορέῃ ἀνέμῳ ῥηιδίως ὡς εἴ τε κατὰ ῥόον, we sailed on with the north- 
east wind easily, as if (we were sailing) down stream, Od. xiv. 253. In 
all these cases no definite verb was in mind after εἰ, but the addition 
of εἰ to ὡς shows that a conditional force was felt (at least originally) 
in addition to the comparison ; and this is the only difference between 
these examples and those with the simple ws or ὥς Te 
Tis TE λέων, he stood like a lion} 
τις πιστά, 34; and πτύσας ὡσεί 
τε 8 3. With Od, vii. 36 

3, πρὸς "Ὄλυμπον ὥστε νόημα εἶσι, and 

» ἐπὶ νῆα VON ὡς ἄλτο πέτεσθαι. 


See Lange, Partikel EI. p. 234. Lange is at great pains to show that 
there is no ellipsis here, or indeed in any cases of εἰ without a verb like εἴ περ 
ἀνάγκη, if necessary. By “ellipsis” we often mean merely what one language 
finds it necessary to supply to translate an idiom of another. There are few 
ellipses of which a speaker is really conscious when he uses them. In this 
Sense, it seems to me that, whenever we use if without a verb, there is at 
least a suppression (if not an ellipsis) of a verb. 





174 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [472 


τὴν δύναμιν εἰκάξεσθαι (οἶμαι), but of the A thenvans should _— ood 
this (παθόντων = εἰ πάθοιεν), I think it would be inferred that thet power 
was twice as great, Tuue. 1. 10. (Here only the context shows that 
παθόντων does not represent εἰ ἔπαθον. if they had ever suffered.) [I piv 
γενέσθαι ἠπίστησεν ἄν τις ἀκούσας (i.e. εἰ ἠκουσεν), before Μ hepp ned, 
any one would have dishelieved such ᾽ν thing uf he had heard ut. 1 HUC, oy 
28. Ov γὰρ ἂν μεταπείθειν ὑμᾶς ἐζήτει μὴ τοιαύτης οὔσης τῆς 
ὑπαρχούσης ὑπολήψεως, for he would not be seeking to change 
minds, if such were not the prevarling opinion (1.6. εἰ μὴ τοιαύτη Ἦν). 


> 


y > κι Ἂς 
ἄν, EKELVA στροειρηκως, ὁ 


Dem. xviii. 228. Ἔστιν οὖν 6rws ταῦτ , 
αὐτὸς ἀνὴρ μὴ διαφθαρεὶς ἐτόλμησεν εἰπεῖν ; is it possible then that 
the same man, afte r saying that, would have dared to say this unless he had 
been corrupted (εἰ μὴ διεφθάρη) Id. XIX. 308, M 1) KATH YOPHTAVTOS 


a> “ > 


4 ; A 
“as Ww & ~ ~ ᾿ ‘ ᾿ = > a ο ar τ ΟἽ" ͵ V 
Αἰσχίνου μηθεν εξω THS ypapys ovo al ey λόγοι OVOEVA ETTOLOV] "» 
' \ τ , 


ἕτερον (εἰ μὴ κατηγόρησεν). Id. xviii, 94. ᾿ ‘a αὐτὰ κα ΠΣ a 
πρώτη λαχοῦσα (i.e, εἰ πρώτη ἐλάχεν), it (the soul) wou | one 
the same, even of it had had the first choice by the lot. PLAT. Rep. 620 D. 
Mappav δ᾽ ἂν αἰτήσαντος ἯΚΟΝ σοι φέρων oF ἄρτον, and uf you 
asked for something to eat, I used to — bringing yon bread, AR, Nu ‘ 
1383. (Here αἰτήσαντος represents εἰ αἰτήσειας in a general supposi- 
tion, 462. For ἧκον ἄν see 162.) : : ae εν 
Οὔτε ἐσθίουσι πλείω ἢ δύνανται φέρειν, διαρραγεῖε ν γὰρ ἄν" οὔτ 
ἀμφιέννυνται πλείω ἢ δύνανται φέρειν, ἀποπνιγεῖεν γάρ ἄν, they do 
not eat more than they can bear, for (if they should) they would burst, ete. 
XEN. Cyr. Vili. 2, 21. Αὐτοὶ ἂν ἐπορεύθησαν ἣ ot ἄλλοι: Ta ὁ 
ὑποζύγια οὐκ ἦν ἄλλῃ ἢ ταύτῃ ἐκβῆναι, they would haw inte them- 
selves where the others 1 nt; but the animals could not 40 otherwise than 
as they did. Id. An, iv. 2, 10. So ἢ γὰρ ἂν λωβ ἥσαιο, ΕἸ, i. 
232. 3 ; : = κα 
Ἡμῖν δ᾽ ἐξ πολλῆς ἂν περιουσίας νεὼν μόλις τοῦτο UTIPXE 
καὶ μὴ ἀναγκα ζομένοις, ὥσπερ νυν, πάσαις φυλάσσειν, but we should 
hardly have this advantage uf we had a great supe γον in number of ships 
(=ei πολλὴν περιουσίαν εἴχομεν and uf we were not compelled (εἰ μη 
ἠναγκαζόμεθα), as we are, to use our whol fleet un guarding. luuc. vil. 13. 
To μὲν ἐπ᾽ ἐκεΐνῳ πολλάκις ἂν διελύθησαν, if τἱ had depe nded on 
him, they often would have been disbanded, Isoc, iv. 142. Διά ye ὑμᾶς 
αὐτοὺς πάλαι ἂν ἀπολώλειτε, if it had depended on yourselves, you would 
long ayo have been ruined. Dem. xvill. 49. So sometimes καθ᾽ ὑμᾶς.) 
Πάλαι γὰρ ἂν ἕνεκά γε ψηφισμάτων ἐδεδώκει δίκην, for, if decrees 
were of any avail, he would long ago have suff red punishment. Id. ii. 14. 
(Here the protasis is implied in ἕνεκα ψ ηφισμάτων. οὕτω γὰρ 


οὐκέτι τοῦ λοιποῦ πάσχοιμεν ἂν κακῶς. for in that case we should no 
longer suffer. Id. iv. 15. So ὡς οὕτω περιγενόμενος av, XEN. An, i. 
lL. 10. Οὐ; ἂν δικαίως ἐς κακὸν πέσοιμί τι. SoPH. Ant. 940. 

In such cases the form of the apodosis generally shows what form 
of protasis is implied. When the apodosis is itself expressed by an 
infinitive or participle (479), as in Tuuc. i. 10 (above), the form of the 
protasis is shown only by the general sense of the passage. 


475] SUBSTITUTION AND ELLIPSIS IN PROTASIS 175 


473. The future participle is not used to represent the future 

indicative in future conditions (447); it may, however, represent the 
future in present conditions (407), where it is equivalent to μέλλω and 
the infinitive ; as in Dem. xxiv. 189, μὴ περὶ τούτων ὑμῶν οἰσόντων 
τὴν ψῆφον, τί δεῖ ταῦτα λέγοντα ἐνοχλεῖν με νυνί; if you are not to 
give your vote about this, μὴ οἰσόντων representing εἰ μὴ οἴσετε = εἰ μὴ 
μέλλετε φέρειν. The present and aorist participles, when they repre- 
sent the present and aorist subjunctive, express future conditions, thus 
making the future participle unnecessary. The aorist participle in 
protasis can always represent an aorist subjunctive in the sense 
explained in 90, 
474. The verb of the protasis is suppressed in the Homeric 
εἰ δ᾽ ἄγε, come now! This is commonly explained by an ellipsis 
of βούλει, if you will, come now/ But it is probable that no 
definite verb was in the speaker’s mind in such expressions, 
even when we find it necessary to supply one. ΚΕ... 

Ki δ᾽ aye, τοι κεφαλῇ κατανεύσομαι, come now! I will nod my 
assent to thee, Il, i. 524. Ki δ᾽ ἄγε μὴν, πείρησαι, iva γνώωσι καὶ οἵδε, 
well! come now, try it. 1]. 1.309, Ei μὲν δὴ θεός ἐσσι θεοῖό τε ἔκλυες 
αὐδῆς, εἰ δ᾽ ἄγε μοι καὶ κεῖνον ὀιζυρὸν κατάλεξον (the apodosis being 
introduced by εἰ δ᾽ ἄγε, come now, tell me). Od. iv. 831. 


475. (Ὡς εἰ.) There is a probably unconscious suppression of 

the verb of the protasis when ws εἰ or ws εἴ re is used in com- 
parisons (especially in Homer) with a noun or adjective or 
with a participle. 1... 
Tov νέες ὠκεῖαι ὡς εἰ πτερὸν ἠὲ νόημα, their sh ips are swift as (if) a 
wing or thought. Od. vii. 36. ‘Qs μ᾽ ἀσύφηλον ἔρεξεν ᾿Ατρεΐδης ὡς 
εἴ Tw’ ἀτίμητον μετανάστην, for the son of Atreus insulted me like (i.e. 
as if he were insulting) some despised wanderer. 1]. ix. 648. ᾿ (ar A€opev 
Βορέῃ ἀνέμῳ ῥηιδίως ὡς εἴ τε κατὰ ῥόον, we sailed on with the north- 
east wind easily, as af (we were sailing) down stream, Od. xiv. 253. In 
all these cases no definite verb was in mind after εἰ, but the addition 
of εἰ to ὡς shows that a conditional force was felt (at least originally) 
in addition to the comparison ; and this is the only difference between 
these examples and those with the simple ὡς or ὥς τε, as ἑστήκειν ὥς 
τίς τε λέων, he stood like a lion! In Attic poetry we find μάτηρ ὡσεί 
τις πιστά, like some faithful mother, Θορη. El, 234 ; and πτύσας ὡσεί 
TE δυσμενῆ, spurning her as an enemy, Ant. 653. With Od. vii. 36 
compare Hymn. Ap, Py. 8, πρὸς Ὄλυμπον ὥστε νόημα εἶσι, and 
/ ᾿ ὡς ἄλτο πέτεσθαι. 


x 


270, ἐπὶ νῆα VOnp 


' See Lange, Partikel EI, p. 234. Lange is at great pains to show that 
there is no ellipsis here, or indeed in any cases of εἰ without a verb like εἴ περ 
ἀνάγκη, if necessary. By “ellipsis” we often mean merely what one language 
finds it necessary to supply to translate an idiom of another. There are few 
ellipses of which a speaker is really conscious when he uses them. In this 
sense, it seems to me that, whenever we use if without a verb, there is at 
least a suppression (if not an ellipsis) of a verb. 








ee ας καμθτασω» ρηθν 


70 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [476 


Ὀλοφυρόμενοι ws εἰ θανατόνδε κιόντα, bewailing him as if going to 
his death (in full as if they were bewatling hum going), for which we say 
(changing the construction) as of he were gowng. Il. Xxiv. 328. See also 
Il. xvi. 192, v. 374. "Audi δὲ καπνὸς γίγνεται ἐξ αὑτῆς ὡς εἰ πυρὸς 
αἰθομένοιο, ie. the smoke rises from τ (the fountain) as of (it rose) from a 
blazing fire. Il. xxii. 150. So Od. xix. 39. What seems like a more 
natural construction with ὡς εἰ or ὡς ef τε is that of the optative with 
the apodosis suppressed (485). ; 

In all these cases there is also a suppression of the verb of the 
apodosis (see 485). 2 

For the participle in such expressions see 867-869. 

476. (Ei μή.) Ei μή is used without a verb in various expres- 
sions to introduce an exception. 

1. With nouns and adjectives. £.g. 

Tis yap τοι ᾿Αχαιῶν ἄλλος ὁμοῖος, εἰ μὴ Πάτροκλος ; who is like 
to you, except (unless it be) Patroclus? 1]. xvii. 475. See Il. xvill. 192, 
xxiii. 792; Od. xii. 325, xvii. 383. Such expressions are like the 
simple εἰ τό γ᾽ ἄμεινον, if this as better, Il. i. 1165 εἰ ἐτεὸν περ, X1Vv. 
125 ; εἴ wep ἀνάγκη, xxiv. 667. 

2. With participles. Δ΄. 

Ei μὴ κρεμάσας τὸ νόημα, ie, I could never have done ut, except by 
suspending thought. AR. Nub. 229. So ovodev rot εἰ μὴ ξυνθανουμένην, 
ΑΕΒΟΗ. Ag. 1139; εἰ μὴ καταδύσαντες, THUC, vil. ὃ8 ; ἐὰν μὴ TIS 
ἀδείας δοθείσης. Dem. xxiv. 46. 

3. In the expression εἰ μὴ διὰ τοῦτο (or τοῦτον). E. 49. 

Kai εἰ μὴ διὰ τὸν πρύτανιν, ἐνέπεσεν ἄν, and, had it not been for the 
Prytanis, he would have been thrown in. PLat. Gorg. 5 16 ΕΒ. (Compare 
διά γε ὑμᾶς, DEM. xviii. 49, quoted in 472.) Ov γὰρ ὡς εἰ μὴ διὰ 
Λακεδαιμονίους, οὐδ᾽ ὡς εἰ μὴ Πρόξενον ουχ UTEDELAVTO, Ovo WS εἰ μὴ 


90» € > ἊΝ ‘ ie ES, > Sf ἘΠ oe Ἣν" ἀὐν 
δὲ Ἡγήσιππον, Ovo WS εἰ μὴ οια TO και TO, ἐσώθησαι av ot | WKELS, 
» 


οὐχ οὕτω τότε ἀπήγγειλεν, for he did not then report that of it had not 
been for the Lacedaemonians, or uf they had not refused to receive Proxenus, 
or if it had not been for Hegesippus, or if it had not been for this and that, 
the Phocians would have been saved. DEM. xix. 74. 


. ; 4 , ‘, ee ‘ Σ aie 
4. In the Tare expression ει μὴ εἰ, except 1, except in CASE that. 
E.4q. ; | 
Ὁ χρηματιστικὸς τὴν τοῦ τιμᾶσθαι ἡδονὴν ἢ τὴν τοῦ μανθάνειν 
ν i ae , > » ‘ » = a ᾿ ᾿ = , Ss a : 
οὐδενὸς ἀξίαν φησει εἶναι. εἰ μὴ εἰ τι αὑτῶν ἀργύριον ToOLEL, the 
money-maker will say that the pleasure of receiving honour or that of 
learning is not worth anyth ind, unless it is worth something 17.) Case ¢ ither 
Υ ἶ : ᾿ - Don ΟΥΣ δος ον 
of them produces money. PLat. Rep, 581 D. In Prot. 351 C, ἐγὼ yap 
- , 4 > 4 ~ 5 , 5 ‘4 we = ΑΕ 
λέγω, καθ᾽ ὃ ἡδέα ἐστιν. APA KATA τοῦτο οὐκ άγαθα, μὴ εἰ Te aa 
αὐτῶν ἀποβήσεται ἄλλο ;—for I ask this: so far as they are pleasant, are 
they not just so far qood, without taking into account any other result (i.e. 
other than their pleasantness which may come Jrom them ?— μὴ 18 not 


a mistake for εἰ μή, but it seems to imply a conditional participle like 











479] SUBSTITUTION AND ELLIPSIS IN APODOSIS 177 


ὑπολογιζόμενος (though no precise word can be supplied), very much 
as μὴ ὅτι and μὴ ὅπως imply a verb of saying (707). The meaning 
clearly is, Are not things good just so far as they are pleasant, if we take 
no account of any other (i.e. unpleasant) element in them? This sense 
would hardly be found in the emended reading εἰ μή τι Τὴ ΤῊσΟ. 
i. 17 the Cod. Vat. reads εἰ μή τι, although εἰ μὴ εἴ te can be under- 
stood as in Pat. Rep. 581 D (above). 


᾿ a aa . > \ . ᾿ ᾿ 
477. Equivalent to εἰ μὴ εἰ (476, 4) is πλὴν εἰ, except if or 
unless, in which πλήν represents the apodosis. _E.¢. 
Sat 4 , , er “ as > a 
Οὐδὲ τὰ ομοματα OLOV TE αὐτῶν εἰδέναι, πλὴ ν εἴ τις κωμῳδιοποιὸς 
’; ΝΜ . . . . ᾽ 
τυγχάνει ὧν, ut 18 not possible to know even their names, except in case one 
happens to be a comedian. Puar, Ap. 18 Οἱ 


478. In alternatives, εἰ δὲ μή, otherwise, regularly introduces 
the latter clause, even when the former clause is negative. Εἰ 
δὲ μή is much more common here than ἐὰν δὲ μή, even when ἐὰν 
μέν with the subjunctive precedes. The formula εἰ δὲ μή Was 
fixed in the sense of otherwise, in the other casé, and no definite 
form of the verb was in mind. 


> 


Πρὸς ταῦτα μὴ τύπτ᾽ - εἰ δὲ μὴ, σαυτόν ποτ᾽ αἰτιάσει, therefore do 
not beat me; but if you do, you will have yourself to blame for it. Ar. 
Nub. 1433. Ez μὴ θανοῦμαί γ᾽ εἰ δὲ μὴ: οὐ λείψω ποτέ, uf I do 
not die (I will leave the place) ; otherwise (if 1 die) I shall never leave it. 
Eur. And. 254. See Sopu. Tr. 587. ΠῸόλεμον οὐκ εἴων ποιεῖν" εἰ 
δὲ μὴ, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀναγκασθήσεσθαι ἔφασαν φίλους ποιεῖσθαι obs οὐ 
βούλονται, they said that otherwise (εἰ δὲ py) they should be obliged, ete. 
Tave. i. 28. Εἶπον (Ilaveavia) τοῦ κήρυκος μὴ λείπεσθαι" εἰ δὲ 
μὴ. πόλεμον αὐτῷ Σπαρτιάτας προαγορεύειν, they ordered him not to be 
left behind by the herald: and if he should be (εἰ δὲ μή), (they told him) 
that the Spartans declared war against him. Id. i. 131. Μὴ ποιήσῃς 


“~ » ἊΝ 4 ᾽ , " ** +4 , ~ 
ταυτα" εἰ O€ μὴ, αἰτίαν ἕξεις. XEN. An. vii. 1, 8. Ἐὰν μέν τι ὑμῖν 
\ A 


δοκῶ ἀληθὲς λέγειν, ξυνομολογήσατε" εἰ δὲ μὴ, παντὶ λόγῳ ἀντι- 
τείνετε. Puat. Phaed. 91 C, So ἐὰν μὲν weionte,... εἰ δὲ μὴ: 
k.T.A., Dem. ix. 71. 

Ki δέ alone is sometimes used for εἰ δὲ μή ; as in Prat. Symp. 21 
C, εἰ μὲν βούλει, . .. εἰ δέ, So εἰ δ᾽ οὖν (sc. μή), ΞΟΡΗ. Ant. 79 
Eur. Hipp. 508, 

The potential optative and indicative with ἄν, so far as they are 
apodoses, might be classed here ; but these have higher claims to be 
treated as independent sentences. See Chapter IV., Section I. 


Substitution and ΕἸ] ipsis in A podosis. 


479. The apodosis, in any of its forms, may be expressed by 
an infinitive or participle, if the structure of the sentence re- 
quires it. 

N 








178 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [480 


1. It may be expressed by the infinitive or participle in 
indirect discourse, each tense representing its own tenses of the 
indicative or optative, the present including the imperfect, and the 
perfect the pluperfect. If the fimite verb in the apodosis would 
have taken ἄν, this particle is used with the infinitive or parti- 
ciple. L.9. 

᾿Ηγοῦμαι, εἰ τοῦτο ποιεῖτε. πάντα καλῶς ἔχειν, I believe that, uf 
you are doing this, all is well. ᾿Ἡγοῦμαι, ἐὰν τοῦτο ποιῆτε, πάντα 
καλῶς ἕξειν, I believe that, of you (shall) do this, all will be well, 
“Hyovpat, εἰ τοῦτο ποιοῖτε, πάντα καλὼς ἂν ἔχειν, I belveve that, if 
you should do this, all would be well. ᾿Ηγοῦμαι, εἰ τοῦτο ἐποιήσατε, 
πάντα καλῶς ἂν ἔχειν, I believe that, if you had done this, all would 
now be (or would have been) well. Οἶδα ὑμᾶς, ἐὰν τοῦτο ποιῆτε, εὖ 
Tp άξοντας, I know that, of you do this, you will prospe r 

los yap οἴεσθε δυσχερῶς ἀκούειν ᾿Ολυνθίους, εἰ Tis τι λέγοι 
κατὰ Φιλίππου κατ᾽ ἐκείνους τοὺς χρόνους : how unwillingly do you 
think the O. heard it, if any one said anything against Philip in those 
times ? Dem. vi. 20. (Here ἀκούειν represents the imperfect ἤκουον, 
and εἰ λέγοι is a general supposition, 462.) 

For examples of each tense of the infinitive and participle, see 689. 
For the use of each tense of the infinitive or participle with av and 
examples, see 204-208 ; 213-216. 

2. It may be expressed by the infinitive in any of its various 
constructions out of indirect discourse, especially by one depend- 
ing on a verb of wishing, commanding, advising, preparing, etc., 
from which the infinitive receives a future meaning. Such an 
infinitive is a common form of future apodosis with a protasis 
in the subjunctive or indicative. £.g. 

Βούλεται ἐλθεῖν ἐὰν τοῦτο γένηται, he wishes to go if this shall 
be done. Παρασκευαζόμεθα ἀπελθεῖν ἢν δυνώμεθα, we are preparing 
to depart of we shall be able. Κελεύει σε ἀπελθεῖν εἰ βούλει, he nds 
you depart if you please. (See 403 and 445.) 


3. The apodosis may be expressed in an attributive or cir- 
cumstantial participle. δίῳ. 

‘Padios ἂν ἀφεθεὶς εἰ καὶ μετρίως τι τούτων ἐποίησε, προεΐλετο 
ἀποθανεῖν, whereas he might easily have been acquitted (ἀφείθη ἄν), tf he 
had done any of these things ever an a mode rate deqree, he chose to die. 
Xen. Mem. iv. 4, 4. Σκέμματα τῶν ῥᾳδίως ἀποκτιννύντων καὶ ava- 


" 5 , 7 . " 
αν, €t οἱοι TE σαν, considerations for those who 


βιωσκομένων Ύ 
readily put men to death, and who would bring them to life again too if 
they could. Puatr. Crit. 48 C, (Αναβιωσκομένων ἄν -- ἀνεβιώσκοντο 
av.) ‘Qs οἷός 7 Ov σε σῴξειν εἰ ἤθελον ἀναλίσκειν χρήματα, whereas 
I might have saved you if I had been willing to sp nd money. Ib. 44 B. 


480. A verbal noun may take the place of an apodosis. £.4. 


‘~a " 7 , ~ K Ἂ , A 4 2 , 4 ) ~ s ΕἾ <F, ἊΝ 
δ OVT αναστηΤηρα λαόμειων χ OVOS εἰ μὴ θεων τις εμποῦων 








485] SUBSTITUTION AND ELLIPSIS IN APODOSIS 179 


we ~ 7 . 

corn) COpt, as one who would have laid waste (= ἀνέστησεν av) the 
¥ ἷ᾽ cf a , . = / 
Cadmeans land, 17 some one of the Gods had not stood ἴῃ the way of his 
spear, AESCH. Sept. LOLS. 


481. Other forms in which an apodosis may appear, as a final 
clause, need no discussion. (See 445.) 

In indirect discourse, after past tenses, an optative in the apodosis 
often represents an original indicative or subjunctive. (See 15 and 
457.) 


482. The apodosis is sometimes omitted, when some such 
expression as ἐΐ is well or it will be done can be supplied, or when 
some other apodosis is at once suggested by the context. E.g. 

5 A \ \? b 4 Ξ Ν ’ ’ 5 4 » ὲ 4 

ALAS ει μεν OWTOVTE γερᾶς μεγάθυμοι Αχαιοὶ, αρσᾶντες κατα 
. 4 o > Sh ” \/ “few > 
θυμὸν, ὅπως ἀντάξιον ἔσται, --- εἰ δέ κε μὴ δώωσιν, ἐγὼ δέ κεν 
αὐτὸς ἕλωμαι, uf they give me a prize,—well ; but uf they do not, 1 shall 
take one for myself. Il. i. 1385. (Here we must understand something 
“ἢ Ἢ ΦΑ . ἧς : : > : ” 19 , , " 
like εὖ ἐξει, it will be well, after evra.) Ki περ yap κ᾽ ἐθέλῃσιν 
Ὀλύμπιος ἀστεροπητὴς ἐξ ἐδέων στυφελίξαι "-- 6 γὰρ πολὺ φέρτατός 
ἐστιν, Il. 1, ὅ80. (Here we must understand he can do it after the 

r the 
protasis. The following γάρ refers to this suppressed apodosis.) Ei 
‘ ’ ‘ + A ¢ A ie ae “ και Η - 
μεν EYW υμᾶς LKAVWS οιθάσκω οἰους OE€EL T pos ἀλλήλους εἶναι".--- εἶ δὲ 
μὴ, καὶ παρὰ τῶν προγεγενημένων μανθάνετε. XEN. Cyr. viii. 7, 24. 
pmef ω ᾿ as r= / > ’ » > » ’ , ’ 

EVOL TATPWLOL εὐχόμεθ᾽ εἶναι, εἴ TEP TE YEpoVT εἴρηαι ἐπελθὼν 
Aaéprny, we boast that we are friends by inheritance, (as you may know) 
uf you go and ask Laertes, Od. i. 187. ΠΡροσηγορεύθης ἡ Διὸς κλεινὴ 
as , > > ” ~ Ἄ , , 
ὀάμαρ μέλλουσ εσεσθ,, εἰ TWVOE προσσαίνει σε τι. ἈΑΈΞΟΗ. Prom. 834. 


483. Sometimes the adverb av, without a verb expressed, re- 
presents an apodosis in the indicative or optative, when the verb 
can easily be supplied. 1... 

Οἱ οἰκέται ῥέγκουσιν: ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἂν πρὸ τοῦ (sc. οὕτως ἔρρεγκον) 


73 


but they would not have been snoring at thes late hour in old tumes. AR. 


7 κ ’ φῶ": \ ’ ~ 4 / ΕἾ ‘ . / 
Nub. 5. (see 227.) DO πὼς yap av; (se. €t7), how could it be 2 


484. In ὥσπερ ἂν εἰ with a noun, as ὥσπερ av εἰ tats, like a child, 
there is originally a suppression of the verbs of both protasis and 
apodosis (227; 485); but in use the expression hardly differs ffm 
WOTE/. (See 868-870.) 


485. (Qs εἰ and ὥσπερ εἰ.) There is an unconscious sup- 
pression of the verb of the apodosis when ὡς εἰ, ὡς εἴ TE, and 
ὥσπερ εἰ are used in similes and comparisons. £..4. 

Λαοὶ ἕπονθ᾽, ὡς εἴ TE μετὰ κτίλον ἕσπετο μῆλα, the hosts followed 
as if sheep followed a ram. 11, xiii. 492. (No definite verb is under- 
stood here, either with ὡς in Greek or with as in English, but the 
origin of the expression is the same in both.) @rdAav ὡς εἴ τις δωρή- 
σεται. Prixp, ΟἹ. vii. 1. Kai με φίλησ᾽ ὡς εἴ τε πατὴρ ὃν παῖδα 
φιλήσῃ. 1]. ἰχ. 481. Οἱ δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἔσαν ὡς εἴ τε πυρὶ χθὼν πᾶσα νέμοιτο, 


1.6. their march was as uf the whole land should flame with Sire (originally 








180 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [486 


as it would be if, etc.) Il. ii. 780. By δ᾽ ἔμεν, πάντοσε χεῖρ᾽ A 
ὡς εἰ πτωχὸς πάλαι εἴη, holding out his hand as vf he had long - εἶν 
beggar (438). Od. xvii. 366. For other optatives with ws εἰ, see 1]. 
xi. 467, xxii. 410; Od. ix. 314, x. 416. me 

Ὥσπερ εἰ παρεστάτεις, as if you had dwelt near by. AESc H. ne. 
1201. Ὅμοια ὥσπερ εἴ τις πολλὰ ἐσθίων μηδέποτε ἐμπίπλαιτο, just 
as if one should eat much and never be filled. XEN. Symp. LV. vt ; 

There is the same suppression of the apodosis in the examples 
in 475, where the protasis also is wanting with ws εἰ and similar 
expressions. 


A podosis contained in the Protasis. 


486. A protasis may depend on a verb which is not its 
apodosis, the real apodosis being so distinctly implied in the 
form of expression that it need not be stated separately. 


487. 1. This is found especially in Homer, where εἴ κε (αἴ κε 
or ἤν (without an expressed apodosis) often seems to have the 
force of in the hope that ; as In πατρὸς ἐμοῦ κλέος μετέρχομαι, ἣν 
που ἀκούσω, Ϊ am gowng to seek tidings of my father, uf TI shall chance 
to hear of him, i.e. that I may hear of him if perchance I shall, or 
in the hope that I shall hear of him (Od. iii. 83). Here the pro- 
tasis carries with it its own apodosis, which consists of an 
implied idea of purpose.’ The whole sentence (both protasis 
and apodosis) is thus condensed into the protasis ; but the 
apodosis is always felt in the implied idea of purpose 9 
desire which is inherent in the idiom. As we have seen (312, 
2) that final clauses with av or xe and the subjunctive originally 
included both a conditional relative clause and a final sentence, 
so here we have both a conditional and a final force included 
under a single conditional form; and this double force Is felt 
also in the English translation, if haply, in the hope that, in case 
that, ete. Eig. 7 

Αὐτὰρ σοὶ πυκινῶς ὑποθήσομεθ᾽, ai Ke πίθηαι, but we will make 
you a wise suggestion, for you to obey it if you will Ll. xxi. 293. 
(Here the protasis at κε πίθηαι with its implied apodosis seems like 
meiBor ἂν εἰ πείθοι, you can obey if you please, AESCH. Ag. 1049, and 
Xaipor ἂν εἰ χαίροιτ᾽, Lb. 1394.) So I]. 1. 207, 420, XL, 791, xxi, 
82; Od. i. 279. Πέμψω δ᾽ ἐς Σπάρτην. - + VOOTOV πευσόμενον 
πατρὸς φίλου, ἣν που ἀκούσῃ, ἡδ᾽ ἵνα μιν κλέος exnow, I will send 
him to Sparta, to ask about his father’s return, in hope that he may hear 
of it, and in order that glory may possess him. Od. 1. θῶ. (Here the 

1 The English translation of certain conditional clauses in the New 
Testament which have this peculiar construction preserves the sense of pur- 
pose or desire with the original form of protasis. Thus, that they should seek 
the Lord, if haply they might feel after him and find him, Acts xvii. 27 ; and 
he came (to the fig tree), if haply he might find anything thereon, MARK xi. 18. 








487] APODOSIS CONTAINED IN THE PROTASIS 181 


added final clause shows the distinction between this and the protasis 
ἣν που ἀκούσῃ.) So Od. i. 281, ii. 216, 360, iii. 83. Εἰπέ μοι, ai 
κέ ποθι γνώω τοιοῦτον ἐόντα, if haply I may recognise him. Od. xiv. 
118. Βάλλ᾽ οὕτως, ai κέν τι φόως Δαναοῖσι γένηαι, if haply you 
mary become (i.e. in hope that you may become), ete. Il. viii. 282. So II. 
xi. 797, 799, xiii. 236, xiv. 78, xvi. 39. 41 (cf. 84), xvii. 121, 692, 
xvill, 199. Kai οἱ ὑποσχέσθαι δυοκαίδεκα βοῦς ἱερευσέμεν, αἴ K 
ἐλεήσῃ ἄστυ, . .. αἵ κεν Τυδέος υἱὸν ἀπόσχῃ ᾽Ιλίου ἱρῆς, let her 
promise to sacrifice twelve oxen (to Athena), in hope that she may pity the 
city, . . . if haply she may keep the son of Tydeus from sacred Ilios, ete. 
Il. vi. 93. (For ai κεν ἀπόσχῃ Aristarchus read ὥς Kev.) Εὐφημῆσαί 
τε κέλεσθε, ὄφρα Ari Kpovidy ἀρήσομεθ᾽, αἴ κ᾽ ἐλεήσῃ, in order that 
we may pray to Zeus to pity us if he will (if haply he shall pity us). 1]. 
ix. 171. So Il. vi. 281, 309, xvii. 245, xxii. 419, xxiv. 116, 301, 
357; Od. xiii. 182. See also εἴ κέν πως βούλεται λοιγὸν ἀμῦναι, Il. 
i. 66. Πατρόκλῳ ἔφεπε κρατερώνυχας ἵππους, αἴ κέν πώς μιν ἕλῃς, 
δώῃ δέ τοι εὖχος ᾿Απόλλων. IL xvi. 794. So II. xv. 297; Od. xxii. 
76. Δεύρ᾽ ἱκόμεθ᾽, αἴ κέ ποθι Ζεὺς ἐξοπίσω περ παύσῃ ὀιζύος. Od. 
iv. 84. So Od. i, 379, ii, 144, xii. 215, xvii. 51, 60, xxii 969. 
"Extopos ὄρσωμεν κρατερὸν μένος, ἤν τινά που Δαναῶν προκαλέσ- 
σεται. Il. vii. 39, Ὕψόσε δ᾽ αὐγὴ γίγνεται ἀίσσουσα περικτιόνεσσι 
ἰδέ κέν πως σὺν νηυσὶν ἀρῆς ἀλκτῆρες ἵκωνται. Il. xviii. 911. 


ἰδέσθαι, αἴ 
223 @f > , ΤΑ 4 2 ’ » / / 
Ki δέ K €Tl TpOTEpH παρανήξομαι, Vv που ἐφεύρω ἡιονας͵ δείδω, κιτιλ,, 


but if I shall swim on still farther, to find a shore 1 haply I may, I fear, 
— ” 5 , . . 

ete. Od.v.417. (Here ἤν που ἐφεύρω depends on an ordinary protasis, 

which, however, is not its apodosis. ) 


᾿Αλλ᾽ ayer’, αἴ κέν πως θωρή- 
ξομεν υἷας ᾿Αχαιῶν, 1.6, let us arm them if we can. Il. ii. 72 (so 83). 
Σκέπτεο νῦν, αἴ κε ἴδηαι ζωὸν ἔτ᾽ ᾿Αντίλοχον, if haply you may see, 
Il. xvii, 652. Lo οἴκῳ δῶρον ποτιδέγμενος, αἴ κε πόρῃσιν, expecting 
a gift, of haply he shall give one (i.e. in hope that he will give one). Od, ii. 
186. So Od. xv. 312. ᾿Αλλ’ od γάρ σ᾽ ἐθέλω βαλέειν τοιοῦτον 
ἐόντα λάθρῃ ὀπιπεύσας, ἀλλ᾽ ἀμφαδὸν, εἴ κε τύχωμι, Uf haply I may 
hit you, 1]. vii. 242. Nov αὖτ᾽ ἐγχείῃ πειρήσομαι, αἴ κε τύχωμι, I 
will try with my spear, if haply I may hit you. Il. v. 279. Ὡς ὅτε τις 
τροχὸν κεραμεὺς πειρήσεται, αἴ κε θέῃσιν, Le. tries a wheel, in case it 
will run (i.e. to let it run if it will). ll. xviii. 600. (The analogy of 
the two preceding examples shows that there is no indirect question.) 

[lapefeo καὶ λαβὲ γούνων, αἴ κέν πως ἐθέλῃσιν ἐπὶ Τρώεσσιν 
ἀρῆξαι, i.e. clasp his knees in the hope that he will aid the Trojans (that 
he may aid them in case he will), Il. i. 407. So IL vii. 394, x, οὔ, 
ΧΙ], 743, xviii. 457; Od. iii. 92, iv. 322. For these last examples, 
see 490, 9, 

For ai xe in the common text of Homer, here as elsewhere, Bekker 
and Delbriick write εἴ κε (see footnote to 379), 

2. In alternatives with two opposite suppositions, this con- 
struction implies that the subject is ready for either result, though 
the former is hoped for or expected. E.g. 














182 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [488 


᾿Ιθὺς φέρεται μένει, ἤν τινα πέφνῃ ἀνδρῶν ἢ αὐτὸς φθίεται πρώτῳ 
ἐν ὁμίλῳ, i.e. he (a lion) rushes on, ready to slay or to perish, Il. XX, 172 
In Od. XXIV. 216, the common text has πατρὸς πειρήσομαι, al κε (με 
εἴ κε) μ' ae οὖς HE Kev ἀγνοιῇσι, I will try my father (ready for 
either result), case he shall recognise me or shall not know me (where 
κέν alone in te second clause is very strange). But La Roche reads 
ἤ κέ μ' ἐπιγνώῃ, as an indirect question, one Ms. having ἢ κε: see 
also Od. xviii. 265. Ἔπ πιγνώῃ is Hermann’s conjecture for ἐπιγνοίη 
or γνοίη. : 
488. The optative with εἰ (rarely εἴ xe) is sometimes used in 
Homer like the subjunctive after primary tenses in sentences of 
this class. It is also very common after past tenses, represent- 
ing a subjunctive of the original form, though oce asionally the 
subjunctive is retained in indirect discourse (696). 4g. 
"AXAN ἔτι τὸν δύστηνον ὀΐομαι, εἴ ποθεν ἐλθὼν ἀνδρῶν μνηστήρων 
σκέδασιν κατὰ δώματα θείη. but I am still expecting the poor man, if 
haply he should come and scatter the suitors. Od. xx. 224. So Od. 
ii, 351. ᾿Αλλά tis εἴη “A γαμέμνονι, εἰ πλείονας παρὰ ναῦφιν ἐπ- 
οτρύνειε νέεσθαι. let some one go to A. in hope that he may exhort, 
ete. Od. xiv. 496. See also 491, below. 
Βούλευον 6 OT WS ὄχ᾽ ἄριστα γένοιτο, εἴ τιν᾽ seg ote θανάτου λύσιν 
εὑροίμην, Le. τῇ nae + might Jind some escape. Od. x. 420. AAA 
eyo οὐ πιθόμην, ὄς bp αὐτόν τε ἴδοιμι καὶ εἴ μοι δώ. δοίη, but I dis- 
obeyed them, in order that I might see him (the ¢ ‘yclops) and in hope that 
he would ἴδει me hospitality. Od. ix. 228. (The final clause and the 
protasis are here again clearly distinguished : see Od. 1 93 under 48 i 1.) 
Πολλὰ δέ τ᾽ ayKe ἐπ Abe μετ ἀνέρος ixve ἐρευ νῶν, εἴ ποθεν ἐξεύροι. 
Il. xviii, 321. Πειρήθη δὲ εὖ αὐτοῦ ἐν ἔντεσι, εἰ of ἐφαρμόσσειε καὶ 
ἐντρέχοι ἄγλαα γυῖα, i.e. he tried himse lf in his armour, eager jor ut to 
fit him and for his limbs to play freely mn at if haply it should jit hom, 
ete.), Il. xix. 384. (See the cases of the subjunctive after πειρῶμαι 
in 487,1. Here there is no indirect question, for Achilles can have no 
real doubt about the fit. ) Ἐν δὲ πίθοι οἴνοιο ἕστασαν, εἴ TOT Odve- 
σεὺς οἴκαδε νοστήσειε, i.e. the casks of wine wer waiting for the return 
of Ulysses. Od. ii. 340. Ἧστο κάτω ὁρόων, TOTLOEY γμενος εἴ τί μιν 
εἴποι, i.e. he sat looking down, waiting for Pe nelope ta speak, Od. XXliL 
91. Tod ἠνώγει εἰπεῖν ἔπος, εἴ κ᾿ ἐθέλητε παύσασθαι πολέμου, hi 
bade me say this word ὦ haply you might he willing to stop the war. 1]. 
vii. 394. (This appears in vs. 387 as εἴ κε γένοιτο, and the direct 
form of the command in vs. 375 is εἴ κ᾽ ἐθέλωσιν.) In 1]. xiv. 163- 
165 we have εἴ πως ἐμείραιτο oo τῷ δὲ χεύῃ after a past tense. 
Νῆχε παρὲξ, εἴ Tov ἐφεύροι "ιόνας. Od. v. 439. Compare VS. 417, 
εἶ δέ KE TAPav ng ἕομαι, ἣν TOU ἐφ βεύρω, under = : 
See also 1]. 11. 97, 11]. “450, iv. 88, x. 19, xil. 122, 333, χι 807, 
464, xxiii, 40; Od. 1. 115, iv. 317, ix. § ed . Ἂν 247, Eh 
79, 628, xii. 334, xiv. 460, xxii. 91, 381. 


489. This construction (487 ; 488) with both subjunctive and 











This gives rise to a variety of constructions. 1.9 





490] APODOSIS CONTAINED IN THE PROTASIS 183 


optative is found also in Attic Greek and in Herodotus, but with 
less variety of expression, and at the same time with some ex- 
tension of the usage. Especially to be noticed are the protases 
depending on verbs like βούλομαι and θέλω in Herodotus. ΚΕ. 


Θήβας ἡμᾶς πέμψον, ἐάν πως διακωλύσωμεν ἰόντα φόνον τοῖσιν 
ὁμαίμοις, send us to Thebes, to prevent, of haply we may, etc. ὅορη. Ὁ. C. 
1769. TH ἧς ἐμῆς γνώμης ἄκουσον, ἣν τί σοι δοκῶ λέγειν, hear my 
judgment, in the ἊΝ that you may think there %s something an what I 
say. Eur. H. F. 278. ’Eéeovro τοῦ Apurraydpew, εἴ κως αὐτοῖσι 
παράσχοι δύναμίν τινα καὶ κατέλθοιεν ἐς τὴν ἑωυτῶν, they besought A., 
of in any way he might supply them with an armed force and they might 
be restored to their own land (to do this). Hor. v. 30. P pov) TAVTES εἴ 
κως ἕν γένοιτο τὸ Ἑλληνικόν, having τὲ at heart that, uf it were in any 
sa possible, the Hell nie race should be made one, Id. Vii. 145. BovAo- 
μένην εἴ κως ἀμφότεροι γενοίατο βασιλέες, i.e. wishing that both might 
be made kings, if in an y way this could be done. Id. vi. 52. ᾿Εβουλεύετο 
θέλων εἴ κως τούτους πρώτους ἕλοι. Id. ix. 14. ΤΠΡρόθυμοι ἦσαν ἐπι- 
χειρέειν (sc. τῇσι νηυσὶ), εἴ κως ἕλοιεν αὐτάς. Id. viii. 6. Πέμψαντες 
παρ᾽ ᾿ Αθηναίους πρέσβεις, εἴ πως πείσειαν μὴ σφῶν πέρι νεωτερίζειν 
μηδέν, to persuade them if they might, ete. THU c. 1. 58. llopevdpevor ἐ ἐς 
τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ὁ ὡς βασιλέα, εἴ πως πείσειαν αὐτόν, followed by βουλόμενοι 
πεῖσαι αὐτὸν, εἰ δύναιντο, στρατεῦσαι, in ne arly the same sense. Id. 
ll. 67. ΠΠυνθανόμενοι τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ἐς τὴν Καμάριναν πρεσβεύ- 
εσθαι. εἴ πως προσαγάγοιντο αὐτούς, that they went on an embassy to 
ἔν, to oreng the town over if they could, Id. vi. 75. (Compare ἐ es Axpa- 
oe Σικανὸν ἀπέστειλαν. ὅπως ὑπαγά ' sands τὴν 1 πόλιν εἰ δύναιτο, 
vil. 46. This might have been εἴ πως tra γάγοιτο τὴν πόλιν, and in 
vi. 75 we might have had ὅπως προσαγάγοιντο αὐτοὺς εἰ δύ VALVTO, 
with nearly the same force, but with different constructions.) See 1 


ὟΝ 


4, εἴ πως... διασώσειαν. _— πρὸς σὲ δεῦρ᾽ ἀφίγμεθα, εἴ τινα 
πόλιν φράσειας ἡμῖν εὔερον, w > have CONE hither to you as suppliants, 
in the hope that wou moght tell us of some city soft as a fleece (to have 1 you 
tell us, uf perchance you might do so), Ar. Av. 120. Ἄκουσον Kat 
ἐμοῦ, ἐάν σοι ταὐτὰ δοκῇ), listen to me too, in the hope that you may think 
the same (in case the same shall seem true to you). PLAT. Rep. 358 B: 


80 434 A, “Opa οὖν καὶ προθυμοῦ κατιδεῖν, ἐάν πως πρότερος ἐμοῦ 
ἴδῃς καὶ ἐμοὶ φράσῃς, i.e. for the chance that you may see wt first and 
tell me. Ib. 439 C: so 618 C, Theaet. 192 ἔν Soph. 226 CC. See also 
XEN, An. ii. 1, 8, av τι δύνωνται, and Ar. Nub. 535. On this principle 
we must explain Ar. Ran. 339, οὔκουν ἀτρέμ' ἕξεις, ἣν τι καὶ χορδῆς 
λάβῃ», will you not keep quiet then, in the hope of getting some sausage 
too (i.e. to have some sausage uf you ἄνα to get any) ? 

490. 1, The apodosis may, further, be suggested by the 
context, even by the protasis itself, without implying that the 
protasis expresses a purpose or desire of the leading subject. 


- ~ 5 , wa ” 4 4 , > » , > 
TAVELV εμοι νιν €000 AV, €LTE μὴ ΚτΤανωὼν θέλοιμ ἄγεσθαι πάλιν ες 











eT ae 


Ca ae 


<p ee πε τρις 


184 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [4s 


5 - an case I should 
᾿Αργείαν χθόνα, they gave her (Helen) to me to slay, or, in case I shi 

( lay her but to carry her back to the land of Argos (for me 
prefer not to s ay ér Ol doh . Ξ ᾿ } y μαι a 
to do this). Eur. Tro. 874. “Hv (τὴν ξυμμαχίαν) γε οὐκ ἐπ “ : 

ov δὲ € ov ἢ > ed ὑμᾶς in, ie. you made 2 
φίλοις ἐποιήσασθε, τῶν 0€ ἐχθρων ἣν τις ed UPAS ἴῃ, y ~ ely 
(to use) in case any of your enemies should come against you. a - 

i Sy πόλιν lev, ἐχώρουν ‘ched towards 
79. Πρὸς τὴν πόλιν, εἰ ἐπιβοηθοῖεν, ἐχώρουν, they marche er 
the city, (to be ready) in case the citizens should rush out. Id. vi. 100. 

- > \ : J / ‘i ε ἊΣ : ᾿ : 

Τάλλα, ἣν ἔτι ναυμαχεῖν οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι τολμήσωσι, 7 ili. OEY 

b ͵ : : : 
ions, ( tT "se : Athenians should 
they made other preparations, (to be ready) in case the At “rs 
; 17 i «- * -- wo a = - WV 
venture on further sea-fights, Id, vii. 59. Κήρι γμα ποιοῦνται . 
υ ἤλεται er ἐλευθερί ς ἀπιέναι, they make 
νησιωτῶν εἴ τις βούλεται ἐπ ἐλευθερίᾳ ὡς σφὰς a7 Ν - " = 
: ᾿ . " “oe 4° > ᾽ > ‘ - ) } 
proclamation, in case any of the islanders wishes to come over = - t 

: . - ” - , Ξ 2 9 AN ’ a Y τῶν 

promise of freedom ( for him to do so). Id. vii. 82. Οὐδεμία BAaf ἢ 
tes 4 v , ἐ 
πρὺς τὰς πόλεις διαπομπῶν ἔς τε κατασκοπὴν καὶ ἣν τι ἄλλο air μν 
ἐπιτήδειον, there is no harm in the envoys whom we have sent to th 
; . Σ᾿ , > 
various cities, partly for inquiry, and also in case any other advantage 
may appear (to secure this), 1.6. to secure any other advantage that may 
‘ τ᾿ ‘ ” 7 Ne iN -- > ‘ ὡ 
appear. Id. vi. 41. So καὶ εἴ τινα πρὸς ἄλλον δέοι, Id. v. 37. Apas 

a ” aye seal : > Ἢ invoke curses, uf any one 
ποιοῦνται, εἰ τις ἐπικηρυκεύεται Ilepoais, they n ok πρὸ δ τῶν: 
(i.e. to fall on any one who) sends heralds to the Persians. 1500, iv. 157. 

; ; Ξ ; ” ” 5 4 ᾿ ’ 5: , ἢ . 
Φιλοτιμεῖσθαι μηδ᾽ evi ἐφ᾽ ἄλλῳ ἢ ἐπὶ χρημάτων κτήσει - Ἢ τι 
; U con, i.e. for "6 8, PLAT. 
ἄλλο εἰς τοῦτο φέρῃ, i.e. for anything els that may le ad to thas i 
Rep. 553 Ὁ. See Aristror. Eth. x. 9, 2: ἐχεὶν (τὴν ἀρετὴν) Kat χρὴη- 

; Δ » ye > 4 me eh ᾿ . 
σθαι πειρατέον, ἢ εἴ πως ἄλλως ayaGou γινόμεθα, we must try to 
possess and employ virtue, or if there is any other means of becoming 
virtuous (to use this). 

2. In the Homeric examples in which the protasis consists of an 
infinitive depending on ἐθέλω (487, 1, end), the apodosis is suggested 
infinitive depending | 1 ν aaa 

» eres ar ae ag ge χς 
by the infinitive rather than by ἐθέλω. This shows t lat a Ay : 
in itself has no final foree. See also Od. xxii. 381, πάπτηνεν (ὁ 


“Ὁ 8 


> - a & % , 
<\ ΝΣ ~ ταὶ "δ ᾿ ~ τ ΄ -τὶ LTO 
€0OV OOPLOV, TtS {7 at oOpwl (wos UTOK Ao 7T €¢ 


5 


Ὀδυσεὺς κατ ᾿ 
ἀλύσκων κῆρα μέλαιναν, he peered through his house, in case any man 
για still hy alive and hiding himse lf Le. to find any such wean J where 
no cesire or hope is implied, and the construction is like that of Tauc. 
vi. 100 (above). a τς 

In Puiar. Rep. 327 C, οὐκοῦν ἔτι ἐλλείπεται τὸ ἣν πείσωμεν 
ὑμᾶς ὡς χρὴ ἡμᾶς ἀφεῖναι; the subject οἵ ἐλλείπεται is ἃ protasis 
introduced by τό, into which the apodosis has been wholly absorbed, 
The construction is, 1s there not still left thee supposition of our pe rsuag- 
ing you that you must let us qo 2 But the meaning 18, us it not left Jor 
“ὦ to pe rsuade you that you must let us qo, 0 Ta can Le. πεῖσαι nV 
πείσωμεν) }] This is an important example for explaining this whole 
class of sentences (486-490). The cases in 490 make it plain that the 
final force often ascribed to εἰ or ἦν comes from the suppression of an 
apodosis containing the idea of purpose or desire, since the same form 
of protasis which is sometimes called final has no final force waen a 
slightly different apodosis is implied (as in THuc, vi. 79, 100, vii. 59). 














491] APODOSIS CONTAINED IN THE PROTASIS 185 


491. Sometimes a clause with εἴ xe or ἤν (rarely εἰ) and the 
subjunctive, or with εἴ xe or εἰ and the optative, in Homer is the 
object of οἶδα, εἶδον, or a verb of saying, expressing in a condi- 
tional form a result which is hoped for or desired. These 
clauses have the appearance of indirect questions; but the 
analogy of the preceding examples (487-490) shows that all are 
based on the same idiom,—a protasis which involves its own 
apo’ sso that it would be useless to express the latter separ- 
ately. The examples are these :— 

Tis οἶδ᾽ εἴ κε καὶ αὐτὸς ἰὼν κοίλης ἐπὶ νηὸς τῆλε φίλων ἀπόλη- 
ται, who knows the chances that he too may perish, ete. ? or who knows the 
chances of his perishing, etc., of haply he may? Od. ii. 332. (We may 
translate colloquially : who knows ? supposing he too shall perish ?) Tis 
οἶδ᾽ εἴ κ᾽ ᾿Αχιλεὺς φθήῃ ἐμῷ ὑπὸ δουρὶ τυπεὶς ἀπὸ θυμὸν ὀλέσσαι; 
who knows the chances that Achilles may first be struck (the chances of his 
being first struck, if haply he shall be)? Il. xvi. 860. (We should 
naturally express this by a different construction, whether he may not 
be first struck.) Tis οἶδ᾽ εἴ κέν of σὺν δαίμονι θυμὸν ὀρίνω παρειπών ; 
who knows the chances of my rousing his spirit by persuasion, if haply I 
shall do so? 1]. xv. 403. In II. xi, 792 we have Nestor’s advice to 
Patroclus, τίς οἶδ᾽ εἴ κέν of σὺν δαίμονι θυμὸν ὀρίναις παρειπών; 
who knows the chances that you could rouse his spirit by persuasion ? 
(ὀρίναις κε being potential), Ov μὴν οἶδ᾽ εἰ αὖτε κακορραφίης ἀλε- 
γεινῆς πρώτη ἐπα ὕρηαι καί oe π nyyvoTW ἱμάσσω, Iam not sure 
of the chances of your be ing the first to enjoy your own device, etc., i.e. 
I am not so sure that you may not be the first to enjoy tt, if it shall so 
chance, 1], xv. 16. Ζεὺς γάρ που τό ye οἶδε καὶ ἀθάνατοι θεοὶ ἄλλοι, 
εἴ κέ μιν ἀγγείλαιμι ἰδών: ἐπὶ πολλὰ δ᾽ ἀλήθην, Zeus and the other 
mmmortals (alone) know this, the chance of my bringing news of him, of 
haply I have seen him and so might do this. Od. Xiv. 119. Ki δ᾽ ἄγε 
δή μοι τοῦτο, θεὰ. νημερτὲς ἐνίσπες, εἴ πως τὴν ὀλοὴν μὲν ὑπεκ- 
προφύγοιμι Χάρυβδιν, τὴν δέ κ᾽ ἀμυναίμην ὅτε μοι σίνοιτο γ᾽ 
ἑταίρους, ie. tell me this without fault, the chance of my escaping 
Charybdis if haply I should do this, and of my then keeping Scylla off 
af I could (lit. tell me this, supposing I should escape Charybdis and 
could then keep Scylla off). Od. xii. 112 (this translation supposes κ᾽ 
to be potential, affecting only ἀμυναίμην). 


5 , na ἊΝ » , ” ΜᾺ ᾽ ” > ΚΝ ε A 

Η μένετε Τρῶας σχεδὸν ἐλθέμεν, ὄφρα (Τ᾽ GLK ὑμμιν ὑπερσχῃ 
χεῖρα Κρονίων ; are you waiting for the Trojans to come near, that you 
may see the chances of the son of Cronos holding his hand over you ’—or 
that you may see him hold his hand over you, uf haply he may do this ? 


Ἢ 


ΠῚ. ἰν. 947. (We might say, is it that you may see it, supposing the son 
of Cronos to hold his hand over you ?) Tov σ᾽ αὖτις μνήσω, iv ἀπολ- 
λήξῃς ἀπατάων, δε Dp ἴδῃς ἣν TOL X Pa io py φιλότης TE καὶ εὐνή, 1.6, 
that you may see the chances of your de vice availing you, or that You may 
see tt of perchance your device shall avail you. Il. xv. 31. 


oF > > ~ “ , A 
See also Π, xx. 435, ἀλλ᾽ ἢ TOL μὲν ταῦτα θεῶν ἐν γούνασι κεῦται, 





austin 1 nna τς 








186 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [492 


al Ke we χειρότερός περ ἐὼν ἀπὸ θυμὸν ἕλωμαι, ie. this rests with the 
Gods, for me to take your life away, weaker though I am, vf perchance I 
may. The conditional construction is more obvious here than in II. 
iv. 247 and xv. 31; but in all three we naturally fall into an indirect 
question when we attempt to express the thought in English. 

492. A comparison of these peculiar conditional constructions (491) 
expressing hope or desire with clauses with μή expressing anxiety and 
desire to prevent a _ both depending on οἶδα or εἶδον, is sug- 
gestive. With Od. ii. 332 and 1]. xvi. 860 (in 491) compare ΣΕ χ 
100, οὐδέ τι ἴὄμεν, μή πως καὶ διὰ νύκτα μενοισήσωσι μάχεσθαι, nor 
do we know any way to prevent their being impelled, ete., and Piat. P haed. 
91 D (quoted in 366); and with I]. iv. 247 and xv. 31 (491) com- 
pare Od. xxiv. 491, ‘doe μὴ δὴ σχεδὸν ὦσι κιόντες (366). This com- 


A A 


parison shows that εἰδέναι (or ἰδεῖν) εἴ KE τοῦτο γέν ἡται means to know 
(or see) the chances of gaining this object of desire); while εἰδέναι (or 
ἰδεῖν) μὴ τοῦτο γέν ται means to know (or see) some way to prevent this 
(object of fear). The idea of desire or anxiety belongs to the dependent 
clause, and not at all to the leading verb. 

493. These Homeric expressions (491), in which nearly all the 
force is in the protasis, so that the apodosis is not only suppressed but 
hardly felt at all, helps to show how the particle εἰ came to be an 
indirect interrogative, in the sense of whether. But in Attic Greek, 
where the interrogative use 1s fully established, only the simple εἶ 
(never ἤν or ἐάν) can mean whether, even when the verb is subjunc- 
tive (680). 


Εἰ AFTER EXPRESSIONS OF WONDER, INDIGNATION, ETC. 


494. After many expressions of wonder, delight, content- 
ment, indignation, disappointment, prty, and similar emotions, 


a protasis with ef may be used to express the object of the 
emotion. When the supposition of the protasis is present 
or past, a causal sentence would generally seem more 


natural. Such expressions are espec ially θαυμάζω, αἰσχύ- 


> 7 
vouat, ἀγαπῶ, ἀγανακτῶ, and δεινὸν ἐστιν. E {. 


γε ἊΨ ; » > a. , ᾽ ᾽ ΄. 
Θαυμάζω ὃ ἔγωγε εἰ μηδεὶς ὑμῶν μήτ ἐνθυμειται μητ ὁργιί(εται, 

ε .᾿ ᾿ Ι Ὶ 

Opwv, K.T.A., Ϊ wonder that no one of you 18 either conce rned or angry, 

when he sees, ete. lit. 7f no one is either conc rned or angry, 1 wonder), 

i 7 > ’ ; ~ , « ᾽ \ ’ ‘ : 
Dem. iv. 43. AAA ἐκεῖνο θαυμάζω. εἰ Λακεδαιμονίοις μὲν ποτε ἀντ- 
' μας i 

, 4 Ἃ 5 ~ +s ἢ ‘ , 3 ‘ 

ἤρατε, νυνὶ δ᾽ ὀκνεῖτε ἐξιέναι καὶ μέλλετε εἰσῴφερειν, but I wonder at 

this, that you once opposed the Lacedaemonians, but now are unwilling, 

ete. Id. ii hee (The literal meaning 18, uf it is true that) you once 
Ξ Ξ A = ἂ " 2 7. ; > 

opened, Ἢ _ the n I wonder.) Οὐκ ayar?g = Μὴ ΕῊΡ θεθωκεν, ἀλλ 
/ c 

εἰ μὴ καὶ χρυσῷ στεφάνῳ στες ῥανωθήσεται a γανακτεῖ, he is not content 

if he has not been punts shed ; but uf Ψ is not ae to he cCTOWT d with a 





497] Ke AFTER EXPRESSIONS OF WONDER ETC. 187 


golden crown, he 1s indignant. Axsc ΜΗ. ill. 147, Kai ὡς ἀληθῶς 
Ἂ ’ 

oT εἰ οὑτωσὶ ἃ νοῶ μὴ οἷός τ᾽ εἰμὶ εἰπεῖν, I am indignant that 
or 2 a } , ’ 

7) m not able, etc. Piar. Lach. 194 A. Οὐ δὴ θαυμαστόν 
ἐστιν, εἰ στρατευόμενος καὶ πονῶν ἐκεῖνος αὐτὸς ὑμῶν μελλόντων 
καὶ ψηφιώωμένων καὶ πυνθανομένων περιγίγνεται, it is no wonder that 
he , gels the advantage of you, etc. Dem. ii. 23. Μηδὲ μέντοι τοῦτο μεῖον 

ς ἽΣ 
60 gyre ἔχειν, εἶ οἱ νριῖοι πρόσθεν σὺν ἡμῖν ταττόμενοι νῦν ἀφε- 
i ao ie. do not be apegeriguee if (or that) the Cyraeans have now 
withdraw ill 

awn, XEN. An. iii. ma 24s Aive σε, εἰ κτενεῖς δάμαρτα σήν. 
Eur. Tro. 890. 
Ὰ \ 7 ῶ 4 “ 

Δεινὸν a εἴη πρῆγμα, εἰ Σάκας μεν δούλους ἔχομεν, Ἕλληνας δὲ 
οὐ τιμωρησόμεθα. Hpr. Vil. 9, Αἰσχρόν ἐ ἐστιν, εἰ ἐγὼ μὲν τὰ ἔργα 
ὑπέμεινα, a pata O€ μηδὲ τοὺς λό" ου ς ἀνέξ ξεσθε. DE M. XV1ll. 160. Δεινὸν 
ἂ ὃ . . "» 

} εἴη, εἰ οἱ pee ἐκείνωι ξύμμαχοι οὐκ ἀπεροῦσιν, ἡμεῖς δὲ οὐκ Apa 
δαπανήσομεν. THuc. ] 121. Te 
λαθεῖν ᾿ ὅ ε ερας λέγεις, et, a. οὐκ ἂν δύναιντο 
AT. en. 91 D (see 506), Δεινὸν εἰ οἱ αὐτοὶ μάρτυρες 
τού TOLS μὲν ἂν μαρτ υροῦ VTES TLOT ot ἦσαν, ἐμοὶ δὲ μαρτυροῦ VTES ἄπ tO TOL 
sation it is hard that the same witnesses ἐμ stufying for them would have 
ween trustworthy, and testifying for me are to be untrustworthy. ANT. vi 
29. See AESCHIN. i. 85. 
In all the preceding examples the protasis belongs under 402, the 


futures expressing present suppositions ( (407) . For εἶ ov see 386 and 
387, with examples. 


495. The same construction is sometimes used when the 
leading verb is past. E.g. 


Κατεμέμφετο αἱτὺὸν καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὑτῷ, εἰ οἱ ἄλλοι ἀκμάζειν par- 
λον ἑαυτῶν ἐδόκουν. XEN. C yr.iv. 3,3. But generally such sentences 
are affected by the principle of indirect discourse, and have either the 
optative or the form of the direct discourse : see XEN. Cyr. 11, 2 ἘΠ ἡ 
ἠχθέσθην εἴ Ti μεῖον δοκοῖεν ἔχειν where δοκοῦσι might ἢ: 6 uns 
use d). See Ε ΠΕ. Med. 931, εἰσῆλθέ pe OLKTOS, εἰ γεν ἤσεται, and XEN. 
An. lL, 4, 7, WKTELPOV εἰ Pee Sea TO. ἢ or suc h sentences see 697, 


496. These expressions may also be followed by ὅτε and a causal 
sentence, δὲ in Puart. Theaet. 142 3 ἐθαύμαζον ὅτι οὐχ οἷός τ᾽ ἢ 
τὸν spa Che construction with εἰ ΟἼΨΘΕ a milder or more polite form 
of expression, putting the object of the wonder ete. into the form of a 
supposition, instead of stating it as a fact as we should do in English. 
They may also be followed by prot ses expressing ordinary conditions, 
which have nothing peculiar : see Isoc. XV. 117, a yar TOV (se ἐστίν) 
ἢν ἐκ λαβεῖν ὃδυν ηθῶσι τὸ δίκαιον. they must be coats uf they pe able 


" 


(cf. xix. 20); and Prat. Prot. 315 E, Dem. ii. 23 (εἰςπεριῆμεν). 


497. This construction must not be mistaken for that in which εἰ 


is used j » sense of 
5. used in the sense of whether, to introduce an indirect question; as 
ἡρώτων εἰ ἦλθεν, I asked whether he had come. 








CONDITIONAL SENTENCES 


MIXED CONSTRUCTIONS. 


498. The forms of protasis and apodosis which are regen 
in the classification above (388-397) include by far the — er 
number of the examples found in the classic authors. a 
cases remain, however, in which the protasis and gees ec 
not belong to the same form. Especially, the great = Be 
conditional expressions which the Homeric language Ἔν 
in both protasis and apodosis (399) allowed great = y = 
combination ; and the early poets used much greater free om 
these sentences than suited the more exact style of Attic prose. 


Ἴ ᾿ : ᾽ 0 V “0 ᾿ })»0» 02 recative 07" 
I. Optative in Protasis, with Future ΟἹ Present Indi 
an equivalent form in Apodosis. 


499. (a) In the earlier language a protasis with ay — 
is not infrequently followed by an apodosis with the a. ; 
dicative or imperative or (in Homer) with the en " 
subjunctive or future indicative in Homer may also take κε or a 
(452). Ey. 


4 ‘ 
¢ ~ ΜᾺ “ 
Ei τίς μοι ἀνὴρ ἅμ᾽ ἕποιτο καὶ ἄλλος, μᾶλλον θαλπωρὴ καὶ 


Ἔπε ἐξα ἔσται, if any other man should renee ti μὴν πρό 
will be more comfort and greater courage. 1]. χ, 222. (The Segal 
symmetry in the Greek is here precisely what it is ee afin ςυνοῖ 
and εἴη ἄν is no more required in the apodosis than woul ¥ is, 1 ΝΜ 
both are the conventional forms.) See Il. ix. 388, and aod Ἔρος 
πόρωμεν, εἰ ἐθέλοις. Tov y εἴ πως σὺ δύναιο ——e = 
βέσθαι, ὅς κέν τοι εἴπῃσι ὁδὸν, he will tell you, ond - δ νῷ 
See Il. xi. 386, εἰ πειρηθείης, οὐκ ἄν TOL χραίσμῃσι βιὸς; ae ΕΝ 
488, xx. 100, Od. xvii. 539. Ei δὲ δαίμων γενέθλιος <n peed 
Ἐνυαλίῳ τ᾽ ἐκδώσομεν πράσσειν. PIND. Ol. Xill. 106. § 01 = 
old curse, εἴ τις τάδε TapaPativot, ἐναγὴς ἔστω, AESC HIN, 1.1 νὰ 
See Sopn. O. T. 851, εἴ τι κἀκτρέποιτο, οὔτοι τόν γε Λαΐου φόνον 
φανεῖ δικαίως ὀρθόν. 
500. (})ὺ) A present indicative in the apodosis with er 
in the protasis is sometimes merely an emphatic future expres 


. γ 
sion. £.9. - os 
Ilavr EX ELS εἴ σε τούτων μοῖρ ἐφίκοιτο καλῶν, you have the 

>» = 3 

f ° alories f, - lot. Prxp. Isth. iv. (v. 
whole, should a share of these glories fall to your lo - PI Ὁ ἃ : ) 
14 So καιρὸν εἰ φθεγξαιο, μειων εῖεται μωμος αι pwTor, ἊΝ 
: ; ry f ved tn less censure O 
should you speak seasonably, you are sure to b Sollowec ᾽ . my) ἐν 
men, Py. i. 81 In Tuvc. ii. 39 we have καίτοι εἰ paGupia paddAov ἢ 

fe! Ξ 


΄ « ~ 
: ἐθε » κινδυνεύ ᾿ς 7 YLYVETAL μιν K.T.A. 
TOVWV μελέτῃ ἐθελοιμει κινμουνέυεεν, περιγιγνετι 1} ; 


i i 5 ee 4 l hil. 
1 For the cases in Pindar here and in 500 and 501, see Am. Jour. I 
iii. p. 444, 





502] MIXED CONSTRUCTIONS 189 


and now supposing that we should choose to meet dangers with a light heart 
rather than with laborious training, we secure the advantage, etc. This 
sentence is loosely jointed, like the others which have this combina- 
tion; the condition is stated as a remotely supposed case, in the vague 
future form, but the apodosis, we at once gain this advantage, etc., is 
adapted to a present supposition. The optative is generally emended 
to ἐθέλομεν, although it is one of the best attested words in Thucy- 
dides, being in the best Mss. and also being quoted by Dion. Hal. as 
a faulty expression. The criticism of Dionysius (de Thuc. Idiom. 12, 
1) is instructive : ἐνταῦθα γὰρ τὸ μὲν ἐθέλοιμεν ῥῆμα τοῦ μέλλοντός 
ἐστι χρόνου δηλωτικὸν, τὸ δὲ περιγίγνεται τοῦ παρόντος: ἀκόλουθον 
ν᾿ -.- 7 > , - 297 ‘ , 5 
δ᾽ ἂν ἣν εἰ συνέζευξε τῳ ἐθέλοιμεν τὸ περιέσται, i.e. the future 
. > > ‘A > > . , 
expression εἰ ἐθέλοιμεν should have a future form like περιέσται to 
correspond to it. 
eee 5 4 κε , , 4 / > , 

In Dem. xviii, 21, «i yap εἰναί τι δοκοίη τὰ μάλιστα ἐν τούτοις 
» , sas > A 7 4 ν , . > 
ἀδίκημα, οὐδέν ἐστι δήπου πρὸς ἐμέ, the apodosis refers to the real 
protasis af there is any apparent fault, 


501. (c) In most cases, however, the present indicative in the 
apodosis precedes, containing a general statement, and the optative 
adds a remote future condition where we should expect a general 
present supposition. 1.9. 

Ov μοι θέμις ἔστ᾽, οὐδ᾽ εἰ κακίων σέθεν ἔλθοι, ξεῖνον ἀτιμῆ- 
σαι, τὲ rs not right for me—even supposing a more wretched man than 
you should come—to dishonour a stranger. Od. xiv. 56. Θαρσαλέος 
yap ἀνὴρ ἐν πᾶσιν ἀμείνων ἔργοισιν τελέθει, εἰ καί ποθεν ἄλλοθεν 
ὅἄλθοι. Od. vii. 51. Sov. 484, viii. 138 ; Il. ix. 318. Ov? οὖν ay- 
γελίῃ ἔτι πε ίθομαι, εἴ ποθεν ἔλθο L, οὔτε θεοπροπίης ἐμπάζομαι, 
ἥν τινα μήτηρ ἐξερέηται, neither do I any longer put trust in reports— 
should any one come—nor do I regard any divination which my mother may 
ask, Od. i. 414. (Here the remoteness of the supposition in εἰ ἔλθοι 
is contrasted with the greater vividness of that expressed in ἐξερέηταὺ. 
Δεινόν τ᾽, εἴ κ᾿ ἐφ᾽ ἅμαξαν ὑπέρβιον ἄχθος ἀείρας ἄξονα κα υκάξαις 
τὰ δὲ φόρτι ἀμαυρώ θείη, itishard, ... supposing you should break 
your axle and your load should perish. Hus, Op. 692. Keépdos δὲ φίλ. 
τατον, ἑκόντος εἴ τις ἐκ δόμων φέροι, it is the dearest gain, if one 
should bring it from the house of a willing giver. Pryp, Py. viii. 13. 
See Isth. ii. 33. So Sopm. Ant. 1032. 

In most of these examples a general supposition with the subjunctive 
(or present indicative) in the protasis would have agreed more closely 
with the thought. If the protasis had preceded, so as to determine the 
character of the sentence, the apodosis would naturally have had the 
optative with κέ or ἄν, or some future form (as in the cases under αὐ. 


502. (d) The optative in protasis sometimes depends on the 
present of a verb of obligation, propriety, or possibility with an 
infinitive, the two forming an expression that is nearly equivalent 
in sense to an optative with ἄν. Lg. 








190 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [503 


Εἰ γὰρ εἴησαν δύο τινὲς ἐναντίοι νόμοι, οὐκ —— ft 
yn φίσασθαι, for if there should be two ὍΝ —. 0 δὲ : ) ‘ a : 
could not sure ly vote for both. DEM. XXIV, «0. Ι his 1s me yes 
apodosis formed by ἔδει, χρῆν, ἐνὴν, ete., with ἣν σον — 
There, for example, ἐνὴν AUTH ἐλθεῖν, he could have — y 
equivalent to ἦλθεν ἄν, and here ever Tw αὐτῳ μαρξετο Avene > 
nearly equivalent to ἔλθοι av. This use of the op πνεῖν 
common in the corresponding relative conditional sentences (5509). 


Il. Indicative or Subjunetive in Protasis, with Pote ntial 
Optative ov Tndicative ὙΠ A podosis. 


503. (a) A present or past tense of the indicative in = 
protasis with a potential optative or indicative (with av) in the 

τ: ᾿ ᾿ ᾿ ele ν ‘ r 
apodosis 15 a perfectly natural combination, each clause having 
its proper force. £.9. 


"» ay "» 
m , ᾿ - τς , iH . ae LV €7 Wye 
δέ Ἴ [AT ) ον ΟἹ as, Οὐκ ¢ 
‘i O€ TLS ἀθανάτων γε ΚΑΊ ouvupal ΟἹ εἰλ ) A Y y 


r) ~ ~ , , ‘- - Υ͂ . ris 
: Uf aVvlLowu lt pa χοιμ nV piel Li thou (rt Ott i, tii rmmort ‘5 
θεοῖσιν [4] ) L ᾶ : ; 


ns ds of heav l. vi. 
come from heave i, Ϊ would not Πα against thre (70 is 0] A ew | 
128 Πολλὴ γὰρ ἂν ευοαιμονια El ἢ περι τους VEOUS, εἰ ELS με! ᾿ OVOS 
a : ἄλλοι ὦφε λοῦσιν for there would naturally 

Vi ; / Fe 


he 


> Ἢ Ὗ , . 
αὐτους διαφθείρει, οἱ Fa Ψ Ot nal τοὶ 
— » 4 -» - - ; T Th ᾿ 
he ar it hap) ness. ete PLAT. Ap. 2d B. Or Tl θεσφατοι aA XPT 
Me eC } δὸς . é »: βε * , , πὶ 
ath, “Δ᾽ “ Ν γῷ ἃ , ᾿ ani ; Y\iEKGAtwOS ΤΟΙ 
ikvetO, ὠστε πρὸς TAlowl ανειν, πὼς GV OLKALMS 


LOL LV seed 
rs to me father through oracles 


ὀνειδίζοις ἐμοί; if i divine deeret COL - 
, ν ὸ , " ] ᾿ 7 . TH h 
th ut he 3 ta die hu has ΞΟ} hands, how can you justly rep wach Hite 

if . ἶ , 


‘ ε , 
ὶ ᾿ i - -- "“Oor εἴ μοι καὶ μεσως ἢγου- 
this? Sorn. O. C. 969; δο 974-914, Stor eb Po f " 


7 ~ 5 4 Η -~ . Pe 7 fj re οὐκ a ν 
ἢ , ἕτερων T , ιὑτὰ πολεμεῖν ἐπείσθητε, 
μενοι μᾶλλον ἑτέρων προσεῖναι αὐτὰ πὸ | ) 


: ? i re ype rsvaded 70 
) : | Me )0ὺ ΚῊΝΨ, } yor ve 
OTWS 0 Q“OLKELI αιτι i } 


a) "ἢ 701. Ϊ / f an rustice a 
make war by thinking ete T should not nou justly ἢ ΘΙ δι "9 h } é 
Γ τῇ ‘ 5 -_ é ; 
᾿ ba ‘ a > ω δ »» “ἢ; ᾿ ῳ ‘ 4 γεὼν 
ΤῊσΟ il 60 Ke yap ovTol opus αἸεσΊ noe V. ὑμεῖς αν οἱ χι 
. . ὦ en ‘ ah repr 7, rould follow that NOUT 
a YX OLTE for uf these had a rioht to secede. 1 y 
5 Φὰ Ν" ‘ . ; ἢ a” 2 
i ‘nion is unjust, Id. in, 40 : see ΥἹ, 92, and DEM. XX1. ὁ. Καίτοι 
GMOMUNLOT bt ust, F : . 


~ ~ ” 

ὃ ν ae ea λα ἂν 
τότε τὸν Ὑπερείδην, εἰπὲρ ἀληθῆ μου νὺυν κατηγορεῖ, μᾶλλοι 
‘ ‘ rT} 
» 


» , 


, > , . Ἢ , * , . 
ELKOTWS Ν rove Ed € (4 ( hee ἐδ ft yu LLAMA rite ch ; 
4 LWK Ι . i / 4 arde 
] . 


warinst dite he would then heave pr secuted Hypereides wath much nore 
(tile Ms m f j 


. . ** 293 Εἰ 
"ας for prosecuting) this man. DEM. Xvi. 229. } 
reason than he now has jo prosecut nag h ᾽) 


, eas 
Ν ” . - ‘ 
“αρ γυναικες εις TOO i . } 
ro : if j r ΐ t] s hu ἢ ΐ of audat ity 10; } 
ai ὀλλύναι σεις. Tor uf women are to come to tits 
4 ΓΑΙ 4 - 4 


; ᾿ ᾿- = > aa! - 566. 
at would he as nothing jor them to slay ther husha Is, Et R. Or. 566 


Τοῦτο. εἰ kat τἄλλα πάντα ἀποστεροῦσιν, ἀποδοῦναι προσῆκεν, 
TO, ͵ τα : . | 
even if they steal all the rest, thea ought to have resto ed this 115 ‘ Dem. 


> 5 


a. ~ > 
er & , ~ —_— . : ας ν 
ξουσιεν θράσους, o ὁ. BaD OVOEVY GAUTALS ἢ 


XXViL. 37. 


504 (pb) An unreal condition in the indicative followed by a 
potential optative seldom occurs and is not a strictly logical 
combination. £.9. 


᾽ 


, ; ξι ‘x ἔσθ᾽ ὕστ οὐκ ἄν εἰκότως 
ἐπεχείρβου! λέγειν, οὐκ ect Οστιν ὁ 





505] MIXED CONSTRUCTIONS 19] 


ἐπιτιμήσειέ pot, if I were undertaking to say this, (the result would be 
that) every one would censure me with reason. DEM. xviii. 206. (Here 
many Mss. and Dion. Hal. p. 1054 read ἐπετίμησε, the ordinary form 
in such an apodosis.) See [Lys.] xv. 8. 


505. (c) When a subjunctive or a future indicative in protasis 
has a potential optative in the apodosis, there is sometimes a 
distinct potential force in the apodosis (as in 503), and some- 
times the optative with ἂν is merely a softened expression for 
the future indicative (235). ΚΕ... 

Ki μέν κεν πατρὸς βίοτον καὶ νόστον ἀκούσω, ἢ τ᾽ ἂν τρυχόμενός 
περ ἔτι τλαίην ἐνιαυτόν, tf I hear of my father’s life and return, wasted 
as I am, I can still endure it for a year. Od. ii. 218. (See the next 
verses, 220-223, εἰ δέ κε τεθνεῶτος ἀκούσω, with future forms in the 
apodosis. See also the corresponding verses, Od. i. 287-292.) ᾿Αλλ’ 
ἔτι μέν KE καὶ OS κακά περ πάσχοντες ἵκοισθε, αἴ K ἐθέλῃς σὸν 
θυμὸν ἐρυκακέειν, but still even so, though suffering evils, you may come 
home, uf you will curb your passion. Od. xi. 104; so xi. 110 and xii, 
137. See Il xxi. 556. Εἰ δέ κεν ow ἀρόσῃς., τόδε κέν τοι φάρμακον 
εἴη, but tf you plough late, this may be your remedy, Hus. Op. 485 ; so 
665. ᾿Αλλ’ ἢν ἐφῆς οι, «ος λέξαιμ᾽ ἂν ὀρθῶς, Le. I would fain 
speak, Sopu. El. 554. So O. T. 216, Phil. 1259; Eur. Hel. 1085. 
Οὐδὲ γὰρ ἄν πολλαὶ γέφυραι ὦσιν, ἔχοιμεν ἄν ὅποι φυγόντες ἡμεῖς 
σωθῶμεν, for not even af there are (shall be) many bridges, could we 
(in the case supposed) Jind a place to tly to and be safe. XEN, An. ii. 
4, 19. 

Li γάρ τι λέξεις ᾧ χολώσεται στρατὺς. οὔτ᾽ ἂν ταφείη παῖς ὅδ᾽ 
οὔτ᾽ οἴκτου τύχοι, for if you say anyth ing by which the army shall be 
made angry, this child cannot be buried or find pity. Eur. Tro. 730; see 
Suppl. 603, Cycl. 474. Φρούριον εἰ ποιήσονται, τῆς μὲν γῆς 
βλάπτοιεν av τι μέρος, οὐ μέντοι ἱκανόν γε ἔσται κωλύειν ἡμᾶς, 
K.T.A., of they (shall) build a fort, they might perhaps injure some part of 
our land ; but it will not be sufficuent to prevent us, ete. THuc. i. 142. 

In the following examples the optative with ἄν seems to form a 
future apodosis to the future protasis; though in some of them it 
may be thought to be potential :— 

Ki δέ κεν εὐπλοΐην δώῃ κλυτὸς εἰνοσίγαιος. ATL κεν τριτάτῳ 
Φθίην ἐρίβωλον ἱκοίμην, 1.6, on the third day I shall arrive. Il, ix. 
: (The reference to this in Pua. Crit. 44 B shows that ἱκοίμην 

is a mere future.) See Il. xiii. 377, xvii. 38; Od. xxi. 114. 
"Abt κοίημε ν ἂν εἰ μὴ ἀποδώσω, I should be guilty of wrong, should I 
(shall I) not restore her, Eur. Hel. 1010. See Ion. o74, Suppl. 520, 
I. A. 1189, Cycl. 198. Ἢν οὖν μάθῃς μοι τὸν ἄδικον τοῦτον 
λόγον, οὐκ ἂν ἀποδοίην οὐδ᾽ ἂν ὀβολὸν οὐδενί, if you (shall) learn 
this cheating reason for me, I will not (or I would not) pay even an obol to 
any one, AR, Nub. 116. Καὶ οὕτως ἂν δεινύτατα πάντων πάθοιεν. 
εἰ οὗτοι ὁμόψηφοι κατ᾽ ἐκείνων τῶν ἀνδρῶν τοῖς τριάκοντα γενήσον- 
ται. Lys, ΧΙ], 94, (Here we should expect εἰ γένοιντο.) Tov ἀτοπω- 

















192 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [506 


»} 
» a eo = 5 - -- > a 
t ιέντ᾽ ἂν εἴη εἰ ἃ νῦν ἄνοιαν ὀφλισκάνων ὅμως ἐκλαλεῖ, TAUT 
τάτων ; In, El, Dv 
ὃ ag! if Dem. i. 26. 
δυνηθεὶς μὴ πράξει. JEM, 1. 


} ‘ative (with cv) in the Protasis. 
III. Potential Optative or Indreatw (with av) vn the 


. ὐλυὰ tun *») in the protasis may ex- 
6. 2. poten or ies μον τὸ νοῦν (with ἀ) 
iti Γ ; mntial mdicative av) a 
ce a present condition, and a potent 
press a present ¢ sii - } 
present or past condition. 4.9. ἘΠΕ ει 
. Ὁ ὃς ὦ Pe > ἂν. πῶς οὐκ ἀξιον αὐτὸν 
Ee μηδὲ dovAov ἀκρατῆ ὄὃεξα ίμεθ αν, πως OUK c aes Ee 
βυλάξασθαι τοιοῦτον γενέσθαι; if we would not take even a = ve u 
‘ Ἷ ὙΠ : self agains 
Was ee how can it be other than fittung to guard ie 7 y + 
eri gis eae 4 ᾿ ΞΖ , TOU) 
( 4 2 ΧΕΝ Mem Ϊ 5 3 Kai ἐγὼ, εἰπερ ἄλλῳ τῳ ἀνθρὼπ Wt 
if 3 φ 4 ων. i , . . “5 tse : 
neers * Ἂ cone } πείθομαι. and I af I would trust any man, 
wesGoipny ἂν, Kab Toe ΦΕΡΟΡΡ. “NOs O° εἰ μὴ ποιήσαιτ᾽ 
trust you. Puat. Prot. 329 B. eres WEYTENGS, ON Ὁ ΡΥ dita 
ie a 4 δεῖν. €UK φρόνητόν ἐστιν, this (preparation) 
ἂν τοῦτο ὡς EywyYE φημι δεῖν, εὐκαταφρονῆ ᾽ Ἢ st 
: Ὶ ; ) $s as sat OU 
ὼ not wholly to he despised, even if you would not do tha , (8 Si at 
) ht. D Mt. iv 18 Notice the difference between this supposition 
eS τ ξ θς ‘3 af ‘ould (ie. οὐκ ἂν ποιήσαιτε TOUTO) and 
that you would not do this of you could κ1.6. 


Da! y ὑ LY Oot σα 7 Τί Sup δὲ if you not Lo ao thas. 


, ᾽ ‘ ιξ θ 
a λιν ἂν ἂν WT <unpLoV. KapLot γενεσθω 
ui τοίνυν τοῦτο ἰσχυρὸν ἣν ἂν τούτῳ TEKMIP™'s fe τ δε (se 
" e νύ" a ; , ‘ " 
L Ἴριον K.T.A., if then this would have been a strong proof for δι ἍἹΙ 
Τεκβήρυῦν, Neletey Ὁ Σ᾿ a 7 rlix. 58. οι 
; 1 at). so let rt be also a proof jor me, etc, Dem. xli3 ; 
had he had 2), 8ι | < Same aie Se ὦ προώλης 
ν διὰ τὸ τούτους βούλεσθαι σωσαις ἐξώλης ATOAOL = : 
μη Ota TO . ὦ " ἊΣ λὺ ἃ τούτων ἐπρέσβε vod, 
εἰ π ᾿οσλαβών γ ἂν ἀργύριον TAVU πὸ: υ μετὰ Ξ pats 
ι ἃ ε "me oe ἽΝ utter 
h id it not heen for ney wish to save these (capt ves), may , it = ; } } , 
“ al ὦ . se 
1 before my day of 1 would have gone on an embassy with these 
and vefore mi y pe it PS ; cotasis t 
; XIX 2. (Here the protasis to 
sti - ner vy. Dem, XIX. 172. 
men even for very high par ‘ ee 
, δίνω δὼ δὲ γ . » expression εἰ 
which the apodosis ἀπολοίμην relers 18 ΤῈ ally the whole I 


, ” 5 4 - 
ἐπρέσβευσα ἄν εἰ py. - - σωσαι, 


if I would have gone except to 
protasis being itself the apodosis to εἰ 


. . . i ) ὦ ἁ Ξ 
a ep ἐπ’ ἥευσα av in the : 
. σαὶ In Dex. xviii. 101, καὶ Tig OUK ἂν ΨΥ ἢ 
pe e + UG Ἢ ΠΤ = ἢ , + - ον Καὶ = 

a" ΤΊ, πόλει καλὼν λόγῳ μΌΨΡΟΙ καταισχ 


Ἃς Ξ 
> , 7 - -- , — OVTWV 
δικαίως. EL TL TWV υπαᾶαρχ : \ , τῇ x" 
retain the final ἄν (strongly supported 


ἐπ { > av :—if we 
Oa a ak see if (at 18 true that) δουρὶ — “ re 
circumstances) have undertaken, etc., and not simply if 1 had undertaken 
(εἰ ἐπεγείρησα.. (See 557.) | 
(εἰ pet age eles that such forms 506) express simple a sal 
ast conditions, the real protasis always being 2/ it Is ἧς = se - 
that something would now be (Or would have been Ὸ saab ῖ κε | : 400) 
something would hereafter be under certain circumstances, (See ἄθυ, 


nations res : Past with Future 
LV. Irreqular Combinations. Present or Past with 


in one Protasis. 


‘ucti hich are only cases 
508. In a few irregular constructions, which are only cé 





510] SEVERAL PROTASES IN ONE SENTENCE 193 


of anacoluthon, the speaker adapts his apodosis to a form of 
protasis different from that which he has actually used. E.g. 

37. 4 \ Ἂ » ΝΜ ε , “ > , “Ὁ , 

Kyo μὲν ἂν, εἰ ἔχοιμι, ὡς τάχιστα ὅπλα ἐποιούμην πᾶσι ΠΕρ- 
σαις. XEN. Cyr. ii. 1, 9. (Here ἐποιούμην ἄν is used as if εἰ εἶχον, 
uf I were able, had preceded. We should expect ποιοίμην ἄν, which 
is found in one Ms.) Εἰ οὖν εἰδεῖεν ὅτι θεᾶται αὐτοὺς, ἵεντο ἂν 
> \ 4 / Ἁ  « bal > w Φ 
ἐπὶ τοὺς πόνους. .. καὶ κατεργάζοιντο ἂν αὑτήν, tf then they 
knew that she (virtue) sees them, they would rush into labours and would 

r 1 ** «ν᾽ \ 4 3 A ’ 
secure her, ΧῈΝ. Cyn, xii. 22. Ki μὲν γὰρ εἰς γυναῖκα σωφρονεστέραν 
ξίφος μεθεῖμεν, δυσκλεὴς ἂν ἦν φόνος. Eur. Or, 1132. (Here we 
should expect εἴη.) 

509. The same protasis may have one verb in the indicative re- 
ferring to present or past time, and another in the optatiwe referring 
to the future. Eg. 

51," 4 > 9 4 " » ε ς , 5 “ , e yw 
: Kyo οὐν δεινὰ ἄν εἰην εἰργασμένος, εἰ, ὅτε μέν με οἱ ἄρχοντες 
ἐτάττον, τότε μὲν ἐμενον, τοῦ O€ θεοῦ τάττοντος λίποιμι τὴν τάξιν, 
I should therefore (prove to) have behaved outrageously, if when the state 
authorities stationed me I stood my ground, but (if) now when God stations 
me I should desert my post, Phat. Ap. 28 E. (Here the supposed com- 
bination of the two acts is the future condition to which the future 
apodosis refers.) ᾿Κπεύχομαι πᾶσι τούτοις, εἰ ἀληθῆ πρὸς ὑμᾶς 
εἴποιμι καὶ εἶπον καὶ τότ᾽ εὐθὺς ἐν τῷ δήμῳ, εὐτυχίαν μοι δοῦναι, 
ie. if I should speak the truth and if I did speak it then, etc. DEM. xviii. 
141. Εἰ δὲ μήτ᾽ ἔστι μήτε ἦν μήτε ἂν εἰπεῖν ἔχοι μηδεὶς μηδέπω 

4 , , A , > ~ ~ . . . 
καὶ τήμερον, TL TOV σύμβουλον ἐχρῆν ποιεῖν ; but if there neither is 
nor was (any such thing), and if no man yet even at this day could possibly 
tell of any, what ought the statesman to have done ? Ib. 190. 


V. Several Protases in one Sentence. 


510. Two or more protases, not co-ordinate, may belong to 
the same sentence ; but one always contains the leading condi- 
tion, to which the rest of the sentence (including the other 
conditions) is the conclusion. Here several protases may belong 
to one apodosis ; or the leading condition may be followed by 
two subordinate conditions, each with its own apodosis. ἢ... 

Kai yap ἂν οὗτός τι ra ἢ, ταχέως ὑμεῖς ἕτερον Φίλιππον ποιή- 
σετε, ἄνπερ οὕτω προσέχητε τοῖς πράγμασι τὸν νοῦν, for if any- 
thing shall happen to this Philip, you will soon create another if this is 
your way of attending to the business. Dem. iv. 11. So xviii. 195, 217 
(two cases in each). Ki δ᾽ ἦμεν νέοι dis καὶ γέροντες, εἴ τις ἐξη- 
μάρτανε, διπλοῦ βίου λαχόντες ἐξωρθούμεθ᾽ ἄν, if we were twice 
young and. twree old, in case any one of us was in fault we should secure 
a double life and set ourselves right. Eur. Supp. 1084. See Ar. Ran. 
1449, Εἰ ξένος ἐτύγχανο ν ὦν, ξυνεγιγνώσκετε δήπου ἄν μοι εἰ ἐν 
ἐκείνῃ τῇ φωνῇ τε καὶ τῷ τρόπῳ ἔλεγον ἐν οἷσπερ ἐτεθράμμην, i.e. 

0 





ti 


neers 


eT ee nates 





194 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [511 


if I were a foreigner, you would pardon me if I spoke in my own dialect, 
tp ,” , , ~ , > 
etc. PLAT. Ap. 17 D. Ki tis σε ἀνέροιτο τουτο, TL ἐστι σχημα; 


» > ~ Ω -“ ’ ’ ; Γ ᾽ν 4 
εἰ GUTM ELTES OTL στρογγυλότης; εἴ σοι εἶπεν ἅπερ EYW, εἰπες 
δή Ἅ oe ane / I l M -- > 

ἥπου ἂν ὅτι σχημά τι. Ld. Men. 74 B. 

> \ \ “ , / ad 5 4 

: Εἰ ioe ai 2 we — er προυτίθετο λέγειν, saad) οί 
ἂν ἕως οἱ πλεῖστοι τὼν εἰωθότων γνωμὴν ἀπεφήναντο, εἰ μὲν PETKE 

; ~ c \ , e , ε , »" 5 “a ‘4 , " 
τί μοι τὼν ὑπὸ τούτων ῥηθέντων, ἡσυχίαν ἂν γον, εἰ δὲ μὴ, τότ᾽ ἂν 

> > , a“ , - .» . 
αὐτὸς ἐπειρώμην ἃ γιγνώσκω λέγειν, i.e. if the subject of debate were 
new, I should have waited for others to speak 5 and then, if I liked any- 
thing that was said, I should keep quiet, and vf not, I should try to say 
something myself. Dem. iv. 1 ; see also Xxxili, 25. 


511. It will be noticed that when the leading condition is unreal 
(as in Eur. Supp. 1084, Piar. Ap. 17 D, and Dem. iv. 1, above), this 
makes all subordinate past or present conditions also unreal, so far as 
the supposed case is concerned, without regard to their own nature. 
Thus, in De. iv. 1 and xxxill, 25 we have two directly opposite sup- 
positions both stated as contrary to fact, which could not be unless 
the leading supposition had made the whole state of things supposed 
in the sentence unreal like itself. It is obvious, therefore, that such a 
subordinate condition may refer to a case which is not in itself unreal, 
although it is part of a supposition which as a whole is unreal. This 
ean be seen more easily in English. We can say, if he had been an 
Athenian, he would have been laughed at if he had talked as he did; but 
we are far from implying that the latter supposition (the subordinate 


one) is contrary to fact, although it would be expressed in Greek by 


> '{' 


εἰ ἔλεγεν. Still it is part of a supposed unreal state of things. This 
explains an apparent inconsistency in respect to sentences like εἰκὸς 
ἦν σε τοῦτο παθεῖν, you ought prope rly to have suffered this, when the 
opposite of the infinitive is implied (415), the expression being practi- 
cally equivalent (as a conditional form) to τοῦτο ἔπαθες ἂν εἰ TO εἰκὸς 
ἔπαθες. As τοῦτο and τὸ εἰκός are here identical, the apodosis is 
denied in the denial of the protasis. But if a new unreal protasis is 
added, the opposite of the infinitive is not necessarily implied (see 422, 
1); and if we add a concessive protasis and say καὶ εἰ μηδὲν ἠδίκησας, 
εἰκὸς ἦν σε τοῦτο παθεῖν, even if you had done nothing unjust, you 
ought (still) to have suffered this, τοῦτο generally represents what actually 
took place (see 422, 2). Here a new chief protasis has come in and 
changed the whole relation of the apodosis to the sentence. This offers 
a satisfactory explanation of the apparent anomaly in Sopx. O. T. 221, 
οὐ γὰρ ἂν μακρὰν ἔχνευον αὐτὸς. μὴ οὐκ ἔχων Ti ovo. OV, where 
μὴ οὐκ ἔχων is obviously equivalent to the condition εἰ μὴ εἶχον, while 
there is yet no such opposite implied as but 1 have a clue. The chief 
condition lies in the emphatic αὐτός, which 15 especially forcible after 
ξένος μέν and ξένος δέ, and involves εἰ μόνος ἴχνευον. The meaning 
is, for I should not be wv ry fur on the track, if I were atte nupting to trace 
it alone without a clue. Thus without a clue becomes part of the unreal 
supposition without being itself contrary to fact, while μή in μὴ οὐκ 








514] Δέ, ἀλλά, AND αὐτάρ IN APODOSIS 195 
Pp 


ἔχων shows that ἔχων is conditional, and not merely descriptive (as if 
it were οὐκ ἔχων). For μὴ οὐ with the participle, see 818. 


Aé, ἀλλά, AND αὐτάρ IN APODOSIS. 


. . . . . a? 

512. The apodosis is sometimes introduced by de, ἀλλά, or 
αὐτάρ, but, as if the apodosis were co-ordinate with the protasis, 
and were not the leading sentence. This occurs when the 
apodosis is to be emphatically opposed to the protasis. It is 

. nd = 7 ΄ 

especially common in Homer and Herodotus. £.g. 
Ki δέ κε μὴ δώωσιν, ἐγὼ δέ κεν αὐτὸς ἕλωμαι, but if they do not 
‘ . . 7 . ar Ἂν» ΄ » 
give it to me, (then) 1 will take one myself. 1]. 1. 137. Ki wep yap τ 
ἄλλοι γε περικτεινώμεθα πάντες νηυσὶν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αργείων, σοὶ δ᾽ οὐ δέος 
wv 5 > ΄ ,. 0 ) - Ψν = " SS " » 4 € 4 
ἔστ᾽ ἀπολέσθαι. 1]. xii. 245. Ke wep. . . καταπεψῇῃ; ἀλλά TE καὶ 
μετόπισθεν ἔχει κότον. Π.1.81. Εἰ δὲ θανόντων περ καταλήθοντ᾽ εἰν 


a 4 > 4 ~ 5 ΄ -.. ‘ 
"Aidao, α ὑτὰρ ἐγὼ καὶ κεῖθι φίλου μεμνήσομ ἑταίρου. IL χχιι. 389. 
κ᾿ ε A ἊΝ Ἀ 


Ki ὑμῖν ἐστι τοῦτο μὴ δυνατὸν ποιῆσαι, ὑμεῖς O€ ἔτι καὶ νῦν ἐκ τοῦ 
μέσου ἡμῖν ἕζεσθε. Hot. viii. 99. ᾿Αλλ εἰ μηδὲ τοῦτο βούλει ἀπο- 
κρίνασθαι, σὺ δὲ τοὐντεῦθεν λέγε. XEN. Cyr. ν. 5, 21. 

513. This apodotic δέ cannot be expressed in English ; as our 
adverbs then, yet, still, etc., necessarily fail to give the force of the 
Greek δέ, which is always a conjunction. 

The expression ἀλλὰ vov, now at least, is elliptical for εἰ μὴ πρό- 
τερον ἀλλὰ νῦν (with apodotie ἀλλά) : as ἐὰν TO δίκαιον ἀλλὰ νῦν 
ἐθέλητε ὃράν, uf even now (though not before) you will do what rs right, 
Ar. Av. 1598. See Dem. iii. 33. Sometimes ἀλλά alone seems to 
imply εἰ μή τι ἄλλο; as in Ar. Nub, 1364, ἐκέλευσ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀλλὰ 
μυρρίνην λαβόντα τῶν Αἰσχύλου λέξαι τί μοι, 1 bade him at least 
(uf nothing ΟΥ̓) take a myrtle branch and give nie a bit of Aeschylus. 
So 1369. In Prat. Rep. 509 ©, εἰ μή τι ἀλλὰ. .. διεξιών, Uf for 
nothing (else), that you may at least describe, etc., ἀλλά introduces an 
apodosis after εἰ μή τι (sc. ἄλλολ 

For δέ used in the same way to introduce the sentence upon which 
a relative clause depends, see 564. 


SECTION VIL. 
Relative and Temporal Sentences. 
514. Relative sentences may be introduced by relative 
pronouns and pronominal adjectives, or by relative adverbs 
of time, place, or manier. They include therefore all 


temporal sentences. 

















196 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [515 


Clauses introduced by ἕως, πρίν, and other particles 
meaning wntil have many peculiarities, and are treated 
separately (611-661). 


515. Relative sentences may be divided into two 
classes :— 

First, those in which the antecedent of the relative is 
definite ; that is, in which the relative pronouns refer to 
definite persons or things, and the relative adverbs to 
definite points of time, place, etc. Secondly, those in which 
the antecedent is indefinite; that is, in which no such 
definite persons, things, times, or places are referred to. 


516. Both the definite and the indefinite antecedent 
may be either expressed or understood. Ly. 

(De inate.) Tatra ἃ ἔχω ὁρᾷς, you see these things which I have; or 
ἃ ἔχω ὁρᾷς. "Ore ἐβούλετο ἦλθεν, (once) when he wished, he came. 

(Inde finate.) [Πάντα ἃ ἂν βούλωνται ἕξουσιν, they will have every- 
thing which they may want; or ἃ ἂν βούλωνται peers they will have 
whatever they may want. Ὅταν ἔλθῃ, τότε τοῦτο τ πραξ when he shall 
come (or when he COTILES ), then I will do thas. "Ore otha TOUTO 
ἔπρασσεν, whenever he wished, he (always) did this, “Qs ἂν εἴπω, οὕτως 
ποιῶμεν, as I shall direct, so let us act. 


517. The relative may be used to express ἃ PUrpose 565). or in a 


causal sense (580). The antecedent may then be either definite or 
indefinite. 

518. When the antecedent is indefinite, the negative of 
the relative clause is μή; when it is definite, ov is used 
unless the general construction requires μή (as in prohibi- 
tions, wishes, final expressions, etc.). 


A. RELATIVE WITH DEFINITE ANTECEDENT. 


519. A relative with a definite antecedent has no effect 
upon the mood of the following verb; and it therefore may 


take the indicative (with οὐ for its negative) or any other 


construction that can occur In an independent sentence. 7.7. 
Λέγω ὁ ἃ οἶδα, I say what I know. Age ω a ἤκουσα. Λέξω ἃ ἀκήκοα. 

EXeEav ἃ ἤκουσαν. [Πάντα λέγει a γενήσεται. Ἰ]Ιράσσουσιν ἃ 

Ν " ε “ae. ; 

βούλονται (or ὡς βούλονται 5 they are dong what or as the Ἡ please. 

(On the other ἢ: und, πράξουσιν ἃ ἂν βούλωνται, or ὡς ἄν βού AwvTt at, 


they will do what they please, or as they please; the antecedent being 














520] CONDITIONAL RELATIVE SENTENCES 197 


indefinite.) Λέγω ἃ οὐκ ἀγνοῶ, I am saying that of which Iam not 
ugnorant, 

"AAN ὅτε δή ῥ᾽ ἐκ τοῖο δυωδεκάτη γένετ᾽ ἠὼς, καὶ τότε δὴ πρὸς 
Ὄλυμπον ἴσαν θεοὶ αἰὲν ἐόντες, but when now the twelfth day from that 
came, etc. Il. i, 493. Tis ἔσθ᾽ ὃ χῶρος δητ᾽, ἐν ᾧ βεβήκαμεν. 
ΦΟΡΗ. Ο. Ο. ὅ9. Ἕως ἐστὶ καιρὸς, iva pe TOV πραγμάτων, 
1.6. now, while there 18 an 0} portunity, et . DE M. Ι. 90. (If the exhort- 
ation were future, he would say ἕως ἂν ἢ καιρός, 80 long as there shall 
be an op portunity. ) Ὁ δὲ ἀναβὰς, € ἕως μὲν βάσιμα ἦν, ἐπὶ τοῦ ἵππου 
τὴν". ἐπεὶ δὲ ἄβατα ἦν, καταλιπὼν τὸν ἵππον ἔσπευδε πεζῇ. XEN. 
An. iii. 4, 49. So Il. 1. 193, εἷος ὥρμαινε. Oir rep δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀπο- 
βαινόντων τὸ πλέον τῆς αἰτίας ἕξομεν, οὗτοι καὶ καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν τι 
αὐτῶν προΐδωμεν, we who are to bear the greater part of the blame, ete. 
Truc. i. 83. Ὅθεν δ᾽ οὖν ῥᾷστα μα θήσεσθε περὶ αὐτῶν, ἐντεῦθεν 
nal’ καὶ ἐγὼ πρῶτον πειράσομαι διδάσκειν. DEM. xxvil. 5. (Here 

revOev refers to the point at which he intends to begin.) bd «| δὴ 
λοίγια ἔργ᾽, ὅτε pe ἐχθοδοπῆ ησαι ἐφήσεις Ἥρῃ: ὅτ᾽ ἂν pe ἐρέθῃσιν 
ὀνειδείοις ἐπέεσσιν, surely there will be sad work, when you shall ampel 
me, ete. IL. 1. 518. (Here ὅτε refers to some time conceived as definite ; 
whereas ¢ OT ἂν ἐρέθῃσιν, when | (af ever) she shall provoke me, is indefinite ; 
see 530.) Νὺξ δ᾽ δ᾽ ἔσται ὅτε δὴ στυ γερὸς γάμος ἀντι βολήσει οὐλο- 
μένης ἐμέθεν, τ τῆς TE Ζεὺς ὄλβον ἀπ η ὕρα. Od. XVill. 273. (The 
time is conceived as definite.) Τηνικαῦτα, ὅτε οὐδ᾽ ὅ τι χρὴ ποιεῖν 
ἐξ eT €, then, when you will not even be able to do what 2 you ought. Dem. 
xix. 262. 


ον 


"Αρξ ὁμαι δ᾽ ἐντεῦθεν ὅθεν καὶ ὑμεῖς ῥᾷστ᾽ ἂν μάθοιτε κἀγὼ 
τάχιστ᾽ ἂν διδάξαιμι. Dem. xxix. 5. (With the potential optative 
compare the future indicative in Dem. xxvii. 3; above.) Νῦν δὲ τοῦτο 
οὐκ ἐποίησεν, ἐν ᾧ ᾧ τὸν δῆμον ἐτίμησεν av, but he did not do this, wn 
which he might have honoured the people, Id. xxl. 69. Kis καλὸν ὑμῖν 
"Avurtos ¢ ὅδε παρεκαθέζετο, « ᾧ μεταδῶμεν τῆς ζητήσεως. PLAT, Men. 
89 E (subjunctive in exhort: ation). OvKovv ἄξιον τοῖς των κατηγόρων 
λόγοις πιστεῦσαι μάλλον i) TOL ἔργοις καὶ τῷ χρόνῳ, ὃν ὑμεῖς 
σαφέστατον ἔλεγχον TOV ἀληθοῦς νομίσατε. Lys. xix. 61. (Here 
the imperative νομίσατε is used in a sort of exclamation after ὅν, 
where ordins arily δεῖ vopicar woul dbe used, See253.) “Av yap ἀποφύγῃ 
με οὗτος. ὃ μ ὴ γένοιτο, τὴν ἐπωβελίαν ὀφλήσω. Dem. xxvil. 67 
optative in wish). 

So in μέμν μαι ὅτε and similar expressions. Eq. 

Ov μέμνῃ ὅτε τ᾽ ἐκρέμω ὑψοθεν ; do you not re member (the time) 
when you hung aloft? 11. xv. 18. Ki μέμνησαι ὅτ᾽ ἐγώ σοι ἀπεκρι- 
νάμην. Puat, Men. 79 D. Οὐσθ᾽ ὅτε ἐφάνη. Eur. Hec, 112. (See 
913.) 


B. RELATIVE WITH INDEFINITE ANTECEDENT. —CONDITIONAL 
RELATIVE, 


590. A relative with an indefinite antecedent gives a 





198 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [521 


conditional force to the clause in which it stands, and is 
called a conditional relative. The conditional relative clause 
stands in the relation of a protasis to the antecedent clause, 
which is its apodosis (380). The negative particle is μή. 


Thus, when we say ἃ νομίζει ταῦτα λέγει, he is saying what he 
(actually) thinks, or ἃ ἐνόμιζε ταῦτα ἔλεγεν, he was saying what he 
thought, the actions of νομίζει and ἐνόμιζε are stated as actual 
facts, occurring at definite times; but when we say ἃ ἂν vopity 
(ταῦτα) λέγει, he (always) SAYS whatever he th inks, or ἃ νομίζοι (ταῦτα) 
ἔλεγεν, he (always) said whatever he happened to be thinking, νομίζῃ 
and νομίζοι do not state any such definite facts, but rather what 
some one may think (or may have thought) on any occasion on which 
he may speak or may have spoken. So, when we say ἃ νομίζει 
ταῦτα λέξει, he will Say what he (now) thinks, νομίζει denotes a fact ; 
but when we say ἃ ἂν νομίζῃ λέξει, he will say whatever he happens 
to be (then) thinking, νομίζῃ denotes ἃ supposed future case. 
Again,—to take the case in which the distinction is most liable 
to be overlooked, —when we say ἃ οὐκ οἶδα οὐκ οἴομαι εἰδέναι, 
what I do not know, I do not think that I know, οὐκ οἶδα, as before, 
denotes a simple fact, and its object @ has a definite antecedent ; 
but when Socrates says ἃ μὴ οἶδα οὐδὲ οἴομαι εἰδέναι, the meaning 
is whatever I do not know (i.e. if there is anything which I do not 
know), I do not even think that I know it. In sentences like this, 
unless a negative is used (518), it is often difficult to decide 
whether the antecedent is definite or indefinite: thus ἃ οἶδα 
οἴομαι εἰδέναι May Mean either what I (actually) know, I think that 
I know, or whatever I know (if there is anything which I know), 1 
think that I know it. 


521. The analogy of these indefinite relative clauses to con- 
ditional sentences will be seen at once. The following examples 
will make this clearer :-— 

“O τι βούλεται δώσω. T will ΠΝ ham what ver he (now wishes. 
Ke te βούλεται, δώσω. uf he wishes anuthing, I will qive it. (402.) 

Ὅ τι ἐβούλετο ἔδωκα av, I should hav guven him whatever he had 


> > 


wished. “O τι μὴ ἐγένετο οὐκ ἂν εἶπον. I should not hav told enhat 
had not happened. Ki τι ἐβούλετο, ἔδωκα av, if he had wished any- 
thong, I should have gree nit. Ke τι μὴ ἐγ ένετο. οὐκ ἂν εἶπον. I should 
not have told anything uf it had not happened. 110.) 

“O Tl ἂν βούληται, δώσω. Ϊ will qrve him whatever hi shall wish. 
"Kav τι βούλ ται, δώσω. if he shall wish anything, I will qive at. 
(444.) : ς 

Ὅ τι Bovaotto δοίην ἄν. I should qv him whatever he might 
wish. Eire βούλοιτο, δοίην ἄν, if he should wish anything, I εν 
give τ. (455. 




















525] PRESENT AND PAST CONDITIONS 199 


Ὅ τι ἂν βούληται δίδωμι, I (always) give him whatever he wishes, 
, IAsO . ‘ Pai ST; 7 
“O τι βούλοιτο EOLOOUY, Ϊ always gave him whatever he u ished. Ὡαν 
τι βούληται, δίδωμι, if he ever wishes anything, 1 (always) give uw. 
Ei τι βούλοιτο, ἐδίδουν, if he ever wished anything, I (always) gave εἴ. 
(462.) 
522. The particle ἄν (Epic xe) 18 regularly joined w ith 
all relative words when they are followed by the subjunctive. 
[ , A 7 ” eo ε , 5 ’; Ξ 
With ὅτε. ὁπότε. ἐπεί, and ἐπειδή, ἂν forms ὅταν. ὁπόταν, ἐπὰν OF 
ἐπὴν (lonic ἐπεάν), and ἐπειδάν. In Homer, where κέ is generally 
My "») eo . ’ . iad 5 » ᾿ ᾿ 
used for ἄν. we have ὅτε κε, ἐπεί κε, etc. (like εἴ κε), also 0T ἂν, where 
in Attic we have ὅταν, ὁπόταν, ἐπειδάν. ᾿πήν, however, occurs often, 
> ’ . 5 7 5 7 5 ! - 
and ἐπεὶ ἄν once, in Homer. Both ἐπὴν and ἐπάν are rare in Attic. 


523. The classification of common conditional sentences, with 
four classes of ordinary conditions and two of general conditions, 
given in 388-395, applies equally to conditional relative sentences. 


I. FOUR FORMS OF ORDINARY CONDITIONAL RELATIVE 
SENTENCES. 


524. The conditional relative sentence has four forms, 
two of present and past (529 and 528) and two of future 
conditions (529 and 531), which correspond to the four forms 


of ordinary protasis. 


(2) PRESENT AND PAST CONDITIONS. 


595. When the relative clause simply states a present 
or past supposition, implying nothing as to the fulfilment of 
the condition, the verb is in one of the present or past tenses 
of the indicative. The antecedent clause can have any 
form of the verb, like an ordinary apodosis. (See 402.) 


iq. 

“A μὴ οἶδα. οὐδὲ οἴομαι εἰδέναι (like εἴ τινα μὴ οἶδα). PLAT. Ap. 21 Ὁ. 
(See 520.) X pia Gov O τι Bo ἤλονται. let them deal with me as they please 
(i.e. εἴ τε βούλονται). AR. Nub. 439. ᾿Επίσταμαι ὁρῶν θ᾽ ἃ δεῖ με, 
κοὐχ ὁρᾶν ἃ μὴ πρέπει. T know how to see anything wh ich I ought to see, 
and not to see anything which I o ΠΣ not. Ἐυπ. Ino, Fr, 417. CA δεῖ 
is nearly equivalent to εἴ τινα δεῖ, and ἃ μὴ πρέπει ἴο εἴ τινα μὴ 
πρέπει.) Τοὺς πλείστους ἔνθαπερ ἔπεσον ἑκάστους ἔθαψαν" ods δὲ μὴ 
εὕρισκον, κενοτάφιον αὐτοῖς ἐποίησαν, i.e. they raised a cenotaph for 
any of them whom they did not find (like εἴ τινὰς μὴ εὕρισκον). XEN. 
An. vi. ἃ ὃ, “Ts γάρ . ὅστις δαπανηρὸὺς Ov μὴ αὐτάρκης ἐστὶν, ἀλλ᾽ 
ἀεὶ τῶν πλησίον δεῖται, καὶ λαμβάνων μὴ δύναται ἀποδιδόναι, μὴ 











200 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES 


, aX Ἢ κ a eer A "ἃ - 4 a ‘ 
λαμβάνων O€ τὸν μὴ OLOOVTA PLTEL, οὐ OOKEL TOL καὶ οὗτος χαλεπὸς 
᾿ . wy ἈΝ > 7 > 4 
φίλος εἶναι; (1.6. supposing ὦ Οὐδέ, εἰ TIS « « - μὴ αυὐταρκὴς ἐστιν, 
k.T.A.). Id. Mem. ii. 6, 2. So ἥτις μηδαμοῦ ξυμμαχεῖ, Tuc. 1. 35. 
“A ’; Ν a 7 LAND. λ "δ » - ᾿ ‘ . 
A γάρ Tis μὴ προσεδόκησεν; OVOE φυλάξασθαι ἐγχωρεῖ, for there 18 
no opportunity even to guard against what we did not expect (like εἴ τινα 
as ‘ - ,> 4 - 7 » | “~ 
μὴ προσεδόκησέ τις). AnT. v.19. Εἰς τὰ πλοία τοὺς τε ἀσθενουντας 
»ΝἮἩΝἮΕἪ ~ Γ ΄ > ’ ᾿ vw “~ 
ἐνεβίβασαν καὶ τῶν σκευὼν ὅσα μὴ ἀνάγκη ἦν ἔχειν (like εἰ τινα τῶν 
΄“ 4 ’ > ” \ . . . 
σκευῶν μὴ ἀνάγκη ἦν ἔχειν), Le. any which they did not need. XEN. An. 
> a 7 , ;, ‘ o sa sf 
v.3, 1. ᾿Ανθρώπους διέφθειρεν (ἣἿ θάλασσα) ὅσοι μὴ ἐδύναντο 

ΝᾺ 4 ; Ἣ , . . 
φθῆναι πρὸς τὰ peTEWpa. ἀναδραμόντες, i.e. if any were unable to escape 
soon enough to the high land, so many the sea destroyed. THUC. 111. 89. 

a ‘ 7 , ” > ww ‘ " “ 
Οἷς μὲν αἵρεσις γεγένηται τἄλλα εὐτυχοῦσι, πολλὴ ἄνοια πολεμῆσαι" 
᾿ αν “ > ° . 
εἰ δ᾽ ἀναγκαῖον ἦν, K.7.r., for any who have had the choice given them, 
while they are prosperous in other respects, it is great folly to go to war 
Φ ” ε , . ee » , r 
(ie. εἴ τισιν αἵρεσις γεγένηται). Id. 11. 61. Πάντες ἴσμεν Χαβρίαν 
” , ws> ε /& \ , »Δ» σ᾽ ; »ὦ 
οὔτε τύπτοντα οὔθ᾽ ἁρπάζοντα τὸν στέφανον ov ὅλως προσιόνθ' ὅποι 
μὴ προσῆκεν αὐτῷ. nor going anywhere at all where it was not lawful 
. fe ” ww Ὁ κ᾿ τ . . A > ε ᾽ Ξ ‘ 
for him (1.6. εἰ ποι μὴ προσῆκεν). Dem. xxi. 64. Ilws οὖν οἱ ayaGot 
~ > ~ . ” a“ , 5 , ‘ Γ᾿ , , 
τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς φίλοι ἔσονται, οἵ μὴτε ἀπόντες ποθεινοι ἀλλήλοις μὴτε 

/ , ~ » ᾽ ” . - 

παρόντες χρείαν αὑτῶν ἔχουσι; (i.e. εἰ μὴ ἔχουσι). PLat. Lys. 215 
Υ ‘> id A τ ; ; . ” , 
B. Nexon δ᾽ 6 τι πᾶσιν ὑμῖν μέλλει συνοίσειν (Le. εἰ τι μέλλει), 
may any plan prevail which will be nefit you all. Dem. iv. 51. 

526. Care must be taken here (as in conditional sentences) not to 
include in this class general suppositions which require the subjunctive 
or optative (532). On the other hand, the examples falling under 534, 
in which the indicative is allowed, might properly be placed here, as 
they state a general supposition as if it were a particular one. 


5927. A conditional relative clause (like a clause with εἰ, 407) 
may take the future indicative to express a present intention or 
necessity. δ... 

Ἔν τοῦτῳ κεκωλῦσθαι ἐδόκει ἑκάστῳ τὰ πράγματα ᾧ μὴ τις αὐτὸς 
παρέσται, each man felt that all progress was at an end in any affair 
un which he was not personally to take part, THuc. il. 8. The direct 
form was ἐν τούτῳ κεκώλυται (51: 122 ᾧ μὴ παρέσομαι. Οὗ δὲ 
ἀληθείας τις ἀτυχήσει, ποτὲ τούτου ἐπιστήμων ἔσται; but if one 
as to miss the truth of anything, will he ever understand it? Pua. 
Theaet. 186 C. So probably XEN, Cy Γι i. D, 13, ὃ Tt yap μὴ τοιοῦτον 
ἀποβήσεται Tap ὑμῶν, εἰς ἐμὲ τὸ ἐλλεῖπον ἔσται, ie. if there is to 
be any failure on your part to come up to my expectations, the loss will fall 
om Mmé. 

This is the only form of conditional relative sentence that regularly 
takes the future indicative. (See 530.) 


528. When a relative clause expresses a present or past 
condition, implying that it 7s not or was not fulfilled (like 
a protasis of the form 410), the verb is in a past tense of 
the indicative. 























528] PRESENT AND PAST CONDITIONS 201 


The antecedent clause generally has a past tense of the 
indicative with ἄν; but it may have a past tense of the 
indicative in an unreal condition, in an unaccomplished 
wish, or in a final clause. Ly. 

“A μὴ ἐβούλετο δοῦναι, οὐκ ἂν ἔδωκεν, he would not have given 
what he had not wished to give (1.6. εἴ τινα μὴ ἐβούλετο δοῦναι, οὐκ ἂν 
ἔδωκεν). Ὁπότερον τούτων ἐποίησεν, οὐδενὸς ἂν ἧττον ᾿Αθηναίων 
πλούσιοι ἦσαν, whichever of these he had done (he did neither), they would 
be as rich as any of the Athenians, Lys. xxxii. 23. Οὔτε γὰρ ἂν αὐτοὶ 
ἐπεχειροῦμεν πράττειν ἃ μὴ ἠπιστάμεθα, οὔτε τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐπετρέ- 
πομεν ὧν ἤρχομεν ἄλλο τι πράττειν ἢ ὅ τι πράττοντες ὀρθῶς 
ἔμελλον πράξειν" τοῦτο δ᾽ ἦν ἂν οὗ ἐπιστήμην εἶχον, for (uf that 
were 80) we should not be undertaking (as we are) to do things wh ich we did 
not understand, nor should we permit any others whom we were ruling to 
do anything else than what they were likely to do properly ; and this would 
be whatever they had knowledge of. Puat. Charm. 171 E. (Here ἃ μὴ 
ἠπιστάμεθα -- εἴ τινα μὴ ἠπιστάμεθα, if there were any th ings which we did 
not know,—v ἤρχομεν = εἴ τινων PX OPEV, —O τι ἔμελλον = εἴ τι ἐμελ- 
λον,---ἀπᾷ οὗ ἐπιστήμην εἶχον = εἴ τινος εἶχον. It is implied that none 
of the cases here supposed ever actually arose. “Oorep τοίνυν ἄλλων 


- > A 


> ε “ , ἴω 
TLVWV αὐτῶν EV οτῳουν, OTOTE πρῶτον 


ζ 
4 , , > 
L τρια πρότερον eyt 


had recognised thi three sooner 


> 
sy ) , a ” , e ~ ~ . 
clear.)  βασάνιζον αν μεχριοῦυα ὑτοῖς ἐδόκει. thee y would have que stioned 
eee ow 1? ἊΝ "» 
them (unde r torture) so long as the y pleased. DEM. [11]. 20. Dn O€ OLKOL 


~/ 


εἶχον ἕκαστοι τὰς δίκας. τούτους ἂν ἀπώλλυσαν οἵτινες φίλοι μάλιστα 
ἦσαν ᾿Αθηναίων τῷ δήμῳ, ὦ each had their trials at home, they would 
run any who were especially free ndly, etc, XEN. Rep. Ath. ι.. 18; (Here 
οἵτινες ἦσαν, : εἴ τινες ἦσαν, forms a second protasis to the apodosis 
See 511.) Kat ὁπηνίκα ἐφα ίνετο ταῦτα πεποίη- 
I 


; "3 , -.» -Ρ ᾿ -» - 4 a ν om τ Ϊ "07" 
LI Ἰ) κατηγορια TOLS epyots CUTODV, (11. uf ié evel (}- 


5 7 ” 
ἀπώλλυσαν αν. 
x ε ~ , 
κως. ὡμολογεῖτ ( 
eared to have done this. his orm of accusation would agree wath his acts. 
} P ) ψ 
Dem. xvill. 14. 
Ὕ" ς- 5 , ” ς , Ἂ ἐς , ” : ᾽ " 3 ᾽ 5 & 
Ke ξενος ἐτύγχανον WV, EVVEYLYVWOKETE O1/TOV GI μοι εἰ ἐν EKELV)) 
~ ' ~ ‘4 > , ” > ἣν » , .» 
TH φωνη) τε καὶ τῷ τρόπῳ έἐλεγον EV οἷσπερ € TEPC papyp nV, uf Ϊ happe ned 
to be ad fore rgner, WOU would surely pardon le, it Ϊ were (m0wW) addressing 
You in both thee lanquade and the mMmanver an which T had heen brought Up. 
Ῥ = van CC. Ὁ > , 5 "4 vibe $2 , eo ” ; 5 ae 
LAT. Ap. 17 1). δὲς 07) ἐγὼ Ύ odeXAov paKkapos VU TEV ἐμμεναι VLOS 
> , a , © ~ ” ~ ” 
aVvEpos, OV KTEGTECOLV εοἰς ET! γηρας ETETPEV, () that / Were the “ΟΊ of 
SOTILE fortunate man, whom old aye had found wpon his Own estate (1.6. of 
old ade had found any such nian, would that I had been his 801). Od, i. 
917. So IL vi. 348 and 351. 
So when the relative sentence depends on a past indicative In a 
ν ‘ 6 Py . ‘ 222 ᾿ o~ 7 pS ”™ ᾿Ξ 
final clause (333); as in DEM, xxin, 48, TavTa ye που προσῆκε 











202 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [529 


γράψαι, ἵνα ὅτῳ ποτὲ τοὔργον ἐπ ράχθη. τούτῳ τὰ ἐκ τῶν νόμων 
ὑπῆρχε δίκαια. he ought to have written it in this way, in order that 
any one by whom the deed had been done might have hes rights according 
to the laws. (This implies that the law was not so written, so that the 


case sup posed in ὅτῳ ἐπράχθη never arose, ) So Dem. liii. 24, ἵν᾿ ἀκού- 


) 
σαντες ἐκ τούτων ἐψηφίσασθε ὁποῖόν τι ὑμῖν ἐδόκει, that you might 
have voted whatever seemed good to you. 

All examples of this form fall equ: ally well under the general rule 


for assimilation (559). 


(b) FuturE CONDITIONS. 


529. (Subjunctive.) When the relative clause expresses 
a future condition of the more vivid form (like a protasis 
of the form 444), and the verb of the antecedent clause 
also refers to the future, the relative is joined with ap (or 
κέ) and takes the subjunctive. Ly. 


» 


, . , ” . ΄’ 5 7 
Tawv ἣν K ele λωμι φίλην ποιήσομ' GOKOLTLV like εἴ ΚΕ Τινα εθε- 
λωμι), whomsoever of these I may wish T‘shall mutke my wife. Il. ix. 397. 


» 


> ε >? 4 
κ Ε γὰρ ᾿Ορέσταο τίσις ἔσσεται ᾿Ατρεΐδαο, ὁπ πότ ἂν Ρ 77) TE Και 


” 


ἧς ἱμείρετ αι ας 1.0. ἜΔΕΕ Οἱ vill come e from Vrestes, when he shall 
“> 

grow wp, ete. (like ἐάν ΤΟΤΕ ἡ βήσῃ). Od. 40. Τότε Oo αὖτε pax?) 

σεται, ὁππότε κέν μὲν θυμὸς ἐνὶ er av ώγῃ καὶ θεὺς ὀρσῃ. 


ἢ ix. 702. “AAA ἄγεθ᾽ . ὡς ἂν ἐγὼν εἴπω. πειθώ μεθα πάντες, let us 


obey as [ nay direct, 1.e. Lr} Ϊ eve any direction ἐάν sey εἴπω let us 


᾿ 
᾽ 


obey at. 1]. 11. 139. *Hpets αὖτ ἀλόχους TE φίλας καὶ νήπια τεκνα 
ἄξομεν ἐν νήεσσιν, ἐπὴν π πτολίεθρον ἕλωμεν. when we shall have taken 
the city. Il. iv. 238. So εἶτ᾽ ἂν πίπτωσιν, Π1. 1. 242. Οὐκοῦν, ὅταν 
δὴ μὴ σθένω, πεπαύσομαι, therefore, when I shall have no more strength, 


- 


. ἢ ry ~ 5 ἊΝ 4 , ve 
I will eease. SOPH. — 91. Tatra, ἐπειδὰν περὶ Tov γένους ELT, 


i 

TOTE ἐρῶ, Ϊ wall spe ul : of this, when T shall have spoken ahout my hirth 
Dem. lvit. 16. ἄμ. 90.) ᾿ξπειδὰν διαπ ρά; ξωμαι at δέομαι, ἥξω. 
Xen. An. τ. 3, 29. Tiva οἴεσθε ar ΤῊΡ ψυχὴν ESELY, ὅταν ἐμὲ ἴδῃ 
τῶν πατρῴων ἀπεστερημένον ; what feelings do you think she will have, 
when (or if at any time) she shall see me ete. ἢ Dew. xxviii. 21. Τούτων 
be λθηναίους φημὶ δεῖν εἶναι TEV τακοσίους. ες ἧς ἄν TLVOS ὑμῖν ἡλικίας 
καλῶς ἔχειν δοΚ ἢ)» from whatever age it shall seem aood to you to take 
them (i.e. of from any uae age, ete.) Id. iv. 21. Tov πραγμάτων 
τοὺς βουλευομένους ἡγεῖσθαι δεῖν. ἵνα ἃ ἂν ἐκείνοις δοκῇ ταῦτι (, 
πράττηται, in order that whatever shall seem qood to them shall he done. 
Ib. 39. Ov μοι φόβου μέλαθρον ἐλπὶς ἐμπατεῖν, ἕως ἂν αἴθῃ πὺρ 
ἐφ᾽ ἑστίας ἐμῆς Αἴγισθος, δὸ long as Aeqisthus sh ll k indl jure upon my 
hearth. Arscu. Ag. 1434. 

530. The future indicative is very rarely used in conditional relative 
clauses, as it is in common protasis (447), in the place of the subjunc- 
tive; as it would generally be ambiguous, appearing as if the ante- 














531] FUTURE CONDITIONS 


cedent were definite. Some cases of ὅσος with the future, as 
βουλήσονται, THuc. i. 22, are perhaps exceptions. (See 527.) 


531. (Optative.) When the relative clause expresses a 
future condition of the less vivid form (like a protasis of 
the form 455), and the antecedent clause contains an optative 
referring to the future, the relative takes the optative (with- 
out av). 

The optative in the antecedent clause may be in an 
apodosis with ἄν, in a protasis, in an expression of a wish, 
or in a final clause. Ly. 


«a , Sat , 53a 
MaAa κεν θρασυκάρδιος εἴη, OS τότε γηθήσειεν ἰδὼν πόνον οὐὸ 


ἀκάχοιτ (1.6, εἴ τις γηθήσειε, μάλα κεν θρασυκάρδιος εἴη), any one 
who ΝΣ then rejouce would be very stout- hearted. Il. ΧΙ]. 343. Bov- 
λοίμην κ᾽ ἐπάρουρος ἐὼν θητευέμεν ἀλλῴ. .. ᾧ μὴ βίοτος πολὺς 
εἴης I should wish to be a serf attached to the soil, se rving another man 
who hed not much to live on, Od. xi. 489. Ζηνὺς οὐκ ἂν ὦσσον ἱκοίμην, 
OTE μὴ αὐ TOS γε κελεύοι. unless he should himself bid me, IL xiv. 247. 
So Il. vi. 329 and 521; and ὅστις καλέσειε, Ar. Nub. 1250. Οὐκ ἂν 
οὖν θρέψαις ἄνδρα, ὕστις ἐθέλοι τε καὶ δύναιτο σοῦ ἀπερύκειν 1 τοὺς 

ns λα ψαρνόδης ἀδικεῖν σε; would you not cure any man who should 
be both willing and able, ete. ? XEN. Mem. 11. 9, 2. ΠΠεινῶν φάγοι ἂν 
ὁπότε sagen when he 13 hung ry, hu ca eat whenever he might 


wish like Ἵ ποτε βούλοιτο). Ib. il. hs Ι ὃ. So 1. 5, 4; 1. 7. >, iv. 2, 


, 


/ 
20. Πῶς οὖν ἂν ειὸ Eins περὶ ΤΟΥ͂ΤΟΙ τοῦ T pay patos ov παντάπασιν 
ἄπειρος εἴ nS; how then could you know about that thing of which por had 
nO ¢ npertence at all? Pat. Men. 92 C. “Ap ἂν ἡγοῖο ταῦτα σὰ εἶναι, 


ἅ σοι ἐξείη καὶ ἀποδόσθαι καὶ δοῦναι καὶ θῦσαι ὅτῳ βού λοῖιο θεῶν ; : 
"4 ᾽ 


Id. Euthvd. 302 A. Τί ἂν παθεῖν (δύναιτο), ὃ μὴ καὶ ὑφ αὑτοῦ πάθοι; 
what could he suffe γι unless hu should suffi r it also from himself ? (1.6. εἰ 


μὴ πάθοι). Id. L ys. 214 EK. “O δι “μὴ ἀγαπ 71 1, οὐδ’ ἂν φιλοῖ (1.6 εἴ 
5." 


τί L? ay ary OVO ἂν φι λοῖ τοῦ TO), Ib. 915 B. δίων ἕκαστος ἂν 
μΊ) I> 

ied 5 , 
KALTAOKEV ὴν κατασκευ ά ζοιτ TO, NT ις εκάστον GApPpEeETKOl. Id. Rep. 557 
> aa . ~ 5 4 > 4S vn 
B. Ocw δὲ ἀβεμῦ "Ὁ TEPOS yiy VOLTO, airegs ἀεὶ ἀσπάζοιτο ἂν 
(χρήματα . thee old 4 hi shu yuld grov, thu nor ο he would always cling to at 


; 


1.e. €t Ti εἰμ μῷ TEPOS x yvotTo, τοσού TO = λον ἀσπάζοιτο av). Lb. 
549 B. So ‘hp. = ἤσομεν μηῦ έποτε μηδὲν ἂν μειζον μηῦθε ἔλαττον 
γενέσθαι, ἕως ἴσον εἴ ἢ “AUTV ἕαυ τῳ, SO long as ut should rematn equal to 


itself. Id. Theaet. 155 A. 


Ke δὲ βού ρὲ τῶν φίλων τινὰ nae sage ὁπότε ἀποδημοίης 


ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τῶν σων. Tt ἂν 7 TOLLS: XE N. Me Th. . By a Kixotws 
av Kal παρὰ θεων πρακτικώτερος εἴη, ὕστις μὴ ὁπότε ἐν ἀπόροις εἴη 
; ‘4 ’ 


ΤΟΤΕ κολακεύοι. a AN OTE TA ἄριστα πράττοι TOTE μάλιστα τῶν 
~ . > © 5 7 4 ” 

Gewv μεμνῳτο. Id, Cyr, 1. 3. ‘Os ἀπόλοιτο Kat ἄλλος, ὅ τις 

τοιαῦ τά 5 γε pelot, () that any othe r man moaht like "Γι pe rosh who should 


. ’ (/& ἊΞΙ ae) 7 , 
do the lil (1.2. εἴ τις Τοιαῦτα. ῥέοι ‘ Od. ΜΝ Al. he Yep μιν θανάτοιο 








904 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES 


δυσηχέος ὧδε Suvatp nV νόσφιν ἀποκρύ ψαι, ὅτε μιν μόρος αἰνὸς 
ἱκάνοι. Il. xviii. 464. Δῶρα θεῶν ἔχοι, ὅττι διδοῖεν, may he have 
gifts of the Gods, whatever they may give. Od. xviii. 142. Ἔ "γίγνωσκε 
δεῖν τοὺς πηρέτας τοῦτο ἀσκεῖν, ὡς πάντα νομίζοιεν πρέπειν αὑτοῖς 
πράττειν. ὅσα ὁ ἄρχων προστάττοι. XEN. Cyr. li, 1, 31. 

For κέ or ἄν in these relative sentences in Homer, see 542 All 
these examples fall also under the general rule for assimilation (558). 


1. GENERAL CONDITIONAL RELATIVE SENTENCES 


532. A conditional relative sentence may express a 
general supposition, when the verb of the antecedent clause 
denotes a customary or repeated action or a general truth, 
while the relative clause refers in a general way to any act 
or acts of a given class. Here the subjunctive with ὃς ἄν, 
ὅταν, etc., follows primary tenses, and the optative (without 
av) follows secondary tenses. (See 462.) Eg. 


7. ‘ , a , " ᾿ - > Ἢ 
χθρὸς γάρ μοι κεῖνος OfLWS Αἴδαο πύλῃσιν, ὅς X ἐτέρον μὲν 
, 5 4 4 "" ἊΣ » - ᾿ 
κεύθῃ ἐνὶ φρεσὶν, ἄλλο ὃὲ εἴπῃ, for that man (i.e. any man) vs hated by 
me like the very gates of Hades, who conceals one thing in his mind and 


speaks another. 1]. ix. 312. Νεμεσσῶμαί γε μὲν οὐδὲν κλαίειν ὅς κε 


θάνῃσι βροτῶν καὶ πότμον € Vio), IT am never at all indignant at 
weeping for any mortal who may die, ete. Od. iv. 195. Oivos, ¢ Os τε Kal 
ἄλλους βλάπτει, ὃς ἄν μιν χάνδον eA 1) μηδ᾽ αἴσιμα πίν Ἧ" Od. ΧΧΙ. 
293. Kai yap συμμαχεῖν τούτοις ἐθέλουσιν ἅπαντες, OVS ἂν ὁρῶσι 
παρεσκευασμένους, for all men are (always willing to he allies t to those 
whom they ἽΝ, prepared. Dem. lV. 6. Καίπερ τῶν ἀνθρώπων, ἐν ᾧ μὲν 
ἂν πολεμῶσι, τὸν παρόντα πόλεμον) ἀεὶ gags κρινόντων, although 
men b alway s consider thu pres nt war the greatest st, 80 long as the y are engaged 


an τί. THUC. 31. Πορεύον ταί TE γὰρ αἱ ay eat 1) ἂν αὐτὰς ευ θύ VW- 

σιν οἱ νομεῖς, νέμονταί TE χωρία ἐφ᾽ ἔρος, ἂν αὐτὰς ἐφιῶσιν, 

ἀπέχον ταί TE ὧν ἂν “Av τὰς a T εἰργωσι" καὶ τοῖς καρπτ ots ἐῶσι τοὺς 

νομέας X/ ῆσθαι οὕτως ὅπως ἂν au τοὶ βούλωνται᾽ ἄνθρωποι δὲ ἐπ᾽ 

ovdevag par Aov συνίστ AVTUL ἢ ἐπὶ τούτους OUS ἂν αἴσθωντ αι ἄρ χειν 

αὐτ τῶν ἐπιχειροῦντας. XEN. Cyr. i. ie 4 Νομίζω προστάτ ου ἔργον 
- > 


εἶναι οἷου δεῖ. ὃς ἂν OPWV TOUS φίλους ἐξαπατωμένους Ig ΕἼ ιτρέπ ᾽}) 
᾿ ι 


Θ, such as one ought always to b ‘ who, etc, Id. Hell. il. 3, 51. Κατα- 


~ ΛΝ ᾽ 


, 7 «A "," 4 7 7 , 
φρόνησις O€ eyytyveTae . OS αν Kal γνωμῇ TLOTEV?) TOV ἐναντίων 
, ¢ 


προέχειν, ὃ ἡμῖν ὑπάρχει. THe. ii. 62. (Here the ὃ refers to all that 
precedes, as a definite antecedent.) 
Os sey "ἡ - 3 Re ἌΝ, π ” J » ” 5 * ” ὦ = , 
pret Yap μεί(οιὶ KAEOS ἀνέρος, οφρα K €7o tI > 0 Tl TWOOOtLV TE 
21 Α : is i ᾿ Ἐπ} ᾿ 
pe&y καὶ χερσίν. Od. viii. 147. Odpa κ᾽ ἐῃσιν, so long as he lives.) 
(Θεοὺς παρατρωπωσ᾽ ἄνθρωποι λισσόμενοι, ὅτε κέν τις ὑπερβ ἡ ἢ καὶ 
τ , > ; κι > , -. 
ἁμάρτῃ. Ll. 1X. 500. H pov yop 3 apeTys αποαινυται εὐρύοπα 
“Ζεὺς ἀνέρος, εὖτ ν μιν κατὰ δού ὕλιον ἦμαρ ἕ λῃσιν. Od. xvil. 322, 


Φιλέει δέ κως προσημαΐνειν, EUT ν μέλλῃ μεγάλα κακὰ ἢ πόλι ἢ ἢ 








588] GENERAL CONDITIONS 205 


ἔθνεϊ ἔσεσθαι. Hot. vi.27. Φεύγουσι yap τοι χοὶ θρασεῖς, ἡ ὅταν πέλας 
ἤδη τὸν “Αιδὴην εἰσορῶσι τοῦ βίου. ΞΟΡΗ. Ant. 580. “Hvik av δ᾽ 
οἴκοι γέν WVTOL, δρῶσιν οὐκ ἀνασχετά. Ar. Pac. 1179. ᾿Επειδὰν δὲ 
ἡ <i Dy Adpvakas ἄγουσιν ἅμαξ Cat. THUC. ii. 3 ᾿Επειδὰν δὲ 
κρύ ψωσι γῇ, ἀνὴρ Πρημένος ὑπὸ τῆς πόλεως, ὃ ὃς ἂν yy ὦμῃ TE δοκῇ 
μὴ ἀξύ VETOS εἶναι, λέν γει ἐπὶ αὐτοῖς ἔπαινον τὸν πρέποντα. Ibid. “E ws 
av σύόζηναι τὸ σκάφος, τότε χρὴ προθύμους εἶναι" ἐπειδὰν δὲ ἡ 
θάλαττα ὑπ πέρσχῃ: μάταιος ἡ σπουδή. Dem. ix. 69. So ἔστ᾽ av 
δείσωσιν, XEN. Mem. iii. 5, 6. 

Ὃν & αὖ δήμου ἄνδρα ἔδοι βόωντά 7 ἐφεύροι, τὸν σκήπτρῳ 
ἐλάσασκεν. whatever man of the people he saw and found brawling, he 
drove him with his sceptre.- 11. 11.198; see 11. 188. Οὐ τινα γὰρ τίεσκον 
ἐπ ιχθονί ίων ἀνθρώπων, οὐ κακὸν οὐδὲ μὲν ἐσθλὸν, ὅ τίς σφεας εἰσαφί- 
κοιτο, ie. they were never in the habit of honouring any one who came 
to them. Od. xxii. 414. “Ore μὲν σκιρτ MeV —~« « « ϑεον, Th. xx, S26: 
so 228. See Od. xx. 138 Καὶ ovs μὲν ἴδοι εὐτάκτως καὶ σιωπῇ 
ἰόντας, προσελαύνων αὐτοῖς τίνες τε εἶεν ἠρώτα, καὶ ἐπεὶ πύθοιτο 
ἐπήνει. XEN. Cyr. ν. 3, 55. (Here ἠρώτα and ἐπήνει denote the habit 
of C y rus.) Kai τοῖς μὲν ᾿Αθηναίοις ηὐξ €TO TO ναυτικὸν ἀπὸ τῆς δαπάν Ss 
yy ἐκεῖνοι ξυμφέροιεν, αὐτοὶ δὲ, ὁπότε ἀποσταῖεν, ἀπαράσκευοι 
καὶ ἄπειροι ἐς τὸν πόλεμον καθίσταντο, and the Athenian navy continued 
to increase from the money which these contributed (pres.), and they, when- 
ever they revolted (aor.), always found themselves unprepared and wex- 
pervenced for war. Truc. 1. 99. 

Ἐπὶ Μοίριος βασιλέος, ὅκως ἔλθοι ὃ ποταμὸς ἐπ᾽ ὀκτὼ πήχεας, 
ἄρδεσκε Αὔ γυπτον τὴν ἔνερθε Μέμφιος, 1 i.e. whenever the river rose. ἨΌΥ. 

13. Tov δὲ χοῦν τὸν ἐκφορεόμενον, ὅκως γένοιτο νὺξ, ἐς τὸν 
Τίγριν ἐξεφύρεον, i.e. they carried it away every naght. Id. ii. 150. Oi: 
δὲ (Κᾶρες), ὅκως Μίνως δέοιτο, ἐπ λήρουν οἱ τὰς νέας. Id. i, 171. 
᾿Βπειδὴ δὲ ἀνοιχθείη, εἰσήειμεν παρὰ τὸν Σωκράτη, i.e. each morn- 
ing, when the prison was opened, etc. Puat. Phaed. 59 D. “Ore ἔξω 
τοῦ δεινοῦ γέν OLVTO, πολ λοὶ αὐ τὸν ἀπ πέλειπον, Many used to leave him 
when they were out of danger. XEN. An. ii. 6, 12. (If ἐγένοντο had 


been used, the whole sentence would refer to a particular case.) 


533. The gnomic aorist and the other gnomic and iterative 
tenses (154-164) can be used in the antecedent clause of these 
general propositions. The gnomic aorist, as usual, is a primary 
tense, and is followed by the subjunctive (171). 9. 

Ὅς xe θεοῖς ἐπιπείθηται, μάλα τ᾿ ἔκλυον αὐτοῦ, whoever — 
the Gods, to him they are ready to listen (ἔκλυον is aoristic). 1]. 1. 218. 
Ὅταν τις ὥσπερ οὗ τος = ύ σ 5 y πρώτ ») πρόφασις ἅπαντα ἀν εχαί- 
τισε καὶ διέλυσεν. ὍΕΜ. 1.9. πότε π neta ειέ τινας TOV ἐν 
ταῖς τάξεσι, εἶπεν ἂν, ὦ ἄνδρες, K.T.A., ie. he used to say, etc. XEN. 
Cyr. vii. 1, 10. Οὐτ᾽ ἄλλοτε πώποτε πρὸς χάριν εἷἱλόμ nV λέγειν, ὅ 
τι ἂν μὴ καὶ συνοίσειν πεπεισμένος ὦ, I have never on other Occasions 
preferred to say anything to please which I have not been convinced would 
also be for your advantage, Dem, iv. 51, (Here εἱλόμην has a sense 








206 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [534 


approaching that of the gnomic aorist, and is followed by a subjunctive. 
See 156.) 

Homeric examples of relatives with κέ or ἄν and the subjunctive 
in general conditions are here included with the others, because this 
construction is fixed in the Homeric usage. In the greater number of 
general relative conditions which have the subjunctive, however, Homer 
uses the relative without κέ or dv, as he prefers the simple εἰ in the 
corresponding conditional sentences (468). See examples in 538, 


534, (Indicative.) The indicative is sometimes used instead of 
the subjunctive and optative in relative sentences of this class. 
(See 467.) Here one of the cases in which the event may occur 
is referred to as if it were the only one. This use of the 
indicative occurs especially after the indefinite relative ὅστις ; 
as the idea of indefiniteness, which is usually expressed by the 
subjunctive or optative, is here sufficiently expressed by the 
relative itself. E.g. 


sn 


Ὺ - ~ > , 
᾿Εχθρὸς γάρ μοι KELVOS ὁμῶς Aidao πύλῃσιν 


Τ ίγνεται, OS TEVLI) εἰκὼν ἀπατήλια βάξει. Od. xiv. 156. 
Compare this with ll. ix. 312, the first example under 532, 

᾿Ἐμοὶ γὰρ ὕστις πᾶσαν εὐθύνων πόλιν 

Μὴ τῶν ἀρίστων ἅπτεται βουλευμάτων, 

᾿Αλλ’ ἐκ φόβου του γλῶσσαν ἐγκλείσας ἔχει, 

Κάκιστος εἶναι νῦν τε καὶ πάλαι δοκεῖ" 

Καὶ μείζον᾽ ὅστις ἀντὶ τῆς αὑτοῦ πάτρας 

Φίλον vop ice ι. τοῦτον οὐδαμοῦ λέγω. ΦΟΡΗ. Ant. 178. 
(Here we might have had ὃς dv... μὴ ἅπτηται, δῦ. δὰ 
and ὃς ἂν νομίζη, without any essential difference in meaning.) 

Oitives πρὸς τὰς ξυμφορὰς γνώμῃ μὲν ἥκιστα λυποῦντα i, ἔργῳ 

δὲ μάλιστα ἀντέχουσιν, οὗτοι καὶ πόλεων καὶ ἰδιωτῶν κράτιστοί 
εἰσιν. Tuuc. ii. 64. So in the same chapter, ὅστις λαμβάνει. Ὅστις 
δ᾽ ἀφικ νεῖτο τῶν παρὰ βασιλέως πρὸς αὐτὸν. πάντας οὕτω διατιθεὶς 
ἀπεπέμπετο, whoever came to him, he always sent away, ete, Xen. An. 1. 
l, 
σκευάσασθαι, διαπέμπων ἐ 
Ib. i. 9. 37. (In the last two examples there is some Ms. authority 
for the more regular ἀφικνοῖτο and δύναιτο. 


> 4 .3 


Γ ~\ 4 , ul vw 5 ‘ a 
5. (που O€ χιλὸς OTAVLOS πάνυ εεἢη: αὐτὸς ὁ EQUVaATO παρα- 


, ‘ , o . γ ᾿ 
κέλευε TOUS φίλους “LTTOL ἐμβάλλειν ΤΟΥΤΟΥ, 


535. This use of the indicative (534) is rare in temporal sentences. 
See, however, the following : 


κι ~ v ~ = , ad Ν -" . - ‘ 
Περὶ TWV ἄλλων τῶν GOLKOVVYTWYV, OTE OLKACOVTEAL, θεὲ παρα TWV 


~ “ 


2° e 


᾿ 


κατηγόρων πυθέσθαι. Lys. xxii. Εἶχον μαχαίριον, ᾧ ἔσφαττον 
ὧν κρατεῖν δύναιντο, καὶ ἀποτέμνοντες ἂν τὰς κεφαλὰς ἔχοντες €TTO- 
ρεύοντο, ὁπότε οἱ πολέμιοι αὐτοὺς ὄψεσθαι ἔμε λλον. XEN. An. lv. 
7, 16. So ὁπότε ἀφίστατο, nm 6. δ, 

All these examples fall under the first class of conditional relative 
sentences (525). 


536. The Greek generally uses the indicative in relative clauses 





538] HOMERIC PECULIARITIES ETC. 207 


depending on general negative sentences, where in Latin a subjunctive 
is more common. A general negation is really particular. Lg. 

Ilap’ ἐμοὶ δὲ οὐδεὶς μισθοφορεῖ, ὅστις μὴ ἱκανός ἐστιν ἴσα πονεῖν 
i s not able (no one unless he is able), nemo qui non 
possit. Xen. Hell. vi. 1, 5. Οὐδεὶς yap οὐδενὶ ὠργίζετο ὅστις μὴ 
ᾧετο ἀπολεῖσθαι, for no one was angry with any one who did not think that 


> , 
ἐμοΐ, i.e. no one who 1 


he was about to perish (i.e, εἰ μὴ wero). Ib, vii. 4, 37. Οὐδαμοῦ πώποθ᾽, 
ὅποι πρεσβευτὴς ἐπέμφθην ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν ἐγὼ, ἡττηθεὶς ἀπῆλθον τῶν 
παρὰ Φιλίππου πρέσβεων, nowhere, whither I was sent as ambassador, 
did I ever come off worsted by Philip’s ambassadors. DEM. xviii. 244, Here 
the leading sentence is particular, on no single occasion was I worsted, so 
that ἐπέμφθην is regular; if the nearly equivalent universal affirmative 
on every occasion I proved superior had been intended, we should have 
had πεμφθείην. See xviii. 45, προὔλεγον καὶ ὃ ιεμαρτυρόμην καὶ 
Tap ὑμῖν ἀεὶ καὶ ὅποι πεμφθείην; and the following in 244, 
ἐν ols κρατηθεῖεν οἱ πρέσβεις αὐτοῦ τῷ λόγῳ, ταῦτα τοῖς ὅπλοις 
ἐπιὼν κατεστρέφετο. Notice the imperfects in the two affirmative 
examples, and the aorist in the preceding negative example. 


537. 1. The indicative is generally used in Greek (as in Latin) 
in parenthetical relative clauses, like ὅ τι wor ἐστίν, whatever it is 
(quidquid est), ὕστις ποτ ἐστίν (or ἔσται), ete. E.q. 

"Ζεὺς. ὅστις ποτ᾽ ἐστὶν, εἰ τόδ᾽ αὐτῷ φίλον κεκλημένῳ, τοῦτό νιν 
προσεννέπω, Zeus, whoever he may be, etc. AxscH. Ag. 160. Δουλεύο- 
μεν θεοῖς, ὅ τι wor εἰσὶν θεοί. Eur. Or. 418. Ἡμῖν γε κρέσσον 

SovAninv ὑπομεῖναι ἥτις ἔσται, but τὲ is better for us to submit 
to slavery, whatever it may be. Hp. vi. 12. So 6 τι δή κοτέ ἐστι, Vil. 
16. 

2. But doris in such expressions can have the construction of 
an ordinary conditional relative, so that in future and general 
conditions it may take the subjunctive. Δ. 

᾿Αλλ᾽ ὁ προσαψάμενος αὐτῶν, ὅστις ἂν ἡ, λόγον παρέχει, but cach 
one who has to do with them, whoever he may be, gives his own account of 
them. AESCHIN. i. 127. ᾿Αλλ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν ἔδει κεχειροτονημένον εἶναι 
τοῦτον, ὅστις ay ἡ), but this office r ought always to be elected by you, who- 
ever he nay be. Dem, iV. 27. See THEOG. 964. 


Homeric and other Poetic Peculiaritees in Conditional 


Relative Sente VUCES, 
. , ΕΣ 
SUBJUNCTIVE WITHOUT KE OR Gv. 


538. In general conditions which take the subjunctive, Homer 
commonly uses the relatives without κέ or ἄν. This corresponds 
to his preference for the simple εἰ in general conditions (468) ; 
but relative clauses of this class are much more frequent with 
him than the clauses with εἰ, Lg. 








208 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [539 


Ὅγττι μάλ᾽ οὐ δηναιὸς ὃς ἀθανάτοισι μάχηται. Il. v. 407. 
᾿Ανθρώπους ἐφορᾷ, καὶ τίνυται ὅς τις ἁμάρτῃ. Od. xiii. 214. Ζεὺς 
δ᾽ αὐτὸς νέμει ὄλβον Ὀλύμπιος ἀνθρώποισιν, ἐσθλοῖς ἠδὲ κακοῖσιν. 
ὅπως ἐθέλῃσιν, ἑκάστῳ. Θά. vi. 188. Οὐ μὴν σοί ποτε ἶσον ἔχω 
γέρας, ὁππότ ᾿Αχαιοὶ Τρώων ἐκπέρσωσ᾽ εὐναιόμενον πτολίεθρον. 
Tl. ἱ. 163. So also 1]. i, 554, iii. 109, xiv. 81; Od. vill, 546, xviii, 134. 
Here the meaning is essentially the same as when κέ or ἄν is added, 
as in the examples under 532. The greater development of the general 
relative condition in Homer, especially in the use of the optative, 
compared with the less developed general condition with ei, has already 
been noticed (17; 400; 468). 


539. The relative (like εἶδ is sometimes found in Homer 
without κέ or ἄν in future conditions. £.9. 

Γήμασθ᾽ os τις ἄριστος ἀνὴρ καὶ πλεῖστα πόρῃσιν, (tell her) to 
marry whoever may he the best man and may offer the most. Od, xx. 335. 
Sut in vs. 342, referring to the same thing, we have γήμασθ᾽ ᾧ κ᾽ 
ἐθέλῃ, to marry whom she may please. [leiGeo δ᾽ ὡς τ Ξῆ ἐν φρεσὶ θείω. 
Il. xvi. 83 : so Od. vi. 189. Ov μὴν γάρ ποτέ φησι κακὸν πείσεσθαι 
ὀπίσσω, ὄφρ᾽ ἀρετὴν παρέχωσι θεοὶ καὶ γούνατ᾽ ὀρώρῃ: he SYS he 
shall never suff r evil he reafte r, 80 long as the Gods shall supply valour, etc, 
Od. xviii. 132. So Il. xii. 234. 


540. "Av is sometimes omitted in general relative conditions 
with the subjunctive in lyric, elegiac, and dramatic poetry, as in 
Homer. A few examples occur in Herodotus; and even in 
Attic prose exceptional cases are occasionally found in the 
manuscripts. (See 469-471.) 

Meya τοι κλέος αἰεὶ, ᾧτινι σὸν γέρας ἕσπητ᾽ ἀγλαόν, great always 
is his glory, whom thy illustrious honour (Olympia) follows. Prnp. Ol. 


viii. 10. So OL ni. 11, Nem. ix. 44. Πάντας ἐπαίνημι καὶ φιλέω 


ἑκὼν ὕστις Epo ) μηδὲν αἰσχρόν. Simon, -v. 20 ‘but ὃς ἂν μὴ κακὸς ἢ 
in the same oe). See TYRT. xil, 34 : SoL. ΧΙ. 9 and 55, XXVL. 3 > 
Sion. lviii. 5, lxxxv. 7 (ὄφρα . . . ἔχῃ», but ὅταν ἢ in vs. 10). 
Γέροντα δ᾽ ὀρθοῦν bi αὔῦρον, ὃς νέος πέσῃ. SOPH. (). C. 395. Tov 
δὲ πημονῶν μά) ιστα λυποῦσ᾽ at havoc αὐθαίρετοι. [ἃ ©. Τ 1381, 
So Arscu. Sept. 257, Eum, 211, 661, and probably 618 (6 pan κελεύσῃ, 
for Mss. κελεύσει, after εἶπον denoting a habit). Toto yap μήτε 
ἄστεα μήτε τείχεα 1) ἐκτισμένα, ὃν ὦ κῶς οὐκ ἂν εἴησαν οὗτοι ἄμαχοι; 
Hpr. iv. 46. So i. 216, ii. 85, iv. 66. ᾿Επιχώριον ὃν ἡμῖν οὗ μὲν 
βραχεῖς ἀρκ wot μὴ πολλοῖς χρῆσθαι, it being our national habit not 
to use many words where few suffice. Truc. iv. 17. (Here οὗ μὲν 
πολλοῖς make five feet of an iambic trimeter, and the words are prob- 
ably quoted from some poet. See Classen’s note. The sentence con- 
tinues, πλείοσι δὲ ἐν ᾧ ἂν καιρὸς , κι. A.) See also PLAT. Leg. 737 


~ 


B, οἷς 7) and ὅσοις μετ. 


541. In the lyric and elegiac poets, as in Homer, the form with av 
or κέ was in cood use in these sentences. see PIND. Py. i. 100 ὃς ἂν 





544] HOMERIC SIMILES 209 


éyxtpoy), v.65 (οἷς av ἐθέλῃ) ; Mun. ii. 9, 11. 1 (ἐπὴν παραμείψεται); 
Sop. xili. 75 ; THEOGN. 405, 406 (ἃ μὲν ἢ MENG, «+ a δ᾽ 
χρήσιμα). (For ordinary protasis see 469 and 470.) In the dramatists 
the relative with ἄν is completely established with the subjunctive as 
the regular form (like ἐάν, etc.) in both general and particular conditions. 
(See 471.) 


RELATIVE WITH κέ OR ἄν AND THE OPTATIVE IN ConDITIONS. 


542. In Homer the conditional relative (like εἰ sometimes 
takes κέ or ἄν with the optative, the particle apparently not 
affecting the sense. Lg. 

Ἡ δέ κ᾽ ἔπειτα γήμαιθ᾽ ὅς κεν πλεῖστα πόροι καὶ μόρσιμος ἔλθοι, 
and she then would marry whoever might give the most gifts, ete. Od. 
xxi, 161. Ὥς xe... δοίη ᾧ κ᾽ ἐθέλοι, that he might give her to 
whomsoever he pleased. Od. ii. 54. In these two cases ὃς πόροι and @ 
ἐθέλοι would be the common expressions. In Od. iv. 600, however, 
δῶρον δ᾽ ὅττι κέ μοι Soins, κειμήλιον ἔστω, whatever gift you might 
choose to give me, etc., may be potential. Nov γάρ x “Ἕκτορ᾽ ἕλοις, 
ἐπεὶ ἂν μάλα τοι σχέδον ἔλθοι. 1]. ix, 804. Ὃς τὸ καταβρόξειεν 
ἐπὴν κρητῆρι μιγείη, οὗ κεν ἐφημέριός γε βάλοι κατὰ δάκρυ παρειῶν, 
whoever should drink this when it was mingled wm the bowl, would let no 
tear fall down his cheeks on that day. Od. iv. 222. So ἐπὴν .. + εἵην, 
Il. xxiv. 227. 

One case occurs of dre xe with the optative in a general relative 
sentence of past time: ἐπευθόμεθα. . . OTE KEV τιν ἐπιζάφελος 


χόλος ἵκοι: Il. ix. 525. 


Homeric Srmines witH ‘Qs ETC. 


543. In Homer similes and comparisons may be expressed by 
the subjunctive with ws ὅτε (rarely ὡς ὁπότε), as when, sometimes 
by ds or ws τε, as. Except in a few cases of ὡς ὅτ᾽ av, neither av 
nor κέ is found in these expressions. 


544. With ὡς ὅτε or ὡς ὁπότε the subjunctive clearly ex- 
presses a general condition, and the meaning is as happens when, 
etc. £.9. 

‘Os δ᾽ ὅτε κινήσῃ Ζέφυρος βαθὺ λήιον ἐλθὼν, 
λάβρος ἐπαιγίζων, ἐπί τ᾽ ἠμύει ἀσταχύεσσιν, 
ὡς τῶν πᾶσ᾽ ἀγορὴ κινήθη, 
and as (happens) when the west wind comes and moves a deep grain field, 
and it bows with its ears, so was their whole assembly moved. 1]. 11, 147. 
Ὡς δ᾽ ὅτ᾽ ὀπωρινὸς Βορέης φορέῃσιν ἀκάνθας 
ἂμ πεδίον, πυκιναὶ δὲ πρὸς ἀλλήλῃσιν ἔχονται, 
ὡς τὴν ἂμ πέλαγος ἄνεμοι φέρον ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα. Od. ν. 328. 
See Π, v. 597, vi. 506, vill. 338 ; Od. ix. 391, xix. 518; for os 
ὁπότε, Od. iv. 335, xvii. 126. 
P 











9210 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES 


εξ ᾿᾽ α΄, 3 nn b , ΄ i » 7 “ | a ’ 

Qs δ᾽ ὅτ᾽ ἂν ἀστράπτῃ πόσις Ηρης ἠυκόμοιο, ὥς πυκὶν ἐν 
στήθεσσιν ἀνεστενάχιζ᾽ ᾿Αγαμέμνων. 1]. χ. ὅ. So IL. xi. 269, xv. 170; 

] εἰ X ᾽ ; 
Od. v. 394, xxi. 468. 


545. With ὡς or ὥς τε the conditional force of the subjunctive is 
not so obvious, especially as it depends directly on the verb of the 
antecedent clause, which is always particular and generally past. 
Here we should expect the present indicative, which semetimes occurs 
(548). We may suppose that the analogy of the far more frequent 
clauses with &s ὅτε (544)! caused the same construction to be used 
also in these, in which the meaning is clearly the same. Ly. 

‘Os δὲ γυνὴ κλαΐῃσι φίλον πόσιν ἀμφιπεσοῦσα, 

ὅς τε Ens πρόσθεν πόλιος λαῶν τε πέσῃσιν, 

ὡς Ὀδυσεὺς ἐλεεινὸν ὑπ᾽ ὀφρύσι δάκρυον εἶβεν, 
i.e. Ulysses wept as a wife weeps, etc. Od. vii. 523. 

Ὡς δὲ λέων ἐν βουσὶ θορὼν ἐξ αὐχένα ἄξῃ πόρτιος ne Boos, .. . 
ὡς τοὺς ἀμφοτέρους ἐξ ἵππων Τυδέος υἱὸς βῆσε, and as a lion leaps 
among the cattle and breaks the neck of α heifer or an ox, 80 did the son of 
Tydeus dismount them both from their chariot. Il. v.161. So Il. ix. 323, 
x. 183, 485; Od. v. 368. 


546. In all the cases of ὥς re the pronominal article οὗ or τούς 
precedes, referring to the subject or object of the antecedent clause. 
Eg. 

Oi δ᾽, ὥς τ᾽ ἀμητῆρες ἐναντίοι ἀλλήλοισιν ὄγμον ἐλαύνωσιν, ὡς 
Τρῶες καὶ ᾿Αχαιοὶὲ ἐπὶ ἀλλήλοισι θορόντες δήζουν, and they,—as reapers 
against each other drive their swaths,—so did Trojans and Achaeans leap 
upon each other and destroy. Il. xi. 67. So II. xii. 167, xv. 323 ; Od. 
xxlil. 302. 

547. When a simile has been introduced by the subjunctive 
with ὡς or ὡς ὅτε, it may be continued by verbs in the present 
indicative, which seem to be independent of the original con- 
struction. Even the aorist indicative may be used to add vivid- 
ness to the description. £.g. 

‘Os δ᾽ ὅτε τίς τ᾽ ἐλέφαντα γυνὴ φοίνικε μιήνῃ 

Myovis ne Κάειρα, παρήϊιον ἔμμεναι ἵππῳ᾽ 
κεῖται δ᾽ ἐν θαλάμῳ, πολέες τέ μιν ἠρήσαντο 
ἱππῆες φορέειν" βασιλῆι δὲ κεῖται ἄγαλμα᾽ 

τοῖοί τοι, Μενέλαε, μιάνθην αἵματι pypot. 1]. iv. 141. 
“ὡς δ᾽ ὅτ᾽ ad vy nAns κορυφῆς ὄρεος μεγάλοιο 

Κιν yo ») πυκινὴν νεφέλην στεροπηγερέτα Ζεύς: 

ἐκ T ἔφανεν πᾶσαι σκοπιαὶ καὶ πρώονες ἄκροι 

καὶ νάπαι. οὐρανόθεν δ᾽ ὑπερράγη ἄσπετος αἰθήρ" 
ὡς Δαναοὶ νηῶν μὲν ἀπωσάμενοι δήιον πῦρ 


ον» 


4 > , ΄ ζ > , 
τυτθὸν ἀνέπνευσαν πολέμου ὃ ov γίγνετ 


» 


ἐρωή. ll. XVi. 296. 


1 Delbriick, Conj. wu. Opt. pp. 161, 162, cites 63 cases of this construction 
(49 in the Iliad, 14 in the Odyssey), of which 35 have ὡς ὅτε, 10 ὡς ὅτ᾽ ἄν, ὃ 
ws ὁπότε, 8 ws, and 7 ὥς Te. 


HOMERIC SIMILES 


‘Os δ᾽ ὅτε καπνὸς ἰὼν εἰς οὐρανὸν εὑρὺν ἵκηται 

ἄστεος αἰθομένοιο, θεῶν δέ ἑ μῆνις ἀνῆκεν, 

πᾶσι δ᾽ ἔθηκε πόνον, πολλοῖσι δὲ κήδε ἐφῆκεν, 

ὡς ᾿Αχιλεὺς Τρώεσσι πόνον καὶ κήδε ἔθηκεν. 1]. xxi. 522. 


548. Sometimes the first clause of the simile has the present 
or aorist indicative. £.g. 

‘Os δ᾽ dvapatpder Babe’ ἄγκεα θεσπιδαὲς πῦρ, Os ὅ ye πάντη 
θῦνε. IL xx. 490. Ὥς δ᾽ ὁπότε πλήθων ποταμὺς πεδίονδε κάτεισιν, 
πολλὰς δὲ δρῦς ἐσφέρεται, ὡς ἔφεπεν. 1]. xi. 492. Ἤριπε δ᾽ ws ὅτε 
τις δρῦς ἤριπεν, and he fell as when an oak falls (once fell), Tl. xiii, 389. 
Ὥς δ᾽ ὅτε τίς τε δράκοντα ἰδὼν παλίνορσος ἀπέστη. Ll. ili. 33: so 
ὥς τε λέων ἐχάρη, iil. 23. 

549. Another form of Homeric simile consists of ὡς with a 
noun, followed by a relative with the subjunctive, which may be 
followed by an indicative as in 547. Eg. 

ὋὉ ὃ ἐν κονίῃσι χαμαὶ πέσεν, αἴγειρος ὡς, 
1) pa τ᾽ ἐν εἱαμενῇ ἕλεος μεγάλοιο πεφύκῃ 
λείη, ἀτάρ τέ οἱ ὄζοι ἐπ᾽ ἀκροτάτῃ πεφύασιν" 
τὴν μὲν θ᾽ ἁρματοπηγὺς ἀνὴρ αἴθωνι σιδήρῳ 
ἐξέταμ᾽. ὄφρα ἴτυν κάμψῃ περικαλλέι δίφρῳ" 
1) μεν ci aCOPEVI) κειται ποτάμοιο παρ ὄχθας" 
τοῖον ap ᾿Ανθεμίδην Σιμοείσιον ἐξενάριξεν 
Αἴας διογενής. Il. iv. 482. 
For ὡς εἰ or ὡς εἴ τε with the optative in Homeric similes, see 485. 


Ὅ τι μή and ὅσον μή without a Verb. 


BBO, Ὅ τι μή and ὅσον μή, like εἰ μή (476), are used in the 
sense of except, wnless, with no verb expressed. Eg. 

O τι yap μὴ ᾿Αθῆναι, ἦν οὐδὲν ἄλλο πόλισμα λόγιμον, for except 
Athens (what was not Athens) there was no (Ionic) city of any account. 
Hpr. i. 143. So i. 18, ovdapot ὅ τι μὴ Χῖοι μοῦνοι. Οὐ γὰρ ἦν 

ΤΩ seq" ~ ἃ , 
κρήνη, ὅ τι μὴ μία ἐν αὐτῇ TY ἀκροπόλει, for there was nO spring, except 
one on the very citadel. THuc. iv. 26: 80 lV. 94, vii. 42. Ovr em 
θεωρίαν ἐξῆλθες ὅ τι μὴ ἅπαξ εἰς ᾿Ισθμὸν, οὔτε ἄλλοσε οὐδαμόσε εἰ 
μή ποι στρατευσόμενος. PLAT. Crit. 52 B. So Phaed. 67 A, Rep. 
405 C. 

Ἴσθι yap δοκῶν ἐμοὶ καὶ ξυμφυτεῦσαι τοὔργον εἰργάσθαι θ᾽, ὅσον 
μὴ χερσὶ καίνων, ie. and to have done the deed too, except so far as you 
did not slay with your own hands, SOPH. Ο. T. 346. 

551. Homer once has 6 τι μή or ὅτε μή in the same sense : οὔ τέ 
τεῳ σπένδεσκε θεῶν ὅ τι μὴ Διὶ πατρί, i.e. except to Zeus (0 τι μή 
-- εἰ μή), Il. xvi. 227, Here Lange (p. 161) reads ὅτε μή. 








RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES 


Special Forms of Antecedent Clause. 


552. A conditional relative clause (like a protasis with εἰ) may 
depend on an infinitive or participle (with or without av), on a 
final clause, on a protasis, or on a verbal noun representing the 
antecedent clause (or apodosis). £.g. : 

See Dem. xxi. 64 (quoted in 525); Prat. Ap. 17 D, DEM. xxiii. 
48 (quoted in 528); Axscu. Ag. 1434, Dem, iv, 21 and 39, xxvii. 21 
(quoted in 529) ; Prat. Euthyd. 302 A, Theaet. 155 A, Xen. Mem. 
ii. 3, 12, Cyr. 1. 6, 3, ii. 1, 31 (quoted in 531). ‘Opo σοι τούτων 
δεῆσον ὅταν ἐπιθυμήσῃς φιλίαν πρός τινας ποιεῖσθαι. XEN. Mem. 
τ, 6, 29. 

Καὶ ἐμὲ δεῖ ἀπηλλάχθαι κατὰ τὰς συνθήκας, ἐπειδὴ τὸ περὶ τοῦ 
Πρωταγόρου λόγου τέλος σχοίη, i.e. I ought to be released according to 
what we agreed to do when the discussion of the doctrine of Protagoras 
should come to an end. Puat. Theaet. 183 Ὁ. . 


553. After past verbs of waiting or expecting in Homer ὁπότε 
with the optative sometimes has the meaning of wntil, like ἕως. 
Βα. | 


5 Ἢ 


« Ἂ» ° 5 as e 7 > ” > Ἂ ω 

Οἱὲ δ᾽ €ar ... ποτιδέγμενοι OTTOT ap ἔλθοι ᾽Ιδαῖος. and they 
sat waiting until (for the time when) Idaeus should come. 1]. vii. 414 
So iv. 334, ix. 191, xviii. 524. (See 698.) 


Mixed Conditional Constructions. 


554. The relative with the optative sometimes depends on a 
present or future tense. This occurs chiefly in Homer, and arises 
from the slight distinction between the subjunctive and optative 
in such sentences. £.4¢. 


Aird οἱ ἐσσεῖται νῆας ἐνιπρῆσαι, te μὴ αὐτός ye Κρονίων euBa 
αἰθόμενον δαλὸν artes ut will be a a task Ai h A ΓΕ e 
unless the son of Kronos should himself hurl a ‘flaming brand upon the 
ships. Il. xiii. 317, (Regularly ὅτε κε μὴ ἐμβάλῃ, unless he shall hurl.) 
So Od. XIX, 510, Kai δ᾽ ἄλλῃ VE pero ἢ τις τοιαῦτα ye δέζοι 
and I am angry with any other woman who Says should sau Py like Od. 
vi. 286. (This resembles the loosely jointed examples in 500.) ; 


»"΄"ν = , 


τν , . ΡῈ 

Τοιούτῳ θὲ ἐθέκας, ἐπεί λούσαιτο φάγοι τε, εὑδέμεναι μαλακῶς, 
and you seem like such ( man as would sleep comfortably luke Ογ likely to 
sleep comfortably) after he had washed and eaten. QOd. exiv. 254. (This 
resembles the examples in 555.) 


The optative regularly follows an optative in a wish (177 
ae ——— 
555. In Attic Greek an optative in the relative clause some- 
times depends on a verb of obligation, propriety, possibility, ete 
. . ν e, ¢ . , . “: : nr ὥς 
with an infinitive, the two forming an expression nearly equivalent 





557] MIXED CONDITIONAL CONSTRUCTIONS 213 


to an optative with av, which would be expected in their place. 
(See 502.) Lg. 

"AAN ὃν πόλις στήσειε, τοῦδε χρὴ κλύειν, We should obey any one 
whom the state might appoint (if the state should appoint any one, we ought 
to obey him). Sopu. Ant. 666. (Χρὴ κλύειν is followed by the optative 
from its nearness to δικαίως ἂν κλύοι τις.) ᾿Αλλὰ τοῦ μὲν αὐτὸν 
λέγειν ἃ μὴ σαφῶς εἰδείη φείδεσθαι δεῖ, ie. we ought to abstain, ete. ; 
like φείδοιτο ἄν τις. XEN. Cyr. 1. 6, 19. Ods δὲ ποιήσασθαί τις 
βούλοιτο συνεργοὺς προθύμους, τούτους παντάπασιν ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ 
ἀγαθοῖς θηρατέον εἶναι (θηρατέον εἶναι -- θηρᾶν δεῖν). Ib. 11. 4, 10. 
Ὑπερορᾶν οὐ δυνατὸν ὑμῶν ἀνδρὶ ὃς εἰδείη κυρίους ὄντας ὅ τι 
βούλεσθε αὐτῷ χρῆσθαι. Id. Hell. vii. 3, 7. So Ib, ii. 4, 18. 
Σωφρόνων ἐστὶ μηδὲ εἰ μικρὰ τὰ διαφέροντα εἴη πόλεμον ἀναιρεῖ- 
σθαι. Ib. vi. 3, ὅ. So after πολὺ ῥᾷόν (ἐστι), Ib. vi. 5, 52. Σωφρό- 
is proper for prudent 
men, ete. THuc. 1. 120, "Αποδοτέον οὐδ᾽ ὁπωστιοῦν τότε, ὁπότε τις 
μὴ σωφρόνως ἀπαιτο ἢ. Puat. Rep. 332 A. 


> ‘ > \ > ms) a ε 4& bd Φ 
νων ἐστὶν, εἰ μὴ GOLKOLVTO, YTVKACELY, LE. it 4 


556, An indicative or subjunctive in the relative clause may 
depend on a potential optative (with av), sometimes when the 
potential force is felt in the apodosis, and sometimes when the 
optative with ἄν is treated as a primary tense from its nearness 
to the future indicative. L.g. 

Οὐκοῦν καὶ τὸ ὑγιαίνειν καὶ τὸ νοσεῖν, ὅταν ἀγαθοῦ τινος αἴτια 
γίγνηται, ἀγαθὰ ἂν εἴη, therefore, both health and disease, when they 
prove to be the causes of any good, would naturally be good things. XEN. 
Mem. iv. 2, 32; so il. 2, 3. Ὅταν δέ τις θεῶν βλάπτῃ, δύναιτ᾽ ἂν 
οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἰσχύων φυγεῖν, when one of the Gods does mischief, not even « 
strong man could escape. Sor. El. 696. “Ὥστ᾽ ἀποφύγοις ἂν ἥντιν᾽ ἂν 
βοὺ An δίκην, so that you can (could) get off in any suit you please. AR. 
Nub. 1151. Odrwes τοῖς μὲν ἴσοις μὴ εἴκουσι, τοῖς δὲ κρείσσοσι 
καλῶς προσφέρονται, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἥσσους μέτριοί εἰσι, πλεῖστ᾽ ἂν 
ὀρθοῖντο. Tuuc. v. 111. 
κακοῦ αἴτιον : and what does no harm could not be the cause of any harm 


« 


Ἂ ~ 4 ἊΝ A A xa) ” ” 
O δὲ μηδὲν κακὸν ποιεῖ, OVO ἂν τινος εἰὴ 


at all, could it? Puat. Rep. 379 B. Ἐγὼ δὲ ταύτην μὲν τὴν εἰρήνην, 
ἕως ἂν εἷς ᾿Αθηναίων λείπηται, οὐδέποτ᾽ ἂν συμβουλεύσαιμι ποιή- 
σασθαι τῇ πόλει, I vould never advise the city to make this peace, so long 
as a single Athenian shall be left. Dem. xix. 14. (Here ἕως λείποιτο, 80 
long as one should be left, would be more regular.) Ὅταν δ᾽ ἀφανίσας 
τις τἀκριβὲς λόγῳ ἐξαπατᾶν πειρᾶται, πῶς ἂν δικαίως πιστεύοιτο; 
Id. xxxiii. 36. (See 178.) 

557. A conditional relative clause may contain a potential 
optative or indicative (with ἀν), which has its proper meaning. 


E..9. 


᾿ ζω " > , ~ » 7 » ‘ , 

"KE ων AV TLS €V λέγων διαβάλ λο ι, €K τούτων αὐτους πείσεσθαι 
(ἔφη), he said that the y would form ther opin Lon upon any slanders which 
‘ Α “ ** a ae. ε A 
any good speaker might chance to utter. Tuuc. vu. 48. Οντιν av ὑμεῖς 





914 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [558 


εἰς ταύτην τὴν τάξιν κατεστήσατε, οὗτος τῶν ἴσων αἴτιος ἦν ἂν 
κακῶν ὅσωνπερ καὶ οὗτος, ANY ONE soevEr whom you might have appointed 
to this post would have been the cause of as great calamities as this man 
has been. Dem. xix. 29. (Without ἄν, ὅντινα κατεστήσατε would be 
equivalent to εἴ τινα ἄλλον κατεστήσατε, if you had appointed any one 
else (which you did not do). With ἄν, it is a potential indicative.) 

See 506, and for the optative with κέ in conditional relative sentences 
in Homer (probably not potential), see 542. 


Assimilation in Conditional Relative Clauses. 


558. When a conditional relative clause referring to the future 
depends on a subjunctive or optative referring to the future, it 
regularly takes by assimilation the same mood with its leading 
verb. ‘The leading verb may be in a protasis or apodosis, in 
another conditional relative clause, in an expression of a wish, 
or in a final clause. £.g. 

Ἔῤν τινες of ἂν δύνωνται τοῦτο ποιῶσι, καλῶς ἕξει, if any who 
shall be able do this, it will be well. Ki τινες of δύναιντο τοῦτο 
ποιοῖεν, καλῶς ἂν ἔχο.͵ if any who should be able should do this, it would 
be well. ἘΠὀθε πάντες of δύναιντο τοῦτο ποιοῖεν, O that all who may 
be able would do this. (Here the principle of assimilation makes ot 
δύναιντο after an optative preferable to οἵ ἂν δύνωνται, which would 
express the same idea.) Te@vainv ὅτε μοι μηκέτι ταῦτα μέλοι, may 
I die when these are no longer my delight. Mrun.i. 2. So in Latin: Si 
absurde canat is qui se haberi velit musicum, turpior sit.—Sic injurias 
fortunae quas ferre nequeas defugiendo relinquas. 

For examples see 529 and 531. 


559. When a conditional relative clause depends on a past 
tense of the indicative implying the non-fulfilment of a con- 
dition, it regularly takes a past tense of the indicative by 
assimilation. The leading verb may be in a protasis or apodosis, 
in another conditional relative clause, in an expression of a wish, 
or in a final clause. £.9. 

Ei τινες of ἐδύναντο τοῦτο ἔπραξαν, καλῶς av ἔσχεν, if any who 
had been able had done this, it would have been well, K ibe πάντες οἵ 
ἐδύναντο τοῦτο ἔπραξαν, O that all who had been able had done thas. 
So in Latin: Nam si solos eos diceres miseros quibus moriendum 
esset, neminem tu quidem eorum qui viverent exciperes. 

For examples see 528. 


560. It will be seen that this principle of assimilation accounts for 
the unreal indicative and the optative in conditional relative sentences, 
which have been already explained by the analogy of the forms of 
protasis. (See 528 and 531.) In fact, wherever this assimilation 
occurs, the relative clause stands as a protasis to its antecedent clause. 


es 


4 
Ἶ 
4 
ἢ 
i 
᾿ 
Ι 
| 














564] ASSIMILATION 215 


Occasionally this principle is disregarded, so that a subjunctive de- 
pends on an optative (178). 

For the influence of assimilation in determining the mood of a 
dependent sentence, see 176. 


561. The indicative in the construction of 529, referring 
simply to the present or past, cannot be affected by assimilation, 
as this would change its time. £.9. 

“Ὑμεῖς δ᾽ ἕλοισθε ὕ τι καὶ τῇ πόλει καὶ ἅπασι συνοίσειν ὑμῖν 
μέλλει, and may you choose what is likely to benefit the state and all 
of you. DEM. ili. 36. Compare this with Dem. ix. 76, ὅ τι δ᾽ ὑμῖν 
δόξειε (so > originally), τοῦτ᾽, ὦ πάντες θεοὶ, συνενέγκοι, whatever 
you may decide, may this be for our good. 

In Sopu. Ant. 373, ὃς τάδ᾽ ἔρδει would belong here ; but ὃς τάδ᾽ 
ἔρδοι (Laur.), = εἴ τις τάδ᾽ ἔρδοι, falls under 558. 

562. The principle of 558 and 559 applies only to conditional 
relative clauses. If the relative refers to a definite antecedent, there 
can be no assimilation, and the indicative or any other construction 
required by the sense is used. .g. 

Εὶ τῶν πολιτῶν οἷσι νῦν πιστεύομεν, τούτοις ἀπιστήσαιμεν, οἷς 
δ᾽ οὐ χρώμεθα, τούτοισι χρησαίμεσθ᾽, ἴσως σωθεῖμεν ἄν. AR. Ran. 
1446. Εἴθ᾽ ἦσθα δυνατὸς δρᾶν ὅσον πρόθυμος εἶ, O that thou couldst 
do as much as thow art eager to do, Eur. Her. 731. (With ἦσθα for εἶ 
the meaning would be as much as thow wert (or mightest be) eager to do.) 


563. Conditional relative clauses depending on a subjunctive 
or optative in a general supposition (462; 532) are generally 
assimilated to the subjunctive or optative ; but sometimes they 
take the indicative (534). Eg. 

Οὐδ᾽, ἐπειδὰν ὧν ἂν πρίηται κύριος γένηται, τῷ προδότῃ συμ- 
θούλῳ περὶ τῶν λοιπὼν ἔτι χρῆται. DEM, xviil. 47. See Piat. Rep. 
508 C and D (reading ὧν ὃ ἥλιος kataAddpret); Charm, 164 B. 
Ὁ δὲ τότε μάλιστα ἔχαιρεν, ὁπότε τάχιστα τυχόντας ὧν δέοιντο 
ἀποπέμποι. XEN. Ag. ix. 2. 

Αἰτία μὲν γάρ ἐστιν, ὅταν τις ψιλᾷ χρησάμενος λόγῳ μὴ παρά. 
σχήται πίστιν ὧν λέγει, ἔλεγχος δὲ, ὅταν ὧν ἂν εἴπῃ τις καὶ 
τἀληθὲς ὁμοῦ δείξῃ. DEM. xxii. 22. (Here ὧν λέγει and ὧν ἂν εἴπῃ 
are nearly equivalent.) ᾿Ἐκάλει δὲ καὶ ἐτίμα ὁπότε τινὰς ἴδοι τοιοῦτον 
ποιήσαντας ὃ πάντας ἐβούλετο ποιεῖν. XEN, Cyr. ii. 1, 30. (Here 
βούλοιτο for ἐβούλετο would correspond to δέοιντο in Ag. ix. 2, 


above.) 


Aé in the Antecedent Clause. 


564. The conjunction δέ sometimes introduces the clause on 
which a relative depends. Its force here is the same as in 
apodosis (512). £.g. 

Oin περ φύλλων γενεὴ; τοίη δὲ καὶ ἀνδρῶν. 1]. νἱ. 146, Ἔπεί 





τος οι hE ae mS OER φημ ‘gen 


eta ac apo 


ans 


“eRe a ce ae 
“PPAR aL δὴ 


cme pt πάρ τὶ 


216 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [565 


ε ’ ’; ε Ὁ 4 , 4 ‘ 
τε ὃ πόλεμος κατέστη, ὁ δὲ φαίνεται καὶ ἐν τούτῳ προγνοὺς τὴν 
, / ‘ ** 
δύναμιν, and when the war broke out, (then) he appears, etc. THuc. 11. 65, 
Mé \ . > " ε , > 4 Bé - b a \ ? , > 
MLEX PL μεὶ OVV Ot τοξόται €lyov TE Ta f eAn αὐτοῖς και OLOL TE σαν 
“~ ε e\ > ~ , . 
χρῆσθαι, ot δὲ ἀντεῖχον, so long as their archers both had ther arrows 
and were able to use them, they held out, Id. iii. 98. ᾿Επειδὴ δὲ ἀφι- 
, ’ > / / ἊΝ Ὁ ~ ; 
κόμενοι μάχῃ ἐκράτησαν .. . φαίνονται oe οὐδ᾽ ἐνταῦθα πάσῃ 
“~ , ’ ν᾽ a ~ { a 
τῇ δυνάμει χρησάμενοι, Id. i. 11. “Ὥσπερ οἱ ὁπλῖται, οὕτω δὲ καὶ 
c , , eee ω 
οἱ πελτασταί. XEN. Cyr. vill. 5, 12. 


FINAL RELATIVE CLAUSES EXPRESSING PURPOSE. 


565. (Future Indicative.) In Attic Greek a relative 
with the future indicative often expresses a purpose, like 
a final clause. Its negative is μή. Ly. 

II peo Beiav δὲ πέμπειν, ἥτις ταῦτ᾽ ἐρεῖ καὶ παρέσται τοῖς 
πράγμασιν, and to send an embassy to say these things, and to be present 
at the transaction. Dem. i. 2. Φημὶ δὴ δεῖν ἡμᾶς TT POS Θετταλοὺς 
πρεσβείαν πέμπειν, ἣ τοὺς μὲν διδάξει ταῦτα. τοὺς δὲ παροξυνεῖ. Id. 
ii 11. "Εδοξε τῷ δήμῳ τριάκοντα ἄνδρας ἑλέσθαι, of τοὺς πατρίους 
νόμους ξυγγράψουσι, καθ᾽ ods πολιτεύσουσι, the people voted to 
choose thirty men, to compile the ancestral laws by which they were to 
govern. XEN. Hell. ii. 3, 2. Εἴσω δὲ πέμψαι (ἐκέλευσε) τινὰς, οἵτινες 
αὐτῷ τὰ ἔνδον ἰδόντες ἀπαγγελ οὔσιν. XEN. Cyr. ν. 3, 3. Ναυτικὸν 
παρεσκεύαζον ὅ τι πέμψουσιν ἐς τὴν Λέσβον, καὶ ναύαρχον προ- 
σέταξαν ᾿Αλκίδαν, ὃς ἔμελλεν ἐπιπλεύσεσθαι. THUC. iii. 16. See 
Dem. xxi. 109. Οὐ yap ἔστι μοι χρήματα, ὁπόθεν ἐκτίσω, for I 
have no money to pay the fine with. Puat. Ap. 37 C. 

‘Piyov pe γῆς ex τῆσδε, ὅπου θνητῶν φανοῦμαι μηδενὸς προσ- 
YP. Sop. O. T. 1437; so 1412. Μέλλουσι yap σ᾽ ἐνταῦθα 
πέμψειν, ἔνθα μή ποθ᾽ ἡλίου φέγγος προσόψει, ζῶσα δ᾽ ὑμνήσεις 
κακά, they are to send you where you shall never behold the sun’s light (to 
some place, that there you may never behold, etc.). Id. El. 379. So ΑἹ. 
659 ; Tr. 800. 

566. The antecedent of the relative in this construction may be 
either definite or indefinite ; but the negative is always μή because of 
the final force. The future indicative is regularly retained after past 
tenses, as in object clauses with ὅπως (340) ; but see 573 and 574. 

567. A past purpose may be expressed by the imperfect of μέλλω. 
See 76; and Tuuc. iii. 16, quoted in 565. 

568. (Subjunctive and Optative in Homer.) In Homer these 
final relative clauses have the subjunctive (generally with κέ) 
after primary tenses, and the present or aorist optative (without 
xe) after secondary tenses. 9. 

Kai ἅμ᾽ ἡγεμόν᾽ ἐσθλὸν ὄπασσον, ὅς κέ με Keio ἀγάγῃ, and also 
send a good guide, who shall lead me thither (to lead me th ither). ‘Od. xv. 310. 














573] FINAL RELATIVE CLAUSES 217 


Αὐτὸς νῦν ὄνομ᾽ εὕρεο, 6 τι ke θῆαι παιδὸς παιδὲ φίλῳ, find a name 
. . . ‘ ᾿ » » \ [ aw - ’ 

to give the child: Od. xix. 403. Tedv οὔνομα εἰπέ, wa τοι dw ξείνιον, 

te " 4 / . ~~ > , , > , a , 

@ KETV XKaLpPHS. Od. ix. 355" Αὐτίκα μάντις ἐλεύσεται. OS KEV TOL 


ca? 


» ‘ am a> . 4 > / »Ὸ» » 
εἴπῃσιν odov. Od. x, 538. Ελκος δ᾽ ἰητὴρ ἐπιμάσσεται, 0 επι- 


, ¢ > , . 
θήσει φάρμαχ᾽, ἅ κεν πα ύσῃσι μελαινάων ὀδυνάων. IL iv. 191. 
4 > 


» ¢ 3 > 5 , 
᾿Αλλ᾽ ἄγετε, κλητοὺς ὀτρύνομεν, οἵ κε τάχιστα ἐλθωσ᾽ ἐς κλισίην 

°~ »“-ὀ . > » Ὃ ᾿ , ¢ 
ΠΠηληιαάδεω ᾿Αχιλῆος. Il. ix. 1605. ἔκδοτε, καὶ τιμὴν ἀποτινεμεν ἥν 


> ” , . > , > > , : , eee 
TW ἔοικεν, 7) TE καὶ ἐσσομένοισι μετ ἀνθρώποισι πέληται. 1]. 11. 
459. The last verse (found also iii. 287) is the only case of the 
relative with the subjunctive without κέ in these sentences. 

"AyyeAov ἧκαν, ὃς ἀννείλειε γυναικί, they sent a messenger to tell 

] 5 YY Ε γυναικί, cy 86 a messeng 
, A? ‘ A ’ > 

the woman. Od. xv. 458. Πάπτηνεν δ᾽ ἀνὰ πύργον ᾿Αχαιων, εἴ τιν 
"ὦ ε , a , e Ὁ Ἁ ε , > , ws 4) “ 
ἴδοιτο ἡγεμόνων, Os τίς οἱ ἀρὴν ἑτάροισιν ἀμῦναι, Il. xii. 333. This 
optative is rare. 

569. The earlier Greek here agrees with the Latin in using the 
subjunctive and optative, while the Attic adopts a new construction 
with the future indicative. 


570. The future indicative occurs in Od. xiv. 333, ὦμοσε νῆα 
κατειρύσθαι καὶ ἐπαρτέας ἔμμεν ἑταίρους, οἵ δή μιν πέμψουσι φίλην 
ἐς πατρίδα γαῖαν. The potential optative with κέ may take the place 
of a future form; as οὐδέ ot ἄλλοι εἴσ᾽, of κεν κατὰ Sypov ἀλάλ- 
κοιεν κακότητα, Od. iv. 166. So τῶν κ᾿ ἐπιβαίην, 1]. v. 192 (cf. 
xxii, 348). In none of the Homeric examples of this construction is 
the relative clause negative. 

571. A final force is seen in a few Homeric temporal clauses with 
Sre (ὅτ᾽ ἄν, ὅτε Ke) or ὁπότε with the subjunctive, which are chiefly 
expressions of emphatic prediction :— 

"Eooerat ἦμαρ oT av ποτ᾽ ὀλώλῃ ᾿Ἴλιος ἱρὴ, Ζεὺς δέ σφιν αὐτὸς 
erode nou ἐρεμνὴν αἰγίδα πάσιν, a day shall come when sacred 
Ilios shall fall (i.e. a day for the fall of Ilios) and when Zeus shall shake 
his terrible aegis before them all. 1]. iv. 164; so vi. 448. See Il. vill. 


373, xxi. 111. See Monro, Hom. Gr. p. 209. 


572. In Attic Greek the subjunctive is not used in final relative 
sentences as it is in Homer (568). The subjunctive ina few expressions 
like ἔχει 6 τι εἴπῃ, he has something to say, seems to be caused by the 
analogy of οὐκ ἔχει 6 τι εἴπῃ. he knows not what to say, which contains 
an indirect question (677). Eq. 

Τοιοῦτον ἔθος παρέδοσαν, ὥστε ἑκατέρους ἔχειν ἐφ᾽ οἷς φιλοτι- 
μηθώσιν, that both may have things in which they may glory. Isoc. iv. 
44. (Here there is really no indirect question, for the meaning 15 not 
that they may know in what they are to glory.) Οὐδὲν ἔτι διοίσει αὐτῷ, 
ἐὰν μόνον ἔχῃ ὅτῳ διαλέγηται, of only he shall have some one to talk 
with. Prat. Symp. 194 D. Tots μέλλουσιν ἕξειν ὅ τι εἰσφέρωσιν. 
Xen. Occ. vii. 20. Compare ἀπορεῖς ὅ τι λέγῃς and εὐπορεῖς ὅ τι 
λέγῃς in the same sentence, Puat. Ion. 536 B. 


573. On the other hand, the present or aorist optative rarely occurs 





218 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES 


in Attic Greek in a final sense after a past tense or after another 
optative. Lg. 
» al Sar 93 ” , a. > [7 ν» , 7 »δν eo 
Avépa οὐδέν᾽ ἔντοπον (Opwv), OVX OTTIS APKETELEV, οὐδ᾽ OOTIS 
, , , Ν᾿ ἘΝ ‘ 
μοσον καμνοντὶι συλλάβοιτο, 1.60. when Ϊ saw no one there to assist mé, 
ete. SopH. Ph. 281. Κρύψασ᾽ ἑαυτὴν ἔνθα μή τις εἰσ idol, βρυχᾶτο, 
» Aw ” , 5 ~ ‘ 
Id. Tr. 903. Ei tis θεῶν ἄνδρα θείη εἰ 
μέλλοι βοηθήσειν, if some God should place a man im ἃ desert, where 
there should be no one likely to help him (this may be purely conditional). 


Puat. Rep. 578 E. 


574. The future optative also occasionally occurs, as the natural 
correlative of the regular future indicative, which is generally retained 
after past tenses (566). 0. 

"Eqdevyov ἔνθα μήποτ᾽ Oo ψοίμη V ὀνείδη τελούμενα, Ϊ fl d to (some 
place) where I might never see the disgrace accomplished. Sopu. Ὁ, T. 796. 


> 7 eo 5 “ 
ς ἐρημίαν, OTOV AUTH fANOELS 


Ὺ / e Μ » ~ © on” 

σκόπει ὅπως EFOLTO AUT OOTLS (wvTa ¥y npoT pop ἥσοι καὶ τελευ- 
’ , > \ \ \ of > ~ , ** 

τησᾶντα θάψοι αὐτὸν και τὰ νομι(ομενὰ αὐυτῳ ποι σοι, ISAE. 11. 10. 
ε , > > © - ’ , > [7 , 

Αἱρεθέντες eh ᾧτε ξυγγράψαι νόμους, καθ᾽ οὕστινας TOALTEVTOLYTO, 

having been chosen with the condition that they should compile laws, by 

which they were to govern. XEN. Hell. ii. 3, 11. (See Ib. ii. 3, 2, quoted 

- _~ : > «Ὁ , . . 

in 565, where καθ᾽ ols πολιτεύσουσιε 18 used in the same sense.) 


CONSECUTIVE RELATIVE CLAUSES EXPRESSING RESULT.— 
CAUSAL RELATIVE. 


575. (Indicative, with negative ov.) The relative with any tense 
of the indicative can be used to denote a result, in the sense of 
ὥστε with the indicative (582). The negative here is ov. This 
occurs chiefly after negative clauses, or interrogatives implying a 
negative. £.9. 

‘is οὕτω μαίνεται ὅστις οὐ βούλετα i σοι φίλος εἶναι ; who is 80 
mad that he does not wish to be your friend? XEN. An. ii. 5, 12. (Here 
ὥστε οὐ βούλεται might be used. ) ᾿Ακούσας τοιαῦθ᾽ ἃ τὸν τοῦδ᾽ οὐ 
ποτ᾽ εὐφρανεῖ βίον. ϑονη. Ο. C. 1352. So Hor. vii. 46. Τίς οὕτως 
εὐήθης ἐστὶν ὑμῶν, ὕστις ἀγνοεῖ τὸν ἐκεῖθεν πόλεμον δε ὕρο ἥξοντα, 
ἂν ἀμελήσωμεν ; i.e. who of you is so simple that he does not know, ete. ? 


Dem. 1. 15. Here ὥστε ἀγνοεῖ might be usec.) Tis οὕτω πόρρω 


~ ~ > 7 er 5 , 4 5 , 7 
τῶν πολιτικὼν ἣν πραγμάτων, ὁστις οὐκ ἐγγυς ἡναγκασθη γενεσθαι 


τῶν συμφορών ; Isoc, iv. 113. Τίς οὕτως padvpos ἐστιν, ὅστις 
οὐ μετασχεῖν βουλήσεται ταύτης τῆς στρατείας ; Id, iv. 185. 

So also with the potential optative ; ag οὐδεὶς ἂν γένοιτο οὕτως 
ἀδαμάντινος, ὃς ἂ V preive LEV ἐν τῇ δικαιοσύνῃ. γ10 One would ever hecome 


so adamantine that he would remain firm in justice. Prat. Rep. 360 B. 
576. (Future Indicative, with negative μή.) The relative with 

the future indicative may denote a result which is aimed at, in 

the same general sense as ὥστε with present or aorist infinitive 


’ 


(582), but with more exactness (577.) The negative is py. Lg. 





CONSECUTIVE RELATIVE CLAUSES 919 


Εὔχετο μηδεμίαν οἱ συντυχίην τοιαύτην γενέσθαι, ἥ μιν παύσει 
καταστρέψασθαι τὴν Εὐρώπην, i.e. no such occurrence as to prevent him 
from subjugating Europe. Hor. vii. 54. (We might have ὥστε μιν 
παῦσαι. Compare εἰς τοσαύτην ἦλθε μεταβολὴν ὥσθ᾽ ἁπάσης τῆς 
᾿Ασίας γενέσθαι δεσπότης, Isoc. v. 66.) ᾿Ανόητον ἐπὶ τοιούτους 
ἰέναι ὧν κρατήσας μὴ κατασχήσει τις, it is absurd to attack men of 
such a kind that if we overcome them we shall not hold them, Tuuc. vi. 
11. (Here ὥστε μὴ κατασχεῖν, so as not to hold them, could express 
only the general sense of the construction.) ὋὉ γράφων ἰδίᾳ te Xape- 
δήμῳ τοιοῦτον ὃ μὴ πᾶσι καὶ ὑμῖν ἔσται. DEM. xxiii. 86. Τοιαῦτ᾽ 
ἀπαγγελοῦσι ἐξ ὧι μηδ᾽ ἂν ὁτιοῦν ἢ κινηθήσονται. Id. xix, 324. 


ζω 


} μὴ διαλήσει 


‘ & 


ryi 7 > ” Ἂ , , , 5 
[is οὐκ ἂν δέξαιτο τοιαύτης πολιτείας μετέχειν, ἐν 1 
" δὰ Ξ "ΔΧ - , , xc e 

χρηστὸς wv; soc, 11]. 16. Οὐδὲ τοιαῦτα λέγειν (πρέπει) ἐξ ὧν ὁ 

, ~ 5 a “ , . ry “~ ’ 
βίος μηδὲν ἐπιδώσει τῶν πεισθεντων. Id. iv. 189. Τοιαῦτα ζητήσεις 

5 , a 5» , 5 A δ 5 , 4 ’ 
λέγειν ἐξ ὧν μὴτε αὐτὸς χείρων εἶναι δόξεις μὴτε τοὺς μιμουμένους 
λυμανεῖ. Id. xi. 49. 


577. The construction of ὥστε after τοιοῦτος (584), which best corre- 
sponds to this relative expression, is not common, as οὕτως is the natural 
antecedent of ὥστε, while τοιοῦτος is naturally followed by οἷος or ὅς. 
The relative clause with the future is a much more definite expression, 
with its power of designating time, number, and person, than the 
infinitive. (See Tuuc. vi. 11, under 576.) Τοιοῦτος may also be 
followed by οἷος and the infinitive (759). 


578. “Ὅπως as a relative is sometimes used in this construction in 
a way which illustrates its use as a final particle. (See 313.) Ε.σ. 

Ποίεε δὲ οὕτω ὅκως τῶν TOY ἐνδεήσει μηδέν, and act so that there 
shall be nothing wanting on your part ; lit. act in that way by which, ete. 
Hpr. vi. 18. Τὸ οὕτως ἐπίστασθαι ἀνθρώπων ἄλλων προστατεύειν 
ὅπως ἕξουσι πάντα τὰ ἐπιτήδεια, . .. τοῦτο θαυμαστὸν ἐφαίνετο, 
i.e. in such a way that they should have, ete. XEN. Cyr. i. 6.7. So 
Cyr. 11. 4, 31. 


579. (Optative.) 
not take the subjunctive. 
upon another optative. 
416 C, φαίη av τις δεῖν καὶ 
τοιαύτην αὐτοῖς παρασκευάσασ 


4 


wy 
OVS αἡ λους 


γειν καὶ θέρους ἱκανὰς εἶναι. ᾿ 
ἡμετέρᾳ πόλει οὐδὲν ἂν ἐνδείξαιτο τοσοῦτον οὐδὲ ποιήσειεν, ὑφ᾽ ο 
πεισθέντες τινὰς Ἑλλήνων ἐκείνῳ προεῖσθε, i.e, nothing sa great as to 

"ὦ . . ee ; 
pe rsuade you to sacrifice any of the Greeks to him (= wore υμᾶς πεισθεν- 
TAS mpoer Gat), The practical difference between the pure optative 
here and the potential προεῖσθε ἄν. like ὃς ἂν μείνειεν in Puat, Rep. 
360 B (quoted in 575), 18 slight ; but it would be seen if we had ὥστε 
προέσθαι here (so great as to make you sacrifice) and ὥστε μείνειεν ἄν 
there (so firm that he would remain). 





220 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [580 


580. The relative may have a causal signification, being 
equivalent to ὅτι, because, and a personal pronoun or demonstrative 
word. The verb is generally in the indicative, as in ordinary 
causal sentences (713); but it may be in the potential optative 
or potential indicative. The negative is οὐ; but when the 
relative clause is conditional as well as causal, the negative is 
μή. Eg. 

Θαυμαστὸν ποιεῖς, ὃς ἡμῖν οὐδὲν δίδως, you do a strange thing wm 
giving us nothing (like ὅτι σὺ οὐδὲν δίδως). XEN. Mem. ii. 7, 13. 
Δόξας ἀμαθέα εἶναι. ὃς. .. ἐκέλευε, believing him to be unlearned, 
hecause he commanded, ete, Hprt., i. 33. Τὴν μητέρα (ἐμακάριζον), οἵων 
τέκνων ἐκύρησε (like ὅτι τοίων). Id. i. 31. Εὐδαίμων ἐφαίνετο, ὡς 
ἀδεῶς καὶ γενναίως ἐτελεύτα. ie. because he died so Searle ssly and nobly 
(ws being equivalent to ὅτι οὕτως). Puat. Phaed. 58 E. 

Τα) αἴπωρος εἶ ᾧ μήτε θεοὶ πατρῷοΐ εἰσι μήθ᾽ ἱερά, you are 
wretched, since you have no ance stral Gods (if you really have none), ete, Id. 
Euthyd. 302 B. Πῶς ἂν ὀρθῶς ἐμοῦ καταγιγνώσκοιτε, ᾧ τὸ παράπαν 
πρὸς τουτονὶ μ ηδὲν συμβόλαιόν ἐστιν; 1.6, sunce T have 710 contract 
at all with this man (or if T have no contract). Dem. xxxiil. 84. Ozov 
τοίνυν μ ηδεὶς τετόλμ KE TOV οἰκείων τούτῳ μαρτυρῆσαι, πῶς οὐκ 
εἰκός ἐστιν ὑμᾶς ἡγεῖσθαί με τἀληθῆ λέγειν; whereas then (or if then) 
no one has dared, ete. Id. xlix. 38. So lv. 26. “Orore ai μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆς 
συνθῆκαι ἠφανίσθησαν ἕτεραι δὲ μὴ ἐγράφησαν, πῶς ὀρθῶς ἂν 
ἐμοὶ δικάζοιτο, καθ᾽ οὗ μὴ ἔχει παρασχέσθαι συνθήκας ; whereas the 
original agreement disappeared and. the other was never written, how can 
he justly go to law with me, when (or if ) he cannot bring forward any 
agreement against me? Id. xxxiii. 30. So Sopa. O. T. 817, 1335, O. C. 
1680, Ant. 696, Ph. 178, 255; Ar. Ran. 1459 ; Hor. i. 71 (τοῖσί 
γε μή ἐστι μηδέν) ; Tuuc. iv. 126 (οἵ γε μηδὲ oa ἥκετε). The 
potential imperfect occurs in ANT. V. 66, μὴ τοίνυν ἐμοὶ νείμητε τὸ 
ἄπορον τοῦτο, ἐν ᾧ μηδ᾽ ἂν αὐτοὶ εὐπορεῖτε, do not then bring upon me 
this perplexity, un which you yourselve 8 would not know what to do (half 
causal, half conditional). 

581. In the last examples with μή, the causal and the conditional 
forees are united, but in English we can express only one of them. 
Thus ᾧ μήτε θεοὶ πατρῴοί εἰσι. besides its causal force, implies a con- 
dition : so that we might translate equally well if as ut appears) you 
have no ancestral Gods, you are wretched, The same combination of 
cause and condition is seen in the Latin siquidem. 


CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH ὥστε OR ws AND WITH 


, ’ e > , e Ἰ 
edb ὦ OR ed WTE. 
i é i ‘ 


582. A consecutive clause expresses a consequence, that 


1 See Cildersleeve in Am. Jour. Phil. vi. pp. 161-175; and Seume, De 
Sententiis Consecutivis Graecis, Got , 








584] CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH ὥστε ETC. 221 


is, the effect or result (actual or potential) of something that 
is stated in the leading clause. Such a clause is introduced 
by some relative word, generally by ὥστε, so as, 80 that. 
(See 575.) The consequence may be either one which the 
action of the leading verb aims at and tends to produce, or 
one which that action actually docs produce. This is the 
fundamental distinction between ὥστε with the infinitive 
(with μή for its negative) and ὥστε with the indicative 
(with οὐ for its negative). Lg. 

Πᾶν ποιοῦσιν ὥστε δίκην μὴ διδόναι, they do everything in such 
a way as (1.6. 80 as) not to suffer punishment, 1.6. they aim, in all they do, 
at not being punished; it is not, however, implied that they actually 
escape. Puat. Gorg. 479 ὦ. On the other hand, πᾶν ποιοῦσιν ὥστε 
δίκην od διδόασιν would mean they do everything in such a way 
that (i.e. so that) they are not punished. 


583. Though this illustrates the fundamental distinction in 
thought on which the distinction in form is based, there are 
many examples in which ὥστε with the infinitive and ὥστε with 
the indicative seem to amount to essentially the same thing, 
although the processes by which the meaning is expressed in 
the two constructions are essentially different. Thus we can 
say οὕτως ἐστὶ δεινὸς ὥστε δίκην μὴ διδόναι, he is so skilful as not 
to be punished, and also οὕτως ἐστὶ δεινὸς ὥστε δίκην ov δίδωσιν, 
he is so skilful that he is not punished ; and though we should 
receive the same impression from both statements, so that both 
might be made of the same man under the same circumstances, 
yet the two constructions (one stating a tendency and the other 
a fact) are very different, and they seemed far more so to a 
Greek than they do to us. 

584, Ὥστε is properly a relative particle of comparison, mean- 
ing as. Its correlative so may be expressed in a demonstrative 
like OUT WS, or implied > as οὕτως ἐστὶ δεινὸς ὥστε σε πεῖσαι, he is so 
skilful as to persuade you, or ἡ πόλις τετείχισται ὥστε ἱκανὴ εἶναι 
σῴζειν τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας, the city is walled so as to be able to keep its 
inhabitants safe. (See τοιούτους καὶ οὕτω τρέφειν κύνας ὥστε ἐπι- 
χειρῆσαι, PLAT. Rep. 416 A; and compare τοιοῦτος οἷος With the 
infinitive in 759.) These expressions in Greek state no more than 
he has the skill to persuade you and the city has walls enough to be 
able, etc.; the further ideas that he does persuade and the city is 
able are inferences, which are strongly suggested and generally 
felt when the expressions are used, but they do not lie in the 
words. When the Greek wishes to express these facts definitely 
and not to leave them to inference, it uses the indicative with 





RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [584 


ὥστε 5 as οὕτως ἐστὶ δεινὸς ὥστε σε πείθει, he is so skilful that he 
persuades you, or ἡ πόλις τετείχισται ὥστε ἱκανή ἐστιν. But here 
the use of a finite verb compels the writer to make his expres- 
sion more definite than it was before ; for, whereas ὥστε πεῖσαι 
and ὥστε ἱκανὴ εἶναι meant only (so) as to persuade and (so) as to 
be able, without limiting the expressions to past, present, or 
future time, he cannot use a tense of the indicative without 
fixing its time, that is, without making a definite statement. So 
long as the infinitive has no subject and can be translated by 
our simple infinitive (as above), we can generally express its 
force without putting into our translation more than we find in 
the Greek ; the formal distinction between so skilful as to persuade 
and so skilful that he persuades being apparent even when we 
mean substantially the same by both. When the clause with 
ὥστε is negative, a marked distinction appears in Greek to show 
the different point of view taken in the two expressions, and we 
have ὥστε μὴ πεῖσαι and ὥστε οὐ πείθει. This is of course lost in 
English with our single negative. But when the infinitive has 
a subject, it must be translated by a finite verb in some definite 
tense, number, and person, that is, by a statement and not by a 
mere expression of tendency, although the force of the infinitive 
in Greek is the same as before. Thus we generally translate 
σχολάζεις, ὥστε θαυμάζειν ἐμέ (Eur. Hee. 730), you delay, so that 
T am astonished, as if it were ὥστε θαυμάζω ἐγώ, simply because 
we cannot use our infinitive with a subject expressed. If, how- 
ever, we substitute an equivalent form which avoids this diffi- 
culty, like so as to astonish me, we see that there 18 really no such 
definite character in ὥστε θαυμάζειν ἐμέ as we impose upon it, 
and that it no more expresses a statement than ὥστε σε πεῖσαι 
(above) does. The same difficulty of translating the Greek infinitive 
with its subject has done much to obscure the force of the 
tenses of the articular infinitive and of the infinitive with ἄν. 
(See also 603.) 

In many uses of the infinitive with ὥστε it is not even inferred 
that the result towards which the infinitive expresses a tendency 
is actually reached. Thus, in clauses with ὥστε expressing a 
purpose or a condition, and where the infinitive is generally 
used without ὥστε, we cannot substitute the indicative for the 
infinitive (see the examples under 587, 2 and 3, and 588).' 

1 Shilleto (in the Appendix to his edition of Demosthenes de Falsa Leqatione) 
thus illustrates the distinction between ὥστε οὐκ ἐβούλετο and ὥστε μὴ βούλε- 
σθαι. “Τὸ difference seems simply to be this: οὕτως ἄφρων ἦν ὥστε οὐκ 
ἐβούλετο, he was so foolish that he did not wish (expressive of the real result 
or consequence) ; οὕτως ἄφρων ἣν ὥστε μὴ βούλεσθαι, he was so foolish as not 
to wish (expressive of the natural consequence). . . . Now it is obvious that 
an energetic speaker, wishing to express that the result (was not only of a 








CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH ὥστε 223 


585. In Homer ὥστε (or rather ὥς re) is found, with two 
exceptions (589), only in the sense of as, like ὥσπερ. See its 
use in similes, as ws τε λέων ἐχάρη, 1]. 111. 23. The τε here is 
like that commonly added to relatives in Homer (as in ὅς τε) and 
to ἐπεί in Herodotus. The Attic poets are the first to use ὥστε 
freely with the infinitive. In Sophocles we first find ὥστε with 
the finite moods; this seems to have arisen from a desire to 
express definitely the accomplishment of the result, which the 
infinitive expressed only by inference. 

586. ‘Qs, originally of the same meaning with ws Te, Was 
seldom used in consecutive sentences except in certain authors. 
(See 608.) 


“Oote WITH THE INFINITIVE. 


587. Ὥστε with the infinitive, with a demonstrative 
expressed or implied, means 80 as ; but when the infinitive 
has a subject which must be expressed in English, we are 
generally obliged to translate the particle with its antecedent 
by so that. The expression properly means only that one 
action or state is of such a nature as to be followed by 
another as a consequence, but it is often implied also, 
apart from the words, that the second action or state actually 
does follow. 


Ἢ + . ae 

1. The consequence may be simply a result which a previous 
act tends to produce, Lg. 

5 4, as ~ “~ A ΄ 5 > A [ ’ 

Appi δὲ κυκλοῦντο πᾶσαν νῆσον, OTT ἀμηχανεῖν OTOL τράποιντο, 
and they encircled the whole island, so that they (the Persians) knew not 
whither to turn (1.6. 80 as to perplex the Persians, etc.) ArscH. Pers. 457. 
Τόσονδε μισεῖν ὥστε τὴν δίκην πατεῖν, to hate so violently as to trample 
on justice. SorpH. Aj. 1335; so 1 325. Σὺ δὲ σχολάζξεις, ὥστε θαυ- 
μάζειν ἐμέ, but you delay, so that I am astonished (see 584). Eur. Hee. 
730. Πάντας οὕτω διατιθεὶς ἀπεπέμπετο ὥστε αὐτῷ μᾶλλον φίλους 

Ψ Ἂ gr ” 4 : Ε f 4 
εἶναι ἢ τῷ βασιλεῖ. XEN. Απ.1.1, 5. Δυσκολία καὶ μανία πολλάκις 
> s a sd 7 4 5 
εἰς τὴν διάνοιαν ἐμπίπτουσιν οὕτως ὥστε καὶ τὰς ἐπιστήμας ἐκβάλ- 
ere > 5S Δ 4 id [7 ’ Ν 
λειν. Id. Mem. iii. 12,6. "Hv πεπαιδευμένος οὕτως ὥστε πάνυ μικρα 
κεκτημένος πάνυ ῥᾳδίως ἔχειν ἀρκοῦντα, he had been so educated as very 
easily to have enough, although he possessed very little. ἐπ ἢ, By ee Privat 


ar e rn , , ΄“ ’ 4 , > ~ 
δὲ ὁ Kupos λέγεται φιλοτιμότατος, ὥστε πάντα μὲν πόνον ἃ νατλῆ- 
; as "ὦ A 4 . > , 
vat πάντα O€ KLVOVVOV ὑπομεῖνα t. Id. Cyr. 1. 2, 1. Amex py yap 
- A ᾽ ’ e a , Coa 5 \ κ᾿ 
ἂν τοῖς γνωσθεῖσιν ἐμμένειν, WATE μηδεμίαν ἡμῖν εἶναι πρὸς TOUTOV 


nature to follow, but) actually did follow, would employ the indicative : 
whereas in ordinary and unimpassioned language the infinitive would imply 
all that was necessary, the natural consequence supposing the real.” 





RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [588 


διαφοράν, for we should be content to abide by the decisvon 80 as to rs val 
difference with him. Dem. xxvu. 1. Ξ Πολλὰς ἐλπίδας Pe art Sint 
ἐρεῖν, ὥστε ὑμᾶς μήτ᾽ ἀπο λειφθηναι τῶν πραγμάτων μὴτ ᾿ γνοῆ- 
gat, κιτιὰ, Id. Xxvii. 2. ' Τοιοῦτον ἔθος ἡμίν ΤῊΝ ἘΣ 
σπεισαμένους συνελθεῖν ἐς ταῦτον. [soc, iv. 43. see Iv. 4 - , ΩΝ 
τοιοῦτον εἴη ἡ σοφία, ὥστ᾽ ἐκ TOV TANPETTEPOY εἰν τὸν κενώτερον βεῖν 
ἡμῶν, of such α nature as to flow. Prat. Symp. Li ᾽ a tee ee 

Πείσομαι γὰρ οὐ τοσοῦυτον OVOEV WOTE μὴ ου Ke WS Avett Ys oT 
shall suffer nothing so t rrible as to prevent me Jrom dying gloriously. 
SopH. Ant. 96. (For μὴ ov see 815, 2.) 

9. The consequence may have the form of a stipulation, 
condition, or limitation. £.g. Lee 

ἸΠοιοῦνται ὁμολογία POS Πάχητα, ὥστε "A θηναίοις ν δὼ ἐς ι 8 
λεῦσαι περὶ TOV Μυτιληναΐων, they make a treaty setae he 
effect that the Athenians shall be permitted, ete. ΓΗῦσ. 111. 28. Δναστῆη 


τ 


σας αὐτοὺς ὥστε μὴ ἀδικῆσαι, having removed them nee epee of 
doing them no harm. [bid. So 1. 29, vil. 83. So Id. 111. gl κορῖ 
χίαν ἐποιήσαντο ἐπὶ TOW OE, acts Ἢ OF PSTEL Tes Ba εἴ ag 
τῶν λοιπῶν ἄρχειν “Ἑλλήνων, ὥστ᾽ αὑτοὺς ὑπακούειν ( — 1 
being in their power to rule the vest of the Greeks, on condition that they 
should the mselves serve the King. DEM. vi. ἘΣ, 

8 The consequence may be aimed at as a purpose, the con- 
secutive clause becoming also final. Κι. 

Πῶν ποιοῦσιν, ὥστε δίκην μὴ διδόναι. they do eve rything in once 
a way as not to suffer punishime nt, 1.6. that they may not ἊΝ re ΓΝ 
Gorg. 479 C. (Here iva μή with the subjunctive might — “ 
it would express only the final element.) Εβουλήηθησαν ἀπε pePer 
ἐξιδιώσασθαι, ὥστε εἶναι σφίσι καταφυγὴν εἰ δεήσειε, Εν ἐφ ict 
to appropriate El usis, so that they might have a refuge uf they should need 
it. Xen. Hell. ii. 4, 8. Μηχαναι πολλαί εἰσιν, WOTE διαφεύγειν 
θάνατον. there are many de vices for escaping death. PLAT, Ap. 39 A. 
(Here we might have OTWS διαφευξεῖται TLS. ) Μηχανὰς εὐρησονον) 
Γ᾿ ἐὺ τὸ πᾶν σε τῶνδ᾽ ἀπαλ λάξαι πόνων. We will find devices to Jree 
ὕπως σε ἀπαλλάξομεν). AESCH. Eum. 82. 


ὥστ 

you, etc. ( 
588. The infinitive with wore sometimes follows verbs of 

wishing, commanding, ete., which regularly takes a simple infinitive 

of the object (746), less frequently verbs which take an infinitive 

of the subject (745) ; and sometimes adjectives and nouns which 
. . Ἢ διά ““κΟ + 

resularly take the simple infinitive (758). E.9. 

ss = Δ." . Υ ᾽ ~ — 

ἤθελ᾿ ὥστε Ὕ ίγνεσθαι τάδε. for the Cyprian Goddess 

͵ . 


Κύπρις yap 1) | 
wr shed this to he done, 1.6, had such a avish (8 that thas should he done. 


Eur. Hipp. 1327. Δικαιῶν ὥστ᾽ ἐμοῦυ κλύειν λόγους, asking that he 
(Polynices) should hear my words (to the effect that he should hear). SOPH. 


ssa 


Aw ry . = = i . Ὁ Sy. μὰ 5 . Ξ ) “στε δόντα 
OC. 1350. l‘ovs OTPATHYOVS TWh πόλεων EOLOGCO KEV « 1 1 


, 5 4 
χρημᾶτα αὐτὸν ΕΝ 8 
é ry hee oes - ryt ‘ - a7 A < ato γε ὥστε 
the generals. THuc. vill. 45. I'd μὲν δύνασθαι, ὦ ρε, Ἶ 





πεῖσαι. he instructed him to quve money and pe rsuade 
oo“ 3 t b : 


589] CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH ὥστε 225 
ἀγωνιστὴν τέλεον γενέσθαι, the ability to become a finished disputer 
(1.6. having such power as to become). Prat. Phaedr. 269 Ὁ. ᾿Ελθόντες 
πρὺς αὐτοὺς πείθουσιν ὥστε μετὰ σφῶν ΑΛργει ἐπιχειρῆσαι. THUC. 
iii. 102. (In the same chapter, πείθει ᾿Ακαρνᾶνας βοηθῆσαι Nav- 
πάκτῳ.) πεισαν τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ὥστε ἐξαγαγεῖν ἐκ Πύλου 
Μεσσηνίους. Id. ν. 35. Ψηφισάμενοι αὐτοὶ πρῶτοι ὥστε πάσῃ 
προθυμίᾳ ἀμ ὕνειν. having voted to defend them, etc. Id. vi. 88. Eis 
ἀνάγκην καθέσταμεν ὥστε κινδυνεύειν. Isoc. vi. 51. (See 749.) 
So δύναμιν ὥστε ἐγγενέσθαι, power to grow up in it, Pat. Rep. 433 B. 
Ei τι θέσφατον πατρὶ χρησμοῖσιν ἱκνεῖθ᾽, ὥστε πρὸς παίδων θανεῖν, 
i.e. if my father was warned by oracles that he should perish by his children’s 
hands. Sopu. Ὁ. C. 969. 

Πάνυ μοι ἐμέλησεν ὥστε εἰδέναι, tt concerned me very much to 
know. Xen. Cyr. vi. 3,19. ᾿Αδύνατον ὑμῖν ὥστε Ἰ]ρωταγόρου τοῦδε 
coputepov τινα ἑλέσθαι, it is impossible for you to choose any one wiser 
than Protagoras here (you have not such power as to choose). Puat. Prot. 
338 C. So Xen. Mem.i. 3,6. ΞἘξυνέβη εὐθὺς μετὰ τὴν μάχην ὥστε 
πολέμου μὲν μηδὲν ἔτι ἅψασθαι μηδετέρους, mpos δὲ τὴν εἰρήνην 
μᾶλλον τὴν γνώμην εἶχον. THuc. ν. 14. (Here the construction 
changes suddenly to the indicative in εἶχον) "Ap ἔστιν ὥστε κἀγγύ- 
θεν θέαν λαβεῖν; is it possible for me to have a sight of tt near by ? 
ΞΟΡΗ. Ph. 656, 

Πῶς γάρ τις ἱκανὸς γένοιτ᾽ ἂν ὥστε ἀεὶ προστάττειν TO προσῆ- 
xov ; for how could one become capable of always giving the proper command 
(so capable as)? Puat. Polit. 295 A. Πότερα παῖδές εἰσι φρονιμώτεροι 
ὥστε μαθεῖν τὰ φραζόμενα ἢ ἄνδρες ; i.e. are they wiser than men vn 
learning, οἷς. ἢ Xen. Cyr. iv. 3,11. Νέοι ὥστε τοσοῦτο πρᾶγμα διελέ- 
σθαι, too young to decide, Puat. Prot. 814 B. So γέρων ὥστε σ᾽ 
ὠφελεῖν, Eur. Andr. 80. Ψυχρόν (ἐστε τὸ ὕδωρ) ὥστε λούσα- 
σθαι, the water is too cold to bathe in. XEN. Mem. iii. 13, 8. (Cf. Aov- 
σασθαι ψυχρότερον and θερμότερον πιεῖν, in the same section.) 

In many of these cases it seems impossible to believe that wore 
added anything to the sense, even as it was felt by the Greeks. The 
expressions were probably stereotyped in usage, and their origin was 
forgotten. Indeed, ὥστε and ὡς (608) sometimes seem to have no 
more meaning than our to with the infinitive, which in some cases we 
can use or omit at pleasure, though with some change of sense, as in 1 
dare say and I dare to say. Compare I command you to go and I hid 
you go. The examples show that there is hardly a construction in which 
the simple infinitive was used where ὥστε is not occasionally prefixed 
to it. It is important here to remember that ὥστε means only as (or, 
including the antecedent, so as); never so that, except in the construc- 
tion with the finite moods, although this is often a necessary makeshift 
in our translation. 

For ὥστε or ὡς with the infinitive after the comparative and 7, see 

5 (ἢ 


589. (Ὡς τε in Homer.) The only two Homeric examples of 
ὥστε (ὥς T€) with the infinitive are Il. ix. 42, εἰ δὲ σοὶ αὐτῷ θυμὸς 


Q 





220 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [590 


ἐπέσσυται ὥς TE νέεσθαι, ἔρχεο, hut uf your own mind is eage rly set 
upon returning, go; and Od. XVii. 20, ov yap ἐπὶ σταθμοῖσι μένειν ἔτι 
τηλίκος εἰμὶ, ὥς τ᾽ ἐπιτειλαμένῳ σημάντορι πάντα πιθέσθαι. for Ϊ 
am no longe 7 of a ju ( to abide at the sheepfolds, (and there to ols u an 
everything a master’s command (this comes under 587, 2, above). These 
eases seem to show that the usage was already established ; although 
Lehrs (de Aristarcht Stud. Hom. p- 157) proposes to expunge ὥς re in 
, a 


“bes » : = ‘ ~s , , , 
both. In Hes. Op. 43 we have PypLOLWS γάρ κεν και ἐπ ματι εργασ- 


a4 , “ fe / i \ » κ ” ‘4 " 
Tato, WS TE GE KELS \ = Καὶ εἰς) EVLAUVTOV ex eev και αέεβγὸον €OVTa, 1,0. δὺὸ 
͵ “Ὧν 


as to have enough jor a year, even without working. 


590. (Tenses.) The tenses of the infinitive most frequently 
used with wore are the present and aorist, with their usual 
distinction (87). See the examples above. 

The perfect is sometimes used to express completion or 
decisiveness of the action (109; 110). J£.g. 


"ὦ ΩΣ » ee, ἘΠ. J , 7 er 4 , 4 
Newo7 νυ απὸ νόσου βραχὺυ Tt λελωφήκαμεν, WOTE και χρημασι και 
/ 


- , oa 
Ὁ Π] , oe ; p ] 9 ᾿ 
TOLS TWPLAC LI pt ξησθαι, 1.0, we πα Trecove red ( little, so as to have 


. ri : , . 

Ly . Ἵ . ~ , . 2 4 

increased. Tuuc. vi. 15. Aoyowv καὶ βουλευμάτων κοινωνὸν ἂν σε 
ai - ἘΣ ΓΙ s ἃ iad a , Oy ) , αι}, 

TOLOLVTO, WOTE pApoe εν σέ λελ ηθεναι ὍΝ βουλόμεθα €iO€Vat, SO that 


mot a single one of thee things we wish to know should have escaped you 
XEN. Cyr. vi. 1, 40. Τοιαυτα πολιτεύματα ἑλέσθαι ἐμοὶ ὑπῆρξει 
σὸς πολλάκις ἐστεῴφα νωσδθαι. καὶ μηδὲ τοὺς ἐχθροὶ S ἐπι χειρε i} 
λέγειν, Piles 80 as ofte nto have been crowned perfect a and so as not 
even to have my enemies undertake present to say, etc, Dem. xviil. 257. 
See Id. xxiii. 68; Lys. xxxii. 27; Isoc, iii, 32, iv. 45; Isag, x. 1; 


and the examples quoted in 109 and 110. 


591. 1. The future infinitive with worte 1s common only when it 
depends on an infinitive in indirect discourse and represents a future 


“ > 


indieative of the direct form: 80 εἰς TOUT 


, ‘ , 


, ~ ; ΠΣ ᾿᾽ 
G“§VALOELAS GUTOV CELV aKOVW, 


WOTE Λακεδαιμονίων κατηγορήσειν, Dem. XIX, ΕΞ. So Lys. ν᾿. 
See other examples under 594. 
2. Elsewhere it is rare and perhaps doubtful. In Dem. xxix. 5 and 
vet - “ . ε - ε ” . Ν . ᾿ 
xxx. 5, ὥσθ᾽ ὑμᾶς ἀπανταὰς εἴσεσθαι is found in all Mss., and it is 
no more objectionable than other exceptional uses of the future, as 
5 


infinitive with ἄν not in indirect discourse (211; 592). Im Dem. xvi 


that after βούλομαι and δέομαι see 113). or than ὥστε with the 


v 


4 we have, ἐστι TOLVUV EV τινὶ τοιούτῳ καιρῳ Τί 
ι t 


1, πραγ pata VUV, 
o Θ β , Ἔ κ ; ᾿ A oe Ἢ : , ue , ~% ᾿ 
posed oe pel ar _— yeveo Gat, Λακεδαιμονίους O« él 
a si im : Σ > 7 so @ ~ , , ‘ , 
TOLNTO! TAL ΤΊ} Αρκαὸδιαν Ud EAUTOLS, παλιν LOX UPOVS γενήσεσθαι 
᾿ Γ ᾽ ᾿ ͵ " ? 
the change of time making the change of tense natural. 
In Tuvuc. iii. 34 we have, προκαλεσάμενος ἐς λόγους “Ἱππίαν, ὥστε 
sy Ὁ Ἀ ᾽ , , , > ‘ ν , 3 
" μμεδν Set ἘΞ a ες aS ἢ de δὴ 
vi Ses sae apeg KOT λέγῃ. πάλιι Bs ΓΝ KaTaciT σε tiv ἐφ Τὺ TELYOS OWV 
και VY La, on the condition that, uf his proposals should not hy satisfactory, he 
would restore H. to the fort sate and sound. Here καταστήσειν represents 
καταστήσω in the words of Paches ; but the future is still exceptional 


in its use (see 113), In Tuue, i, 29, iii, 28 (two passages) and 114, 








594] CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH WOTE 


vii. 83, where there was the same ground for the future, we find the 
present or aorist infinitive with ὥστε. 

592. The infinitive with ἄν (not in indirect discourse) can follow 
ὥστε to express a consequence in a potential form, corresponding to 
the potential optative or indicative. 1.6. 

᾿Αποτετειχισμένοι ἂν ἦσαν, ὥστε μηδ᾽ εἰ μετέπεμψαν ἔτι ὁμοίως ἂν 
αὐτοὺς we λεῖν. they would have bee h already walled in, SO that, even af 
they had sent for them, ut would not any longer have been of as much use to 
them. Tuuc. vii. 42. Τῶν οἰκείων μοι πραγμάτων τοιούτων συμβεβη- 
κότων ὥστε ὑμᾶς ἂν ἀκούσαντας ἐλεῆσαι. such as would make you 
pity me if you should hear them. Dem. 1. 59. ᾿Αποληφθέντος, ὥστε 
μὴ av ὃ ύνασθαι ἐπανελθεῖν οἴκαδε. so that he would not be able to 
return. Id. viii. 35. See also the examples under 211, and the cases 
of indirect discourse with ὥστε av under 594. (The translation of 
the infinitive here is necessarily inexact. See 584.) 


593. Herodotus often writes οὕτω ὥστε together, οὕτω referring to 
the whole leading sentence, and not (as it generally does) to a single 
word or expression. 1.0. 

᾿Απέδρη ἐς Τεγέην, τὰς μὲν νύκτας πορευόμενος, τὰς δὲ ἡμέρας 
καταδύνων ἐς ὕλην, οὕτω ὥστε τρίτῃ εὐφρόνῃ γενέσθαι ἐν Teyen, 
he escaped to Tegea, ἐγ lling by night and hiding in the woods by day, 
(in such wise) as on the third night to arrive at Tegea. ΡΥ. ix. 37. So 
iii. 105, viii. 27, ix. 61, 73. 

For the same usage before a finite verb, see 601 (end), 

594. (Ὥστε with Infinitive in Indirect Discourse. Ὥστε οὐ.) 
When a clause with ὥστε depends on an infinitive in indirect 
discourse, and is itself a part of the quotation, its verb repre- 
senting a finite mood of the direct form, it regularly has the 
infinitive, in the tense of the direct discourse, even when on 
other grounds a finite verb would seem more natural. Here the 
future infinitive and the infinitive with av may be used, as in 
other indirect discourse (135; 294). The negative ov of the 
direct form is generally retained with such an infinitive. 1.0. 

"Eqacav TOUS στρατιώτας εἰς τοῦτο τρυφῆς ἐλθεῖν ὥστ᾽ O ὑκ ἐθέλε LV 
πίνειν εἰ μὴ ἀνθοσμίας εἴη (they said εἰς τοῦτο τρυφῆς ἦλθον ὥστε οὐκ 
ἤθελον πίνεινν, they said that the soldiers became 80 fastidious that they 
would not drink iy wine unless at had a strong bouquet. XEN. Hell. 
v1. 2, 6. “Yas εἰδέναι ἡγοῦμαι τοῦτον οὕτω σκαιὸν εἶναι ὥστε οὐ 
δύνασθαι μαθεῖν τὰ λεγόμενα. Lys. x. 15. Οὕτω δὲ ἀτόπους τινὰς ἐν 
τῇ πόλει εἶναι ὥστε οὐκ αἰσχύνεσθαι λοιδορουμένους αὐτῷ (i.e. 
οὕτως ἄτοποι ὥστε οὐκ αἰσχύνονται _ Dem. xix. 308. So xvii. 283, 
xix. 152. Εἶναι δὲ πολλοὺς ἄλλους (se. Eby), ovs βούλεσθαι κοινω- 
νεῖν τῆς συντάξεως, ὥστε οὔτε χρημάτων οὔτε στρατιωτῶν ἔσεσθαι 
ἀπορίαν (1.6. ἄλλοι εἰσὶν, ods βούλομαι (see 790) κοινωνεῖν, ὥστε οὐκ 
ἔσται ἀπορία). AESCHIN. iii. 96: 8501. 174. Τοσοῦτον φρονῆσαι φὴς 


> δ" “ > δ # A τω “ > πο 587 ἘΠ ἦναι ζὴν K Xr 
αὐτους ωστε OvX γήῆσασ at THAS αἀυτους αξίθῦυ" εν 1) " TA 





28 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [595 


(i.e. τοσοῦτον ἐφρόνησαν ὥστε οὐχ ἡγήσαντο). [500. ΧΙ. 255. Kiva 
de (se. λέγεται) ταχυτῆτα οὐδενὶ ἑτέρῳ ὅμοιον, τω WOTE, εἰ ΜῈ προ- 
λαμβάνειν τοὺς ᾿Ινδοὺς τῆς ὁδοῦ ἐν ᾧ τοὺς μύρμηκας συλλέγεσθαι, 
οὐδένα ἄν σφεων ἀποσῴζεσθαι (i.e. εἰ μὴ προλαμβάνοιεν τῆς οὐου 
ἐν ᾧ συλλέγοιντο; οὐδεὶς ἂν ἀποσῴζοιτο). Hor. iii. 105 (see 755) : 80 
i. 189. Τοιαῦτα ἐνομίζετο τὰ ὑπάρχοντα αὐτῷ εἶναι. ὥστε οὐκ ἂν 
ποθ᾽ ἑτέρας ἐπιθυμῆσαι πολιτείας (ie. οὐκ ἂν ἐπιθυμήσειε). Lys. 
xviii. 6: so xxi. 18. See also Tuuc. v. 40, viii. 76; ISAE. 111. 39, 


xi. 27; Prat. Ap. 26 D, Euthyd. 305 ὦ, Leg. 806 A, Alcib. ii, 143 D. 


595. Ὥστε μή, however, as the ordinary form with the infinitive, 
mav be used in indirect discourse (594), even with the future infinitive 
or the infinitive with av. Fg. : ἐ-- τ: 

Τηλικαύτην ἡγεῖσθαι πόλιν οἰκεῖν τὸ μέγεθος, ὥστε μ ηὃ ἂν OTLOUV 
7 δεινὺν πείσεσθαι. DEM. ix. 67. "Quay οὕτως ἐμφανὴς εἰναι τοῖς 
ἀλαζονευομένοις πολεμῶν, ὥστε μ ηδέν᾽ av ποτε γενέσθαι πιστὸν τῶν 
λεγόντων. Isoc. xii. 20: so xii. 144. In ISAE. lili. 51, ὥστε μῆηδε 
ἐκδοῦναι would have been the same in the direct form. 


596. Cases of ὥστε with a finite verb in indirect discourse are rare, 

. v ΄ » » , e 2 >’ ' > Σὰ - ν 

but sometimes occur; as οιομαι O ἀναπεισειν. WOTE γε OVOEV AVTEPELS, 
Ar. Nub. 1342. So Eur. Tro. 973; Phat. Leg. 692 D. 


597. 1. Occasionally ὥστε οὐ with the infinitive represents a finite 
mood with od of direct discourse, even when there is no preceding 
infinitive to assimilate it (as there is in all the cases in 594). Eq. ; 

᾿Ἐννοησάτω ὅτι οὕτως ἤδη τότε πόρρω τῆς ἡλικίας ἣν ὥστ᾽. εἰ καὶ 
μὴ τότε. οὐκ ἂν πολλῷ ὕστερον τελευτῆσαι τὸν βίον, let him reflect 
that he (Socrates) was then already so far advanced in life that he would 
have ended his days not much later, ete. (1.6. οὐκ ἂν πολλῷ ὕστερον 
ἐτελεύτησεν). NEN. Mem. iv. 8.1. (Seume classes this with the cases 
in 597, 2 because of ov πολλῷ. But the infinitive depends directly 


. . . . . ‘ - — ) mins 
on a clause with ὅτε in indirect discourse.) 50 Mm Aristor, Pol. 11. 9, 


x, en “~ > 


7: λέγουσι ὡς μετεδίδοσαν τῆς πολιτείας. ὥστ᾽ οὐ γίνεσθαι τότε 
τὴν ὀλιγανθρωπίαν. 

2 Sometimes οὐ is found with ὥστε and the infinitive when the 
negative belongs to a single word, as in ov πολλοί for ὀλίγοι. See 
Isoc. viii. 107 : οὕτω κακῶς προὔστησαν TOV πραγμάτων ὥσθ᾽ ἡμᾶς 


> 


Ov πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν ὕστερον παλιν ἐπιπολασαι. Do ISAE. 1X. ia, 


598. In a few cases, however, ὥστε ov is found with the infinitive 
where none of the preceding explanations 594: 597) will apply. 
Such are the following : 

“Ὥστ᾽ οὔτε νυκτὸς ὕπνον οὔτ᾽ ἐξ ἡμέρας ἐμὲ στεγάζειν ἡδὺν, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ 
προστατῶν χρονὸς διῆγε μ᾽ αἰὲν ὡς θανουμένην, so that neither by night 
nor by day did sweet sleep spread her wings over ne. SOPH. El. 780. 
Here there is an easy transition from the infinitive to the following 
indicative.) Ov μακρὰν γὰρ τειχέων περιπτυχαὶ, ὥστ᾽ οὐχ ἅπαντά 
σ᾽ εἰδέναι τὰ δρώμενα, not so large that you do not know all (1.6. the culty 


+ aS 


. ᾿ ar SJ > Ν 
1S 80 small, that you know all that is done. EUR. Ph. 1357. Qor ουο 











601] CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH ὥστε 229 


» , > , 

ixvos ye τειχέων εἶναι σαφές, yes ; 80 that not even a trace of the walls 

. ii ν᾿“ s 4 , > - ε ‘ 

is to be seen. Id. Hel. 107. Nouv δὲ περιέστηκεν εἰς τοῦτο, ὥστε TOV 

97 “ , » , » A , “A ~ > 

ἰδίᾳ κινδυνεύοντα οὐ φιλόπολιν ἀλλὰ φιλοπράγμονα δοκεῖν εἰναι. 

‘ a> > ed » > Ἂ " ΓΙ b ] 5 . +f 

Lycura. 3. Οὐδ᾽ αὖ οὕτως ἄπορος ἦν οὐδ᾽ ἄφιλος WoT οὐκ ἂν ἐξεὺυ- 
A \ > . 

peiv TOV ἀπογράψοντα, nor, moreover, was I so helpless or friendless that 

I could not find one to bring an ἀπογραφή (οὐκ ἂν ἐξεύροιμι). Dem. lili. 


o NE > ΄ > “ ἊΝ ~ a 5, AN ’ 
Ι. Οὕτω δ᾽ ἀρχαίως εἶχον, μᾶλλον δὲ πολιτικως, ὥστε OVOE χρημα- 
» » 


58. 


των ὠνεῖσθαι παρ᾽ οὐδενὸς οὐδέν. Id. ix. 48. (This may be explained 
as oratio obliqua, on the ground οἵ ἀκούω and the infinitive in the 
preceding clause. But I agree with Seume in thinking this connection 
too remote to account for ὥστε ov. Here there is neither an assimilat- 
ing infinitive, as in the examples in 594, nor a leading clause with ὅτι 
or ws, as in those in 597, 1. In fact, ὥστε ov gives the only ground 
for calling the clause with εἶχον indirect discourse.) 


599. The examples in 598 have one common character: in all of 
them the thought could be expressed equally well by ὥστε with the 
infinitive or ὥστε with a finite verb, for even in Eur. Ph, 1357 and 
Dem. liii. 1 a fact rather than a mere tendency is expressed. We 
can, therefore, easily suppose a mixture of two constructions by which, 
for example in Eur. Hel. 107, instead of ὥστε μὴ εἶναι OY ὥστε 
οὐκ ἔστιν, either of which would express the sense, we have ὥστε 
οὐκ eivat.! This occasional confusion would be made easier by 
familiarity with ὥστε ov and the infinitive in indirect discourse, 


600. In a few cases ὥστε seems to be omitted, even when its 
antecedent is expressed; as in AxnscH. Ag. 478, τίς ὧδε παιδνὸς ἢ 
φρενῶν Kexoppéevos, φλογὺς παραγγέλμασιν νέοις πυρωθέντα καρδίαν 
ἔπειτ᾽ ἀλλαγᾷ λόγου καμεῖν; who ws so childish, etc., (as) fo be in- 
flamed in heart, οἷο. and then to suff r from ( change of report ? See 
also Hot. iii. 12, οὕτω ἰσχυραὶ, μόγις ἂν λίθῳ παίσας διαρρήξειας, 
SO strong, you could hardly break them with a stone. 


Ὥστε WITH THE FINITE Moons. 


601. “Ὥστε with the indicative means properly so that, 
and expresses the actual result of the action of the leading 
verb. λ΄. 


1 The explanation of ὥστε οὐ with the infinitive on the ground of oratio 
obliqua was first made, I believe, by Shilleto in the Appendix to his Demos- 
thenes de Falsa Legatione (1844). It is also given by Madvig (Synt. § 205, 
Anm. 3), who confines ὥστε οὐ to clauses depending on the infinitive of oratio 
obliqua after verbs like φημί, οἶμαι, etc. (i.e. like the examples in 594). 
Shilleto’s faith in his own explanation was somewhat shaken by finding that 
four of the passages quoted in 598 could not be brought under his canon. 
Under the influence of Shilleto’s essay, 1 originally suggested the mixture of 
two equivalent constructions given above, as applicable to all cases of ὥστε οὐ, 
not appreciating the wide influence of the principle of oratio obliqua upon the 
construction. 





930 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [602 


“ 5 , ” ad > , ΠῚ 4 4 ἢ () 
Οὕτως ἀγνωμόνως ἐχέτε, ὥστε € λπίξετε αὐτὰ χρηστὰ γενήσεσσαι, 
K.T.A.; are YOU so sense less that you expect, etc. ἕ Dem. ii. 26. (Here wore 
ἐλπίζειν, so senseless as to expect, would express the senselessness of 
. : . " . ᾽ Ὕ 7 ) 
expecting, without necessarily implying that you do expect.) Βεβη- 
ε a > ¢ , , ws A 
KEV, ὥστε πᾶν EV ἡσύχῳ, πάτερ, ἔξεστι φωνεῖν, he has gone, so that 
we can say everything in quiet. SOPH. O. CG. 82. So Ph. 75, El. 1204. 
¢ ~ ‘ ~ WS > “ , ‘ A » ‘ 
Οὕτως ἡμῖν OOKEL παντὺς αξια εἰναι. WOTE TAVTES TU καταλιπεῖν αὐτὰ 
μάλιστα φεύγομεν, so that we all especially avoid, ete. Xen. Mem. il. 
f > ἐν oe > eo ’ > 7 ** € - 
2.3. Οὐχ ἧκεν: ὥσθ᾽ οἱ EAAnves ἐφρόντιζον. Id. An. il. 3, 25. 
’ a > “ » » = > a ” ‘ 
Kis τοῦτ᾽ ἀπληστίας ἦλθον, WOT οὐκ ἐξήρκεσεν avuTots εχειν ΤῊΡ 
4 ~ 5 \ > 4 4 4 4 , Ν , ad - as θ , 
κατὰ γὴν ἀρχὴν; ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν κατα θάλατταν δύναμιν ovTws ἐπεῦυ- 
A ΄ ‘ , ‘ e , , , 
μησαν λαβεῖν, ὥστε τοὺς συμμάχους τοὺς ἡμετέρους ἀφίστασαν. 
νυ « ν᾽ “~ , Ι ; > , “ > vw > 
Isoc. xii. 103. Tavta πεποίηκα ἀκόντων ᾿Αθηναίων, wot, εἰπὲρ εὖ 
- , ‘ , > ‘ ἊΝ , 
φρονεῖτε, τούτους μὲν ἐχθροὺς ὑπολήψεσθε, ἐμοὶ OE πιστεύσετε. 


, > 


DEM. xviii. 40. Οὕτως ἐναργες ἐστι; ὥσθ᾽ εὑρήσετε. ARESCHIN. 1. 128. 
“Ωστ᾽ ἐὰν τέτταρας μόνον πόλεις πείσης; καὶ τὰς ἄλλας πολλῶν κακῶν 
ἀπαλλάξεις. ἴδοσ. ν. 91. (Examples like ὥστ᾽ . . . πιστεύσετε IN 
Dem. xvill. 40 micht be punctuated in this way.) 

So οὕτω ὥστε in Herodotus (see 593); as és πᾶν κακοῦ ἀπίκατο, 


ΓΙ er 5s , 5 7 ** ’ 
οὕτω ὥστε ἀνάστατοι ἐγίνοντο, VII. 11 ὃ. 


602. As ὥστε in this construction has no effect upon the mood of 
its verb, it may have any construction that would be allowed in an 
independent sentence, It may thus take a potential optative or in- 
dicative with av, a prohibitory subjunctive, an imperative, or an 
interrogative. Kh. 


τ ᾿ 5 ” > 4 , ᾿ »" ᾿ ~ ἡ, ~ -- ‘ 
Qor OUVUK GV αὐτὸν γνωρισαιμ αν εἰσιοων».« Eur. Or. 3719. LlaGwv 
~ “ +ad 


‘ > ca “ > ’ 
μεν ἀντεύρων, WOT, εἰ φρονων επρασσὸονς, ovo 


" 4' Ἂ > a as es , 
av Wo €¢ γιγνομην 

, Ὶ ὦ a ; ᾽ ‘ 5 ra ‘ , 
κακός. SopH. O. C. 271. Qor, εἰ μακρὰ ἢ TEpLooos, }41) θαυμάσῃς. 


PLAT. Phaedr. 274 A. Θνητὸὺς oO 
SOPH. El. ae 4 “Ὥστε πόθεν ἴσασιν; so how do they know ? Dem. 


Ορέστης" ὥστε μὴ Atav OTEVE. 
! / / 


. ΜΌΝ 1 , , . , . “ ᾽ , 
xxix. Δί. SO ὧν μὴ and the subjunctive 296); OVTWS ἐπιτεθύυμηκα 
5 la “ » ; > A oOo, 
ἀκουσαι. WOTE . . + OV μὴ σου ατπτὸο λειῴφθω, PLAT. Phaedr. 227 " 


(see 296, above). 


603. Occasionally there is a change from the infinitive to a finite 
verb in a sentence after ὥστε. with a corresponding change in meaning ; 
as in THve. ili. 21, ὥστε πάροδον μὴ εἶναι παρὰ πύργον, ἀλλὰ be 
αὐτῶν μέσων διήεσαν, Le. he towers were built so ΑΒ to allow no passage 
by a tower outside, but SO THAT the men passed through the inside of them. 
See 584.) 


604. A few cases occur of a peculiar assimilation of a clause with 
ὥστε to a preceding optative in protasis, ὥστε having apparently the 
force of a conditional relative. Κι. 

Ki τις τὴν γυναῖκα ΤῊΡ σὴν οὕτω θεραπεύσειεν ὥστε φιλεῖν αὐτὴν 
μᾶλλον ποιήσειεν ἑαυτὸν ἢ σὲ. ap ἄι (σε εὐφράναι ; uf one should 
court your wife so as to make her more fond of himse lf than of you, ete. 
Xen. Cyr. v. 5, 30 (two Mss. have ποιήσειν). 5o V. 3.47 (εἴσοιτο). Ki 


oie , . , -- ἡ , , 
Tt χρῷτο Ti) αιαργυρεωυ ωστε TOLAMEVOS ΟΙ0ΟῚ EeTULPUl OLY, ταυτὴν κακιον 
‘ ͵ " + ‘ ! 





607] CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH ὥστε 931 


4 4 “~ ΝΜ , as 4 ! 4 ~ " 5 , » 
μὲν TO σωμα ἐχοι, κάκιον O€ τὴν ψυχὴν, πὼς ἂν ὠφέλιμον εἰη; Τά. 
» ε = ’ 


Oec. i. 13. Καταγελαστότερον εἰ... « HES εἰς τοσοῦτον μικροψυχίας 
» ἕ 4 7 7 
ἔλθοιμεν, ὥστε TA προστάγματα τούτων ὑπομείναιμεν (so Cod. 


U rl ) 


605. A few cases occur of ὥστε with the optative in indirect dis- 
course, 1.0. 


.; other Mss. ὑπομεῖναι). Isoc. vi. 84. 


> ‘ γε ἊΝ 4 4 e \ e 4 A > , 4 A \ 
᾿λογίζοντο ὃδὲε καὶ τὸ ἱππικὸν, WS TO μεν ἀντίπαλον πολυ, TO δὲ 
» “~ > , vw 4 Qs , a ΄ 4 ε 4 ~ , ” 
αὐτῶν ὀλίγον ει» Τὸ O€ μέγιστον, OTL οἱ VEKPOl vTO TW TELYEL EKELVTO, 
> a 


ὥστε οὐδὲ κρείττοσιν οὖσι ῥάδιον εἴη ἀνελέσθαι. Χεν. Hell. i. 5, 
23. See also [3006, xvii, ll. 


606. As the regular negative of the infinitive after ὥστε is μή, 80 
that of the indicative and potential optative is ov. In Dem. xix. 218 
we have ὥστε μήτε . . » μήτε... 2 . pyre... ἀλλὰ wal... εἴτα 
τὴν εἰρήνην ἐποιήσασθε ἀγαπητῶς, Where the force of a preceding 
εἶ seems really to govern the verb, that of ὥστε being wasted in the 
eight lines which separate the verb from it. In Dem. liv. 15, μηδ᾽ 
ὁτιοῖν ἔσται can be taken with εἰς In Sopn. Tr. 575, ἔσται τοῦτο 
κηλητήριον, ὥστε μήτιν᾽ εἰσιδὼν στέρξει γυναῖκα κεῖνος ἀντὶ σοῦ 
πλέον, i.e. ἃ charm to preve nt him from loving more than you any other 
woman whom he may see, ὥστε μή seems to have a final sense with the 
future, like a final relative. Compare ὥστε μή With the infinitive in 
Prat. Gorg. 479 C (quoted in 587, 3). 


Ὥστε WITH THE PARTICIPLE. 


607. (a) As a clause with ὥστε depending on an infinitive 
ἢ indirect discourse is generally assimilated to that infinitive, 
so one depending on a participle in indirect discourse may be 
assimilated to the participle. £.g. 


5» 


5» ad » , ν᾿ ” "Δ. j e ἴω ” ° > 
Οὐδ᾽ οὕτως ἀγνώμονα οὐὸ ἄτοπον οὐθένα (sc. OpW OVTA) WOTE, εἰ 


μὴ ποιήσουσιν ἅπαντες ὕσ᾽ ἂν αὐτὺς, οὐ φάσκοντα ποιήσειν οὐδὲν 
οὐδ᾽ αὐτόν. nor do I see that any oie 1s SO UNWISE ΟΥ̓ absurd, that, of all 
will not do what ver he doe 8, he too refuses to do anything (1.6, οὐδεὶς 
οὕτως ἀγνώμων ἐστὶν ὥστε οὐ φάσκει).. Dem. x. 40. Ta de πράγματα 
(ὁρῶ) εἰς τοῦτο προήκοντα. ὥστε ὅπως μὴ πεισόμεθα αὐτοὶ πρότερον 
κακῶς σκέψασθαι δέον, but I see things have come to this, that we must 
ὥστε δεῖ) consid r how 1 may not ourselves suffer harm Jirst. Id. ill. 
Re ᾿Ἐπιδείξω ᾿Αστύφιλον οὕτω σφόδρα μισοῦντα τοῦτον. ὥστε πολὺ 
ἂν θᾶττον δια θέμενον μηδένα ποτὲ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ οἰκείων διαλεχθῆναι 
K Aewve, μᾶλλον ἢ τὸν τούτου υἱὸν ποιησάμενον, T will show that 
Astyphilus so hates him, that he would much sooner have ordered an his 
will that no one of his re latives should ever speak to Cleon, than have 
adopted his son as his oun (πολὺ ἂν θᾶττον διέθετο). ISAE. μι 10. 


Other examples are [DeEM. | Erot. 3; Isoc. iv. 64; Puat. Rep. 519 A. 


(Ὁ) In two cases there is a like assimilation to a participle 
not in indirect discourse :— 





292 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [608 


Tov θεατῶν συμφιλονεικούντων ἐκείνῳ καὶ μισούντων τοῦτον, 
ὥστε τῶν χορῶν τὸν μὲν ἐπαινούντων, τοῦ ὃ ἀκροάσασθαι οὐκ 
ἐθελόντων. AND. iv. 20. Συγγνώμην ἔχειν él, προεληλυθὼς εἰς 
τοῦτο ὥστε ὑπὸ τῶν ἐμαυτοῦ δούλων ὑβρισθεὶς, οὐ δύναμαι κατα- 
σχεῖν, K.T.A. DEM. xlv. 83. : 

The last examples seem to show that clauses with wore can be 
assimilated to a preceding participle as we have seen them assimilated 
to an optative (604). Compare with this construction Isoc. iv. 21, 


ε΄ > 


x e td , > Δ ΤΑ om ~ = , olin - oa 
οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἂν €TEepav πόλιν ἐπιδείξειε τοσουτον ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τῷ κατὰ 


»“» ε id 


‘ - , 5 κι - » Ἐς ΠΣ a : “ 
γῆν ὑπερέχουσαν, ὅσον THY ἡμετέραν ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις τοῖς κατὰ 
, Ἂ 7, 
θάλατταν διαφερουσαν. 


Ὡς USED LIKE ὥστε. 


608. In their original use ὡς and ὥς τε are related precisely 
as és and és τε in Homer. But in consecutive sentences ὥστε 
gradually gained almost exclusive control, so that ὡς here became 
very rare. Qs occurs chiefly in Aeschylus, Sophocles, Herodotus, 
and Xenophon, where it is used in the same constructions and in 
the same sense as ὥστε. 9 LE 

(With Infin.) “Hxovow ἐκφυγόντες" ὡς στένειν πόλιν Περσῶν. 
Agscu. Pers. 510. Πεπωκώς γ᾽, ὡς θρασύνεσθαι μᾶλλον, βρότειον 
αἷμα, κῶμος ἐν δόμοις μένει, having drunk of mortals blood so as to be 
more emboldened, a band of re vellers abides in the house. Id. Ag. 1188. 
So Pers. 437, Ag. 546, Eum. 36, 427, 799, 895. Σύμμετρος yap ws 
κλύειν, for he is just im time for us to hear. SOPH. O. T.84. Οὐδ᾽ ὑπὸ 
ζυγῷ λόφον δικαίως εἶχον, ὡς στέργειν ἐμέ. Id. Ant. 292. So 
Tr. 1125. Οὐκ és τοῦτο ἀφροσύνης ἀπικόμενος ὡς δόξαι τὴν 
ἑωυτοῦ δύναμιν περιέσεσθαι τῆς βασιλέος. Hr. iil. 146. “YY ηλὸν 
δὲ οὕτω δή τι λέγεται, ὡς τὰς κορυφὰς αὐτοῦ οὐχ οἷάτε εἶναι ἰδέσθαι, 
and it (the mountain) is said to be so ἢ igh, that it 1s not possible to see 
its summits. Id. iv. 184, Ὁ TOTALS τοσοῦτος τὸ βάθος, ὡς μηδὲ 
τὰ δόρατα ὑπερέχειν τοῦ βάθους. XEN. An. ἢ 8%. fe mB 10. 
Φέρονται κώθωνα, ὡς ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἀρύσασθαι. Id, Cyr. 1. 2, 8. 
Ἂν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἠδὴ ἔσομαι, ὡς μηδὲν ἂν ἔτι κακὸν παθεῖν. Ib. vill. 
7,27. See iv. 2, S. Οὕτω γὰρ δοκοῦμεν παρεσκευάσθαι ὡς, ἢν μὲν 
ἀληθεύητε, ἱκανοὶ εἶναι ὑμᾶς εὖ ποιεῖν" ἢν δὲ ἐξαπατᾶτε, οὕτω 
νομίζομεν ἔχειν ὡς οὐχ ἡμᾶς ep ὑμῖν ἔσεσθαι. ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ὑμᾶς 
ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν γενήσεσθαι. Ib. iv. 9, 13. (In the last clauses we have 
ὡς in indirect discourse, like ὥστε in 594, the direct form being 
οὐχ ἡμεῖς ἐσόμεθα, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ὑμεῖς γενήσεσθε. Most Mss., however, 
have γενέσθαι.) 

(With Indic.) Ilpds τάδ᾽ ὡς Σούσων μὲν ἄστυ πᾶν κενανδρίαν 
στένει. AESCH. Pers. 730. Οὕτως ἔχει ¥ Ἷ 


» ε ‘ 


) πιστις. WS TO μεν OOKELV 

v , ἊΨ > , , " 

ενεστι, πειρᾳ ὸ οὐ προσωμίὲλ yoda πω, 80 stands my confidence, that 
‘ . 


belief is in it, while I have had nothing to do yet with testing it. SOPH. 


EE eel 





610] CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH ὡς, ἐφ᾽ 6, ἐφ᾽ @Te 2538 


Tr. 590. Οὕτω δή τι κλεινὴ ἐγένετο ὡς καὶ οἱ πάντες “EAAnves 
“Ῥοδώπιος τὸ οὔνομα ἐξέμαθον, i.e. so that all the Greeks came to know 
well the name of Rhodopis. Hor. ii. 135. Τούτῳ προσφιλέες οὕτω δή τι 
ἐγένο To ὥς σφεας ἐκέλευε τῆς ἑαυτοῦ χώρης οἰκῆσαι, Hor. t. 163. 
So ill. 130. Οὕτω μθι προθύμως ἐβοήθησας ὡς νῦν τὸ μὲν ἐπ᾽ ἐμοὶ 


» 4 Ἂν 4 r 
οἴχομαι, τὸ ὃ ETL TOL TETWT PAL. XEN. Cyr. v. 4, 11. Τοσούτῳ 


/ c , “ cars , ** 
πλεονεκτήσει WS TELVITAS τῶν ἡδίστων σιτίων τεύξεται. Lb. vi. ὅ, 
81. So Hell. iv. 4, 16. 


609. Besides the authors above mentioned, Euripides has one 
example of ws with the infinitive like ὥστε, Cycl. 647 ; Thucydides 
one, vii. 34; and Plato one, Rep. 365 D. We have ὡς with the 
‘ndicative in Pat. Men. 71 A; and with the participle in XEN. Cyr. 
vii. δ, 46, and Pxar. Tim. 56 C (ws here having both the participle 
and the infinitive). 

For ὡς with the infinitive after the comparative and ἡ, see 764. 


‘Ed’ ᾧ AND ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε WITH THE INFINITIVE AND THE 
FUTURE INDICATIVE. 


610. Ι, ἘΦ ᾧ and ἐφ ᾧτε, an condition that, for the purpose of, 
take the infinitive, like ὥστε in some of its senses. Eg. 


sv Γ7) , , > 4. , 4 ‘ ἜΣ wel 
Εὐὖπεν ΟΤι. σπείσασθαι βούλοιτο, ἐφ᾽ ῳ μὴτε αὐτὸς TOUS ; LAAnvas 
4 


>a - 7 > , 7 . , , > I” 
ἀδικεῖν μήτε ἐκείνους καίειν τὰς οἰκίας, λαμβάνειν τε ταἀπιτηδειο. 
“ ar γ . * κ y τ 52 7 ᾿ » , 
ἥσσων δέοιντο, XEN. An. iv. 4, 6. Πῶς av οὗτος ἐθέλοι τὰ ἀλλότρια 


ἀποστερεῖν ἐφ᾽ ᾧ κακόδοξος εἶναι ᾿ Τά. Ag. ww. 1 ᾿Αφίεμεν σε, 
ἐπὶ τούτῳ μέντοι, ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε μηκέτι φιλοσοφεῖν, on condition that 
you will no longer be a philosopher. Puat. Ap. 29 C. Αἱρεθέντες ἐφ᾽ 
ᾧτε ξυγγράψαι νόμους, καθ᾽ οὕστινας πολιτεύσοιντο, for the purpose 
of compiling laws. XEN. Hell. ii. 3, 11. (For πολιτεύσοιντο, see 574.) 
Awporoy7 Fy αὐτῷ ἀποσταλήσεσθαι ᾿Αθήναζε τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ ἑκάστου 
μνᾶς εἴκοσι, ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε βοηθήσειν τοῖς ᾿Αμφισσεῦσιν. AESCHIN. iil. 
114, (For the future infinitive, see 113.) 


rr’ . . > 5 oe > “ἦ 
2. Herodotus and Thucydides sometimes have ef ᾧ or ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε, On 
condition that, with the future indicative. .g. 
"Eri on Se ne és Pe - > Bh > 3 ων = πων . >s Rs. x ἃ , ‘ 
um tb TO Tm O€ VTE τἰσταμαι, ΤΊ) 5 αρχῆν"; ec ῳτε Vi OVOEVOS VILE 
“ - . . ba ὦ 
ἄρξομαι, I withdraw wpon this condition, that I shall be ruled by none 
» eee © ry’ ; ἊΣ > , ὟΝ f > > τ 
of you. Hot. iii. 83. Τούτοισι ὃ ὧν πίσυνος ἐὼν κΚατηγαγε, ep ᾧτε 
Β > , > ae , - - ” .0 oa r ‘ 
Ol ἀπόγονοι GAUTOV ἱροφάνται τῶν θεῶν ἐσονταῖι. Id. vil. 153. λαι 
‘4 , sae 5 = ἴα: ἊΝ ΄ > , “Ὁ 
τὴν Βοιωτίαν ἐξέλιπον Αθηναῖοι πᾶσαν, σπονδὰς ποιησάμενοι ἐφ ᾧ 
Ν " ὦ = a ᾿ . x , 9,9 Φ 94» 
τοὺς ἄνδρας κομιοῦνται, THuc, 1. 113. Ξυνέβησαν ep wre εξι- 
» I , ¢ 7 CG 4 ar 5 2) , 
ασιν εκ I ελοποννήσου υποσπονόον και pLNOETTOTE ἐπιβ σονται 


- 


GUTS, they made an agreement with the condition that they should depart 


from Peloponnesus under truce, and never again set foot in it. Id, 1. 109. 





9.4 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [611 


Temporal Particles signifying Until and Before. 
A. “Eas,' ὄφρα, εἰς 6 OR εἰσόκε, ἔστε, ἄχρι, μέχρι, UNTIL. 


611. All of these words are used also in the sense of while, 
so long as, and have the constructions of ordinary relative clauses 
(514). In common with dum, donec, and quoad in Latin, and 
while or whiles in Elizabethan English,” they mean not only during 
the time when, but also up to the time when. As relatives, in the 
former sense they can have an antecedent like τέως, so long, ἕως 
etc. meaning as; in the latter sense they can have one like 
μέχρι τούτου, down to that time, ἕως ete. supplementing this by 
at which or when. The idea of a clause with until is that the 
action (or negation) of the leading clause continues to a time at 
which that of the dependent clause takes place. That the former 
action then ceases is an inference generally made, but not posi- 
tively implied in the language, and not necessary. Our word 
until thus includes what the Greek may express by μέχρι τούτου 
ἕως or (omitting the antecedent) by ἕως alone. 


612. A clause with until referring to an actual past occurrence 
(613) is simply a temporal clause of this peculiar character, with 
the construction of a relative clause with a definite antecedent 
(519). But when it refers to the future, it becomes a con- 
ditional relative clause, and μαχοῦμαι ἕως ἂν τὴν πόλιν ἕλω. ] 
shall (continue to) fight to the time at which I shall take the city, has 
the conditional force which comes from the indefinite antecedent ; 
for even if μέχρι τούτου were inserted here, it would denote no 
definite period, but only one limited or conditioned by the future 
capture of the city. The actual apodosis to the condition is not 
μαχοῦμαι alone, but rather the whole implied idea, I shall go on 
fighting to the future time, the limit of which is set by ἕως ἂν 
Z\w. It has been seen (486; 490) that ordinary conditional 
clauses may condition not their expressed leading clause, but 

Ρ 
ἡμᾶς ἴῃ, we are making ain alliance, (tO be ready) in case any one 
shall attack us. Again, a conditional clause may refer to an 
object which is aimed at in the action of the leading verb; as 


one which the context implies ; as ξυμμαχίαν ποιοῦμεν, ἣν TL ἐς 


Πάτροκλον ἔφεπε ἵππους, εἴ κέν μιν ἕλῃς» turn your horses on P., of 


haply you may tuke him, i.e. that you may take him, of haply you may 
(487, 1). In like manner a conditional relative clause with wntil is 


1 In Homer, where the form ἕως would seldom suit the verse, elws or εἷος 
is commonly written. 

2 «*He shall conceal it whiles | mntil) you are willing it shall come to 
note.” Shakespeare, Twelfth Night, iv. 3 See Abbott’s Shakespearivan 


Y ς 
Grammar, p 93, 








613] CLAUSES WITH ἕως, FTC., until 35 


very apt to refer to an object aimed at, and thus to become at 
once final, relative, and conditional: thus in I]. iii. 291 (see 613, 
3), it is distinctly implied that the end of the war (τέλος πολέμοιο) 
‘s a condition which is to limit the time of fighting, and also an 
object at which the fighting aims. The same is true in general 
of the other forms of conditional relative sentence which the 
clause with until may take. It will be seen (614, 2) that in the 
Odyssey ἕως develops a peculiar force in this direction, which 
makes it almost a final particle. 


e/ 4 TY fed ᾽ a) . 
613. (Ἕως.) 1. When ἕως, until, refers to a definite 
- "ὦ. - - ᾿ . ᾽ Ἢ ἕ ἼΤΩ σι ‘ γ - as v 
past action, it takes the indicative, usually the aorist. Eg. 
Νῆχον πάλιν, εἷος ἐπῆλθον εἰς ποταμόν, I swam on again until I 
y . ee ~ Wes! ε Ν a a ἃ , 
came into a river. Od, vil. 280. Αὐτὰρ ὁ πεζὺς Guve ὃια προμάχων, 
ciws φίλον ὦλεσε θυμόν. 1]. ΧΙ. 341. So Od. v. 123. Οἰμωγὴ 
- , e o “~ \ ” > > 4 Φ 
κατεῖχε πελαγίαν ἅλα. ἕως κελαινῆς νυκτὸς Opp ἀφείλετο, until the 
eye of dark night interrupted, AESCH. Pers. 426. Πίνει ews ἐθέρμη ν᾽ 
αὐτὸν ἀμφιβᾶσα φλὸξ οἴνου. Eur. Ale. 758. "ἔμειναν ἕως ἀφίκοντο 
ε , , . ( r 4 “~ 3 5 ’ isd > “~ 
of στρατηγοί. XEN. Hell. i. 1, 29. Kat τοῦτ ἐποίουν ews ἐκ Τῆς 
χώρας ἀπῆν. Id. Cyr. iii. 3, 4. Ov πρότερον ἐπαύσαντο, ἕως τὴν 
’ , , , , , 
πόλιν εἰς στάσεις κατέστησαν. LYS, χχν. 20. Μέχρι τούτου φίλος 
ὠνομάζετο, ἕως προὔδωκεν OdAvvOor. Dem. xvill. 48. 
In the last two examples πρότερον and μέχρι τούτου are antecedents 
of ἕως. until, as Tews often corresponds to ews, while. 


9 When a clause with ἕως, wntil, refers to a result 
which was not attained in past time in consequence of the 
non-fulfilment of a condition, it takes a past tense of the 
indicative, like a conditional relative clause in ἃ similar 
ease (528). £9. 

Ἥδεως ἂν τούτῳ ἔτι διελεγόμην, ἕως αὐτῷ τὴν τοῦ ᾿Αμφίονος ἀπέ- 
δωκα ῥῆσιν ἀντὶ τῆς τοῦ Ζήθου, 1 should gladly have continued to talk 
with him, until Ϊ had paid ham hack Amphion’s speech an return for 


> 


Zethus’s. Puat. Gorg. 506 B. Οὐκ ἂν € 


~ 7 7 ‘ > 5 4 ” ? ε »Ἢ 
ΤῊ" σοφίας ταὐυτΉσι. Id. Crat. 396 τοὶ ὑπισχὼν αν. EWS Ob πλεῖστοι 


, “ ᾽ / 
TAVOJLIV, EWS ATETE upad 1) V 


~ "» , , " ’ ε / ” > - 

TWV εἰωθότων γνωμὴην ἀπεφ ἡνάαντο, .-. ἡ ἃ ησυχιᾶν αν yVOV, 1.0, Ϊ 
should have waited until most of the reqular speakers had declared their 
opine κι. ete, DEM. iv. 1. (For av here, see 223.) So Ar. Pac. 71. 


** er 5 , . ἴα , 
In Lys. xxii. 12 we have ews ἐπέλιπε alter €X piv φαίνεσθαι. 

The leading verb must he an indicative with av, or some other 
form implying the non-fulfilment of a condition, (See 559.) 


° When a clause with ἕως refers to the future, and 
depends on a verb of future time (not an optative), ἕως has 
ἄν or κέ and the subjunctive, like a conditional relative 
elause (529). Hg. 





236 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [613 


Μανήσομαι αὖθι μένων, εἵως Ke τέλος πολέμοιο κιχείω, I shall 
χήσοι μένι | μοιο κιχείω, 
remain here and fight, wntil I (shall) find an end of the war. Il. iii. 291. 
So xxiv. 183. Ἕως δ᾽ ἂν οὖν mpos τοῦ παρόντος ἐκμάθῃς, ἔχ᾽ 
ἐλπίδα, until you learn the whole from him who was present, continue to 
hope. Soru. Ὁ. T. 834. So Ar. Nub. 1489. Μέχρι yap τούτου νομίζω 
χρῆναι κατηγορεῖν, ἕως ἂν θανάτου δόξῃ τῷ φεύγοντι ἄξια εἰργάσθαι, 
for so far do I think I ought to proceed in my accusation, until it shall 
appear that deeds deserving death have hee n done by the defendant. Lys. 
xii. 37. Δεῖ μὴ περιμένειν ἕως ἂν ἐπιστῶσιν, we must not wait αὐπ εν 
they are upon us. Isoc. iv. 165. Οὐκ dvapévopev ἕως ἂν ἡ ἡμετέρα 
,ὕ lan ea . . 

χώρα κακωται, We are not waiting until our land shall be ravaged (i.e. 
until the ravaging shall be going on), XEN. Cyr. iii, 3,18. The present 
subjunctive is rare ; but when it is needed, it is unobjectionable: see 
Tuuc. i. 90 (quoted in 614, 1). 

4. When a clause with ἕως refers to the future and 
depends on an optative with ἄν, it generally has the optative 
(without ἄν) by assimilation, like a conditional relative 
clause (531). yg. 

Civ 


S 
» o , ~ ‘ss 
ἐστιν, EWS παρατείναιμι τοῦτον, hut if he should be very eager to eat, 


T should tell him that his dinner is with the women, until 1 put him to 
torture. XEN. Cyr. 1. 3, 11. Kai τὸ μὲν av ἐξαλείφοιεν, TO δὲ πάλιν 


“> ἊΝ , an ee - " 5 »" o 4 a 
Ki O€ TAVV OTOVOaCOL φαγεῖν, εἰποιμ ἂν OTL Tapa TALS γυναι 


ἐγγράφοιεν, ἕως ὅτι μάλιστα ἀνθρώπεια ἤθη θεοφιλῆ ποιήσειαν, 
and they would blot out one thing and again put in another, until they 
made human characters as pleasing as possible to God, PLAT, Rep. 50] 
Β. Ὡσαύτως ἂν διδοίης λόγον), ἕως ἐπί τι ἱκανὸν ἐλθοις. Id. 
Phaed. 101 D. So after an infinitive depending on an optative ; as 
δέοιτό γ᾽ ἂν αὐτοῦ μένειν ἕως ἀπέλθοις. he would ask him to re marin 
until you departed (should depart). Xen. Cyr, v. 3, 13. In Od. 11. 77 
we have ἕως xe with the optative (542): τόφρα γὰρ ἂν κατὰ ἄστυ 


» 


ποτιπτυσσοίμεθα μ ὕθῳ χρήματ᾽ ἀπαιτίζοντες, ἕως K ἀπὸ πάντα δοθείη. 
In Puat. Phaed. 101 D, ἕως ἂν σκέψαιο represents ἕως dv σκέψωμαι 
of direct discourse (see 702). 

The optative with ἕως is most common after past tenses, In the 
construction of 614. 


5, When the clause introduced by EWS, until, depends 
upon a verb denoting a customary or repeated action Or ἃ 
general truth, and refers in a general way to any act or acts 
of a given class, it takes ἄν and the subjunctive after primary 
tenses, and the simple optative after secondary tenses. (See 
Doz.) Ey. 

Ἃ δ᾽ ἂν ἀσύντακτα ἽΝ ἀνάγκη ταῦτα ἀεὶ πράγματα παρέχειν, ἕως 
ἂν χώραν λάβῃ, they must always make trouble until they are put i 
order, XEN. Cyr. iv. 5, of. [Ποιοῦμεν ταῦθ᾽ ἑκάστοθ᾽, ἕως ἂν αὐτὸν 


» ) , " , . ᾿ , , 
ἐμβάλωμεν ἐς κακόν, we always treat him thus, until we cast him vnto 





res pre sho arr θα, 


614] CLAUSES WITH ἕως, ETC., wntel 237 


trouble. Arn. Nub. 1458. Lleptenevopev οὖν ἑκάστοτε, EWS AVOL x Dein 
‘ Ἂ ᾿ . Ὃ 

τὸ δεσμωτήριον, we waited every day until the prison was opened, PLAT. 
Phaed. 59 1). 


614. (Final use of ἕως.) 1. It will be seen by the examples 
under 613 (see the first under 3 and the first three under 4) 
that the clause with ἕως very often implies a purpose, the attain- 
ment of which is aimed at or expected. When such a clause, 
implying a purpose which would originally be expressed by a sub- 
junctive, depends on a past tense, it generally takes the optative ; 
but the subjunctive also may be used, to retain the mood in 
which the purpose would be originally conceived, as in final 
clauses (318). £.g. 

Οὐδ᾽ ἔτλη πόσιος εἴρυσθαι μέγα δῶμα διαμπερὲς, εἷος ἵκοιτο, nor 
did she dare to quard her husband’s great house constantly until he should come. 
Od. xxiii. 150. Ἡσύχαζε τῷ στράτῳ, ἕως τοῖς ᾿Αμπρακιώταις δέοι 
βοηθεῖν, he kept quiet until it should be necessary to help the Ambraciots. 
Tuvc. iii, 102. (The present optative is rare.) So Lys. xi. 25. 
Srovéas ἐποιήσαντο, EWS ἀπαγγελθείη τὰ λεχθέντα εἰς Λακεδαΐί- 
μονα, they made a truce, (to continue) until what had been said should be 
announced at Sparta. XEN. Hell. iii. 2, 20. (Here ἕως av ἀπαγγελθῃ 
might have been used, as in the following examples.) Ἕως δ᾽ av 


ταῦτα διαπράξωνται, φυλακὴν καὶ μισθὸν τοῖς φρουροῖς ἐξ μηνῶν 


κατέλιπε. Ib. v. 3, 9ὅ. ᾿Αλλ ἐπισχεῖν (τοὺς πρέσβεις ἐκέλευεν) μεχρι 
τοσούτου, ἕως ἂν τὸ τεῖχος ἱκανὸν αἴρωσιν ὥστε ἀπομάχεσθαι, but he 
hade them detain the ambassadors until they (the Athenians) should be 
getting therr wall high enough to defend, Hue. i. 90. (Most editors 
emend αἴρωσιν to the aorist ἄρωσιν, which with ἕως would mean untol 
they should get the wall high enough, the former being less definite and 
exact in its time, and therefore more appropriate here.) 

For the intermediate form of ἕως av with the optative in such 
sentences, see SopH. Tr. 687, AND. i. 81, Isoc. xvii. 15 (in 702). 


2. In five passages in the Odyssey ἕως with the optative after a past 
tense has an unusually strong final force, so that it appears almost like 
a final particle. 

Πέμπε δέ μιν πρὺς δώματ᾽ ᾿Οδυσσῆος, ε (ws Πηνελόπειαν ὀδυρομένην 
γούόωσαν παύσειε κλαυθμοῖο, she sent her to the house of Ulysses, (to the 
end) that she might cause Penelope to cease her lamenting. iv. 799. ἴὮρσε 
δ᾽ ἐπὶ κραιπνὸν Βορέην πρὸ δὲ κύματ᾽ ἔαξεν, ἕως ὅ γε Φαιήκεσσι 
φιληρέτμοισι μ ιγείη, and she roused swift Boreas and broke the waves 
before him, that Ulysses might come to the oar-loving Phaeacians. v. 385. 
Μοχλὸν ὑπὸ σποδοῦ ἤλασα πολλῆς, etws θερμα ίνοιτο, I pushed the 
club wnder the deep ashes, that it might be heated (to remain until it should 
be heated). ix. 375. So δῶκεν ἔλαιον, εἵως χυτλώσαιτο, Vi. 79 ; and 
ἀρώμενος εἷος ἵκοιτο, xix. 367. 

In none of these cases will until express the final force of the 
clause with ἕως. It appears as if ἕως here began the same course by 





eRe Tey τυθνιαν 


a a tne EIT EEL IS 


238 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [615 


which ὄφρα, ws, and ὕπως became final particles (312-314), but did not 
complete the change. 


615. (Ὃ φρα.) In epic poetry ὄφρα, until, is used like ἕως. 
Eg. 


e 
>, w 


“Os μὲν Θρήικας ἄνδρας ἐπῴχετο Τυδέος υἱὸς, ὀφρα δυώδεκ᾽ ETEPVEYV, 
until he had slain twelve. Il. x. 488. Ἦρχ᾽ ἴμεν, opp ἀφίκοντο 
κατὰ στρατὸν, ἧ μιν ἀνώγει. 1]. xiii. 329. "Huev, ὄφρα μέγα σπέος 
ετο. Od. v.57. (See 613, 1. 

᾿Αλλὰ μέν᾽, ὄφρα κέ τοι μελιηδέα οἶνον ἐνείκω, but watt, until Ϊ 
shall bring you honey-sweet wine. Il. vl. 958. Todpa δ᾽ ἐπὶ Τρώεσσι 
τίθει κράτος, Opp ἂν ᾿Αχαιοὶ υἱὸν ἐμὸν τίσωσιν, ὀφέλλωσίν τέ ἑ 
τιμῇ. Il. i. 509. So Il. xv. 232. (See 613, 3.) 

Νωλεμέως δ᾽ ἐχόμην, opp ἐξεμέσειεν ὀπίσσω ἱστὸν καὶ τρόπιν 
αὖτις. I clung steadfastly, until she (Charybdis) should vomit forth agavn 
the mast and keel. Od. xii. 437. (See 614, 1.) 


616. (Kis 6 κε and és 6.) Homer uses εἰς 6 xe (OF εἰσόκε), until, 
like ἕως xe, With the subjunctive, and once with the optative. 
Herodotus uses ἐς 6 and és οὗ, wntil, like ἕως, with the indicative, 
and és ὃ ἄν with the subjunctive. Eq. 


Mipverte εἰς ὕ KE ἄστυ μέγα Πριάμοιο ἕλωμεν, wait until we capture 


Priam’s great city. ll. ii. 331. ἜΝ δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ εὐνάων ὁρμίσσομεν, εἰς ὃ 
κεν ἐλθῃ νὺξ ἀμβρότη, and we will moor them jar out by stones, until 
divine night shall come. Il. xiv. 77. In Il. xv. 70 we have εἰς 6 κ᾽ 
᾿Αχαιοὲ “LAvov eAovev, depending on an optative with av (613, 4 ; 
542). 

Οὗτος δὲ ἀνηκούστεε TE καὶ λόγον εἶχε οὐδένα. ἐς ὃ ἔλαβε τὴν 
δίκην, but he disobeyed and pard no attention to me, until he got his 
punishment. Hor. i. 115. ὋὉ Δηιόκης ἦν πολλὸς aiveopevos, ἐς ὃ τοῦ- 
τον καταινέουσι βασιλέα σφίσι εἶναι. Id. 1. 98. So i. 158, 202; Vv. 
92 ᾽ vl. 49. ᾿Απεῖχον τῆς ἐξευρέσιος οὐδὲν ἔλασσον, ἐς ov δὴ Λίχης 
ἀνεῦρε. Id. 1. 67. (Many editors change ἐς οὗ to és ὅ.) [πὶ]. 143, €ws 


ς , , 


οὗ ἀπέδεξαν ἁπάσας αὐτάς, until they had shown them all, ἕως οὗ οἵ the 


Mss. is generally emended to ἐς O. ᾿Αλλ᾽ αὐτὰ ἐγὼ τῷ λληνι ξείνῳ 
9 " , - . 7 » 
them until he comes himself and wishes to take them away. Ad. τι. 119. 


A singular case of ἐς ὕ occurs in Tut σιν. 66, ες ὃ ἐμέμνηντο, as far 


φυλάξω, ἐς ὃ ἂν αὐτὺς ἐλθὼν ἐκεῖνος ἀπαῚ αγεσθαι eGeAyn, I shall keep 


hack as the ἢ Te membe red Schol. μέτα ΤῊΡ TwvV al ϑρωπων PAV appa s 


617. ("Eore.) ᾿ἔστε, vniil, is not found in Homer, but is 
used like ἕως in tragedy, in Attic prose (especially in Xenophon), 
and in Herodotus. £.9. 


rar - 


Χρόνον Tao ἦν TOO OUTOV, ἔστ᾽ ἐν αἰθερι μεσῳ KATETT)) λαμπρὸς 
ἡλίου κύκλος καὶ Kav. ἔθαλπε. Sopu. Ant. 415: 80 El. 753; AESCH. 
Prom. 457. vvetpov ἀπιόντες. ἔστε ETL TALS σκηναῖς ἐγένοντο, 
they marched away uithout st ypping, until they came to the tents. XEN. 
Cyr. vii. 5, 6; so An. i. 4, 49. 


r » 


ἣὴνν παροῦσαν ἀντλήσω τύνην. ἔστ᾽ ἂν Διὸς φρόνημα λωφήσΊ 
7 Ὁ sade XxX)" ’ . > \ I if pap? qj} 





620] CLAUSES WITH ἕως, ETC., wntil 239 
χόλου. AESCH. Prom. 375; so 697. "Adboyyov εἶναι τὸν παλαμναῖον 
νόμος, ἔστ᾽ ἂν σφαγαὶ κα θαιμάξωσι, tt ts the law that the murderer 
shall be speechless until streams of blood have been poured wpon him. Id. 
Eum. 448. Αὐτοῦ τῇδε peveopev ἔστ᾽ ἂν καὶ τελευτήσωμεν. Hort. 
vii. 141. Περιμένετε ἔστ᾽ ἂν ἐγὼ ἔλθω. ΧΕΝ. An. v. 1, 4. 

Ἐπιμεῖναι κελεύσαντες ἔστε βουλεύσαιντο; ἐθύοντο, bidding them 
wait until they had consulted, they made sacrifice. Id. An, v. 5, 2. ("Eo 
ἂν βουλεύσωνται might have been retained from the direct form, as 
in the next example.) ᾿Απεκρίνατο φυλάττειν αὐτὰ, ἔστ᾽ ἂν αὐτὸς 
ἐλθὼν λάβῃ τὰ δῶρα, until he should come and take the grfts. Id. Hell. 
iii, 1, 15. So An. vii. 1, 33; Hpr. vill. 4. 

‘Ordre ὥρα εἴη ἀρίστου, ἀνέμενεν αὐτοὺς ἔστε ἐμφάγοιέν τι, ὡς 
μὴ βουλιμιφεν, he always waited until they had eaten something. XEN. 
Cyr. vill, 1, 44. 

618. ("Aype and μέχρι.) "Axpe and μέχρι, until, are used 
like ἕως, but chiefly in prose and in later Greek. Μὰ. 

Kat ταῦτα ἐποίουν μέχρι σκότος ἐγένετο, until darkness came on, 
Xen. An. iv. 2, 4; so ill. 4, 8. Εἱστήκει μέχρι ἕως ἐγένετο. PLAT. 
Symp. 220 10. 

Μέχρι δ᾽ ἂν ἐγὼ KW, ai σπονδαὶ μενόντων, but until I come, let the 
truce remain. XEN. An. ii. 3, 24; 80 1. 4, 13. Kire τοῖς προφύλαξι 
κελεύειν τοὺς κήρυκας περιμένειν ἄχρι ἂν σχολάσῃ, to wait until he 
should find leisure. ΤῸ. il, 3, 2. Μέχρι δὲ τοῦτο ἴδωμεν, μενέομεν 
παρ᾽ ἡμῖν αὐτοῖσι, but until we see this, we shall remain by ourselves. 
Hpr. iv. 119 (for the omission of av see 620). Herodotus prefers the 
form with οὗ (619). 

"Aype is much less common in this sense than μέχρι. The forms 
ἄχρις and μέχρις are not used by the best writers. 

619. "A ype ov and μέχρι οὗ are used like ἄχρι and μέχρι. Eg. 


* ao 


ma -- - » ’ ε , > / yy , 
ων ὁέταυτα πρώξαντων, Oo X Pe Ov OOE ὁ λόγος ἐγράφετο, Τισίφονος 


πρεσβύτατος ὧν τῶν ἀδελφῶν τὴν ἀρχὴν εἶχε. XEN. Hell. vi. 4, 37. 
So Cvr. v. 4,16; Tuc. v. 26; Hor. i. 187, vii. 60. Tots “EAAnvas 
> πὰ πῇ 7 ao » 5 , > ; - , > 4 
ἀπελύσατο δουλείας, ὥστ ἐλευθερους εἰναι PEXPL OV πάλιν avTot 
αὑτοὺς κατεδουλώσαντο. Piat. Menex. 245 A. 
- γα 5 , - 5 ” vw , 

ΤΠαραδιὸωμι ἐντειλάμενος θεῖναί μιν ἐς ἐρημον OPOS καὶ φυλάσσειν 
ἄχρι οὗ τελευτήσῃ; to watch him until he dies. Hor. 1. 117 (see 614). 
, , ᾽ ry’ ᾿ , a - > , as . d 
KarariGerat ἐς Tevedov expt ov τοις Αθηναίοις τι ὁοξ ἢ» antil the 


Athenians shall pass so7itt vote about them (see 620). THUC. ill. 28. 


620. (Omission of ἄν) “Av is sometimes omitted after ἕως and the 
other particles meaning until (including πρίν), when they take the sub- 


junctive. This is most frequent in tragic poetry, but it occurs some- 


times with és 6 or és οὗ in Herodotus, and with μέχρι and μέχρι (or 
ἄχρι) οὗ in Herodotus and Thucydides, Eg. 

Ἕως τὸ χαίρειν καὶ τὸ λυπεῖσθαι μάθῃς. SOPH. Aj. 555. 
ἔστ᾽ ἐγὼ μεληθώ. Ib, 1183. So Ο. C. 77, Tr. 148, Ph. 764. 
ἀποθάνωσι ἢ σφι παρευρεθῃ τι ἄδικον, μέχρι τούτου. Hor. ii. 51. 
Μηδένα ἐκβῆναι μέχρι πλοῦς γένηται, that nobody should leave the ship 





240 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [621 


. rn . aw , ‘ > ‘ x a c 
before she sailed. Tuvuc. 1. 13%. Αὐτοὺς ἐς φυλακὴν διεκόμισαν, 
μέχρι οὗ ᾿Αθήναζε πεμφθῶσιν. Id. iv. 46 ; see iv. 16 and 41, and im. 
28 (quoted in 619). See also μέχρι O€ τοῦτο LOwpeEV, Hor. iv. 119, 

” ‘On , Φ - 
and aypt ov τελευτησῃ; τὰ. τ, 8 y 2 
The only case in Homer of this omission of xe or ἂν 18 the doubtful 
one, ἔχει κότον ὄφρα τελέσσῃ, Il. i, 82, where ὀῴρα may perhaps be 
final. (See 468.) 
For πρίν without av with the subjunctive, even in Attic prose, see 
648. 


B. Πρίν, BEFORE, UNTIL: 
Mean ing and General Use of πρίν. 


621. Πρίν was originally a comparative adverb (= πρότερον 
and πάρος), formed from πρό and meaning before. It appears 
in the usual adverbial relations; as πρίν μοι ὑπέσχετο, he once 
promised ἢν ; πρὶν ὦν, having been of old ᾽ν ἐν τῷ πρὶν χρόνῳ, in the 
former time ; and it once takes the genitive like a preposition in 
Pinp. Py. iv. 43, πρὶν wpas, before tts time. With the infinitive 
it originally expressed a simple temporal relation, πρὶν ἐλθεῖν 
being the equivalent of the later πρὸ τοῦ ἐλθεῖν, before φοϊηῃ. 
With the finite moods πρίν always expresses ἃ limit of time 
and means wntil, like ἕως, having become a conjunction, not 
losing, however, its original meaning of before. From this 
original comparative meaning, πρίν has a negative force, imply- 
ing that something does or does not happen before (i.e. in the 
absence of) another event ; so that οὔπω or μήπω With a temporal 
participle may generally be substituted for πρίν and the in- 
finitive. Thus, in vate δὲ ΠΙήδαιον πρὶν ἐλθεῖν υἷας ᾿Αχαιῶν, ΤΙ. 
xiii. 172, for πρὶν ἐλθεῖν, before they came, we could substitute 
οὕπω ἐλθόντων, etc. So πρὶν ἂν with the subjunctive is often 
interchangeable with ἢν μή, and always implies it; thus μὴ 
ἀπέλθῃς πρὶν ἂν ἀκούσῃς, do not depart until you hear, implies ἣν 
py ἀκούσῃς, without hearing. One result of this negative character 
of πρίν is its strong affinity for the aorist, the tense which denotes 


simple occurrence. (See Am. Jour. Phil. ii. pp. 466 ff.) 

622. In Homeric Greek πρίν generally takes the primitive 
construction with the infinitive without regard to the nature of 
the leading verb. In lyric poetry, Herodotus, and Attic Greek, 
πρίν takes the infinitive chiefly when the leading clause is affirma- 
tive ; otherwise, it takes one of the finite moods, like ἕως, having 
the sense of until. But, while the indicative may sometimes follow 
πρίν, meaning τι, when the leading clause 15 affirmative, the 


ι Qeschichtliche Entwickelung der Constructionen mit Πρίν, von Josef 
Sturm: Heft 3 of Schanz’s Beitrage. 





624] CONSTRUCTIONS WITH πρίν 941 


subjunctive and optative are never used unless the leading clause 
is negative or involves a negative idea. 


Development of the Constructions with πρίν. 


623. The Attic uses of πρίν with the indicative, subjunctive, 
and optative, are seen in a primitive stage of development in 
Homer. The construction of πρίν itself with the indicative was 
yet unknown ; but four cases of πρίν y ὅτε with the indicative 
show a tendency in this direction. Six cases of πρίν (without av 
or κέ) with the subjunctive and one with the optative (in indirect 
discourse) mark the beginning of the later usage with these moods. 
On the other hand, 81 cases of πρίν with the infinitive show the 
prevailing Homeric construction. Here, as in all periods of the 
language, when πρίν takes the infinitive, we have simply a state- 
ment of fact, that one thing precedes another ; in vate δὲ Πήδαιον 
πρὶν ἐλθεῖν υἷας ᾿Αχαιῶν, and he dwelt im Pedaeum before the conung 
of the sons of the Greeks, πρὶν ἐλθεῖν implies no more than πρὸ 
ἀφίξεως or the later πρὸ τοῦ ἐλθεῖν. Any further idea that may 
be implied comes from the context, and is not found in the 
words. This use of πρίν has little analogy in Greek syntax, its 
nearest parallel being the later use of ὥστε Or ὡς With the infinitive. 
The simplest theory, which best suits the Homeric usage, seems 
to be that πρίν has a “ quasi-prepositional ” relation to the in- 
finitive, which is a verbal noun, a relation the same in effect as 
that of πρό in πρὸ τοῦ ἐλθεῖν in the later Attic construction. 
(See XEN. Mem. ii. 6, 6, and DEM. xix. 73.) <A similar use of 
ἀντί with the infinitive in a few cases in Herodotus (see 803) 
shows a tendency to go further in the same direction. 


624. The Homeric language was generally contented with 
the simple πρίν and the infinitive, even when it was implied that 
the clause with πρίν set a limit to the action (or negation) of the 
leading clause, i.e. when πρίν could be expressed by until. So in 
Il. xxi. 100, πρὶν Πάτροκλον ἐπισπεῖν αἴσιμον ἦμαρ, τόφρα τί μοι 
πεφιδέσθαι φίλτερον ἦεν Τρώων, 1.6. until the death of Patroclus I 
preferred to spare the Trojans (which he will no longer do); and 


Φ 547 4 “C ° 
xix. 312, οὐδέ τι θυμῳ τέρπετο πρὶν πολέμου στόμα δύμεναι, 1.6. he 


felt no pleasure until he entered the battle; in both cases the Attic 


Greek might have used πρίν with the indicative. So also when 

the clause with πρίν is future and conditional ; as in I]. xix. 423, 

ov λήξω πρὶν Τρῶας ἄδην ἐλάσαι πολέμοιο, I will not stop until I have 

given the Trojans enough of war. It was in cases like the last, 

where the mere temporal πρὶν ἐλάσαι expresses the future con- 

dition very imperfectly, that the need of a more exact form was 
R 





242 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [625 


frst felt. The need existed only after negative sentences, as 
here only could such a future condition be expressed by πρίν 
consistently with its original meaning before. I shall not cease 
fighting until (before) T see the end of the war contains a future 
condition (= ἢν μή) which πρίν can properly express ; but the 
equivalent affirmative, I shall go on fighting until I see the end of 
the war, could not be expressed by πρίν, as we cannot substitute 
before for until, but it would require ἕως, which 18 until with no 
sense of before. The forms of parataxis suggested a simple and 
natural way of meeting this want, through the adverbial use of 
πρίν. In a sentence like οὐδέ μιν ἀνστήσεις" πρὶν καὶ κακὸν ἄλλο 
πάθῃσθα, nor will you recall him to life :-—sooner than this will you 
suffer some new ἃ Mliction, Il. xxiv. 551, we have only to remove 
the colon and make πρίν a conjunction to obtain the regular 
construction of πρίν with the subjunctive, nor will you recall hin 
to life before (wntil) you suffer some new affliction. ‘This result could 
not have been attained with an affirmative leading clause; for while 
οὐ τοῦτο ποιήσω" πρίν με κελεύσῃς; Ϊ shall not do this :—Yyou shall 
command me first, gives the meaning I shall not do this before you 
command me, the paratactic affirmative, τοῦτο ποιήσω" πρίν με 
κελεύσῃς; would give only you will command 7116 before I do this. I 
shall do this before you command He would be TOUTO ποιήσω πρίν σε 
κελεῦσαι, Which is not the result of any form of parataxis. The 
six cases of πρίν with the subjunctive in Homer are all without 
av ΟΥ κέ, and all follow negatives. The primitive character and 
the rarity of this construction seem to show that we are nearer 
the original parataxis here than in any other form ; while the 
change of the subjunctive to the optative after a past tense in 
Il. xxi. 580 (see 6359) shows that the dependence of the clause 
with πρίν is thoroughly established (οἴ. 307). An attempt to 
arrive at the same result in a more awkward way appears in 
two cases of πρίν γ᾽ ὅτ᾽ ay with the subjunctive in the Odyssey 
(641), where πρίν ‘ntroduces the subjunctive with Sr av very 
much as it introduces the infinitive. 


625. No case of πρίν with the indicative occurs 1n Homer : 
but the want was supplied by πρίν γ ὅτε δή with the indicative, 
which resembles πρίν y or av with the subjunctive just mentioned. 
As this construction is not the result of parataxis, and there 
‘s no such obstacle to combining the ideas of wntil and before in 
statements of past fact after affirmative clauses as was felt in 
future conditions (624), we find πρίν y ὅτε with the indicative 
after both affirmative and negative sentences (see the examples 
in 636). It thus appears that πρίν was not sufficiently established 
as a conjunction in Homer to take the indicative without the 





627] CONSTRUCTIONS WITH πρίν 243 


intervention of ὅτε, although πρίν with the subjunctive had 
become a fixed construction. 

[he history of the uses of πρίν after Homer will be found 
below. (See 627; 632-634; 637; 642; 645; 645.) 


Πρίν WITH THE INFINITIVE. 


626. (In Homer.) In Homer the infinitive regularly 
follows πρίν after both affirmative and negative sentences, 
often where the Attic Greek would have the finite moods. 
Eg. 

Ξ Ναῖε δὲ ΠΠήδαιον πρὶν ἐλθεῖν υἷας ᾿Αχαιῶν. Il, xiii. 

ἐφθη ορεξάμενος πρὶν οὐτάσαι., οὐδ᾽ ἀφάμαρτεν. ll. 

pur O€ πριν TEP TPOpLos ἔλλαβε φαίδιμα γυΐα, πρὶν πόλεμόν i 
pride ν πολέμοιὸ τε μέρμερα ἔργα, before they saw the war, ete. I]. vill. 
452. (See 657 .) Φεύγει tpi περ ὅμιλον ἀολλισθήμεναι ἀνδρῶν. 
Il. xv. 588. Ἢ κ᾽ ἔτι πολλοὶ γαῖαν ὀδὰξ εἷλον πρὶν Ἴλιον εἰσαφι- 


> 


: ͵ 
: a ha , ; ¢ ~ 5 ; 4 A 
xéo Oat. Il. xxii. 17. “AAAa ot αὐτῷ “Ζεὺς ὀλέσειε βίην πρὶν ἡμῖν 

an j ao = δος. νυ ὦ ” »” ” ᾽ > , ‘ 
πημα PvTEvTat. Od. iv. 668. Ai?’ ὦφελλ᾽ ἄλλοθ᾽ ὀλέσθαι πριν 
ἐλθεῖν Od XViil 402 Οὐδ᾽ 5 7, 4 4 5 ~ , ~ 

; ° . XVi1I11. Ze vO ἀπολήγει πριν X Pees GVOPOfLEOLO dueA- 
δεῖν. τὶ xx. 100. Ov λήξω πρὶν Τρῶας ἄδην 


" , , 
ἐλάσαι πολέμοιο. 
Ll. ard. 423. Ov μ᾽ ἀποτρέψεις 


ἸῸΝ πρὶν χαλκῷ μα χέσασθαι. Ll. 
Xx. 257. Ove O γε λοιγὸν ἀπώσει πρίν γ᾽ ἀπὸ πατρὶ bis ω δόμενα ι 
κοὺρΉΨ. Il. i. 97. 
In the last three examples the subjunctive would be regular in Attic 
and even Homer uses it in a few such cases (639). In Π. xx, 1007 ty 
διῆλθεν would have been the common Attic form. In the eo 
examples, in which a mere temporal relation 1s expressed, the infinitive 
would be required in Attic Greek. 
᾿ Hesiod has one example (Scut. 40) and the Homeric Hymns one 
(Ven. 151) of πρίν with the infinitive, both after negative sentences. 


627. (After Homer.) The lyric poets, Herodotus, and the 
Attic writers use the infinitive after πρίν chiefly when the 
leading sentence is affirmative. But the infinitive is always 
required when πρίν means simply before, not wntvl. iy. 


‘ : 5 = , ae) 7 ” ~ 4 — e¢ 
IIpuy EKTE λεσαι κατεβὴ οομον Atoos. Π HEOG, 911, ἴσταμαι 
wy ce) a ae : - 
ἄμπνεων πρίν τι φάμεν, I stand taking breath before I speak. PIND. 


᾽ ᾿ ee ‘ : ee oe : \ > 7 a > 
Nem. viii. 19; so Py. ix. 113. Πρὶν ov παρεῖναι ἐκεῖνον ἐς τὴν 


᾿Αττικὴν, ὑμέας καιρός ἐστι προβοηθῆσαι ἐς τὴν Βοιωτίαν. before he 
comes into Attica, ete. Hpr. vii. 144. Πρὶν vov τὰ πλείον᾽ ‘toto- 
ρείν, ἐκ τῆσδ᾽ ἕδρας ἔξελθ᾽, hefore seeking further, ete. SopH. O. (Οὐ. 36. 
Αποπεμπουσιν οὖν αὐτὸν πρὶν ἀκοῦσαι. THUC. 1]. 12. 


τοῦ FOUTLY ον ¢ So ii. 13, πρὶν 
ἐσβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν 


7 » | 4 4 4 Ω lal 
Αττικήν. ᾿Αφίεσαν τὰ βέλη πολὺ πρὶν ἐξικνεῖ- 


σθαι. ΧΕΝ. Οὐχ... 3, 60, H pets τοίνυν Μεσσήνην εἵλομεν πρὶν Πέρσας 





244 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [628 


= 5 , 4 κ > - 
ἢ ) ΄ αἱ 4 τῇ TNS retpov, Και TOW OLKt- 
λαβεῖν THY βασιλείαν καὶ κρατ ῆσαι τῆς HELP > = Sieg 
; “ «ε Ὺ Ἵ ca ‘ ἜΝ = 9 τρ ᾿ 
σθῆναί τινας τῶν πόλεων τῶν ᾿ λληνίδων. Isoc. vi. 26. αἱ πρὶν εἰ 
᾿ έ ἱπεὸ Piat. Prot. 320 A ArwAdperO ap, 
μῆνας γεγονέναι, ἀπέδωκε. PLAT. Prot, 620 Δ. φρο apg 
εἰ κακὸν προσοίσομεν νέον παλαιῳ, πριν TOO ἐξηνΤ' ἼΚΕῚ = ; 
᾿ ) δ . * re we 
ruined, then, if we shall add a new calamity to the former one, yefore we 
det | 5 ae j ; ᾿ πῇ : δος 
shall have exhausted this (109). Eur. Med. 78. ie oe 
In the following cases the infinitive is necessary, even ἃ : σι 8, 
j , ςς 9 i , e , 4 a +n . , 4 ᾽ Ι" 1s n0 a 
Πρὶν ὡς ΓἌφοβὸον ἐλθεῖ V μιᾶν ἡμέραν OUK EX T/PEVTEV, ‘2 τ ᾽ 
ey πὰς ΘΒΘΕΙΝΕ - e 
widow a single day before she went to Aphobus (where unte | would 
: ᾿ ᾿ ai " 7 AN ‘ ‘ ε Coe ne ἘΝ : 1 εν 
absurd) Dem. xxx. 33. Οὐδὲ γὰρ πρὶν TTY θ ναι ΤῊ] δι ΚΉ! ε x | 
c . “Whe 4h 4b sho “i 2 | ᾿ | : 
ὧν δικαζόμεθα, 1.6 he did not have υἱ even before he lost the sudt og 2 
Α ap ν - rT’ ἌΡ" 9 ᾿ ( ν 3. 
less afterwards). Isan. v. 21. So Ar. Av. 964 : PHUC. i. 3 ΕἾ 
“a 70, 0 sedi . πρότερόν τι πάθῃς πρὶν τέλος 
See also Isoc. v. 70, oTav ὁδὸέωσι μὴ Ff } cei 
ἐπιθεῖναι τοῖς πραττομένοις, when they fear lest you may nteet 
int ὁ dor sh). 
some disaster before you finish what you are dowung (not until you jum 
to uk an “ah of fearing does not make a negative sentence 
Indeed, μή after a verb of fearing does ee 
, . > > ) ) le se 
eo far as the sense 18 concerned, what affects the dependent cla 
. ᾿ ᾿ , A N Ty 29) 
Betas "Ἢ πα See ἣν O08. 
being the positive idea in πάθῃς : see SOPH I 


628. An infinitive with πρίν sometimes depends “9 — 
clause, where a finite mood might be allowed, because : r — 
relation is still so prominent as to determine the — — - = 
may happen when the clause with πρὶν precedes, 80 t κε 16 dey 
1 | expresses is obscured by the position. 4.q. 


ance which unft . , 5 
αι pr eg πρότερον νὺξ ἔσται πρὶν πυθεσθαι — rage 
should come before they had heard them all. AND. 1 43. 3 at ra 
ναυμαχίαν νικῆσαι ἡμᾶς, γῆ οὐκ ἣν ἀλλ᾽ 4 — per σα 
we gained the naval victory, he had only at νων age a ad " 
argument tries to prove that he died poor). Lys. XIX, 38, —. 
θορυβήσῃ μηδεὶς πρὶν ἀκοῦσαι, and let no on _— Ἢ ——. 
hears (where πρὶν ἂν ἀκούσῃ; until he hears, would Suge mf ΘΝ ; ng 
sdea). Dem. v. 15. Πρὶν δὲ ταῦτα πραξαι, μὴ σκοπεῖτε % —_ - 
βέλτιστα ἀπολέσθαι βουλήσεται where the Irony ol ἰ ” or κῃ 
would make untel absurd). Id. iil. 12: 80 13. Ξ [piv eid i ea ἐᾷ 
πρᾶξαι Λεωκράτην ἄδηλον ἦν ὁποῖοι τινες eet ΤΎΧΗΝ. a 
δὲ πᾶσι φανερόν (where the temporal relation in gle γχαθῖδε: Se 
δέ is the only important one). LYCURG, 135. Rages τῇ AESCH. Sept. 
1048, Ag. 1067 ; SOPH. Aj. 1419; XEN. Cyr. iv. 3, 10. 


. Ἢ en ami = ᾿ . ε ᾿ ον» " : co , ces 

629. The infinitive sometimes follows πρίν after negative senten ' 

3 . . > : : — ras o 
where we might have the optative, which for some reason was ἢ 
common after πρίν. Lg. . a 

, 4 . ea ‘ - , - “un 

Οὐκ av μεθεῖτο πρὶν καθ᾽ ἡδονὴν κλύειν, he would not gwe 1 η 

‘ved. SopH. Tr. 197. 

untel he should hear before hearung what he di sired. POPH. lr. ] i 


> 


" , ) ~ 
ἐκμάθοις βροτων, 


(We might have πρὶν κλύοι κ οἵ. Ir. 2. OUK aV atwl 
( 


; ; a ἢ ᾿Ξ ἘΞΞ κε So AESCH. 
: a ‘ : ἵ — ‘ } ' h have ly en mseda,. ᾿ γε . 
πρὶν av AVY τις, where 7pth σάνοι might 


Ὁ» ἢ ᾿ j , Fee onlin Gane a νέα Ν LENAS 
Supp 772. Ovo ἂν διαβουλεύσασθαι ETL €p?), od a ἐν Ἐπ = It ee 
; : Zz. a ee erEeVvOV OM [LWS 
μεῖναι until he should wart, ete, PHuc, Vi. ου ἱκέτεῦοι PS "3 
} b 


“ ’ ‘ , ’ : εἶ invade 
: sg Mae ) ͵ ὸ . »» , woayv, until they shoul 
ἀποτρέπεσθαι, πρὶ! Eppa λεῖν εἰς THV XMF : 





φέρεσ κέ γέ μιν αἴσιμον ἦμαρ, πρίν YE ot [ 


οὐκ ἦν ἀλέξημ᾽ OVOEV, 
Prom, 479. So likewise Aristophanes : 
ἀθανάτων. πρὶν ἔρως ξυνέμιξεν 
one, after an affirmative : ἠγόμην ὃ 
τύχη τοιαὸ €TETT?)), until th is fortune befe l] me, 6 ΠῚ7) 


has seven examples, all according to Sturm 
follows : 


"Adpov νεός T ἦν, πρὶν 





633] CONSTRUCTIONS WITH πρίν 


the country. XEN. Hell. vi. 5, 23. Οὔτε αὐτός ποτε πρὶν ἱδρῶσαι 
δεῖπνον ἡρεῖτο. Id. Cyr, viii. 1, 38. (Here πρὶν ἱδρώσειε in the 
generic sense would be the natural expression ; but it is doubtful 
whether this construction was ever used with πρίν. For An. iv. 5, 
30, see 646.) 

630. There remain some cases of πρίν with the infinitive after 
negative clauses where the older usage seems to be retained in place 
of the more exact later use of the indicative or subjunctive. 

Οὐδὲ πρὸς δικαστηρίῳ οὐδὲ 


Ε.0. 
βουλευτηρίῳ ὥφθην οὐδεπώποτε, πρὶν 
ταύτην τὴν συμφορὰν γενέσθα L, 1.6, never, until thes calamity befell 
me, Lys. xix. 55. Ἐπειδὴ δ᾽ οὐκ οἷόν τ᾽ ἐστὶν αἰσθέσθαι (τοὺς πονη- 
ροὺς) πρὶν κακῶς τινα παθεῖν br αὐτῶν, but since it is not possible to 
recognise them until somebody is hurt by fhem (for πρὶν av πάθῃ τις). 
Isoc. xx. 14. In such cases the temporal relation seems to exclude 
the other in the writer’s mind. 


631. [Ἢ πρίν.) We sometimes find ἢ πρίν, than before, with the 
infinitive, a past verb being understood after ἡ. Eg. 

Οἱ πολέμιοι πολὺ μὲν ἐλάττονές εἰσιν νῦν ἢ πρὶν ἡττηθῆναι, πολὺ 
“3 » , ” a , cS «ς “~ > ] 
δ᾽ ἐλάττονες ἢ OTE ἀπεὸρασαν ἡμὰς, they are much fewer now than (they 
were) before they were beaten, ete. XEN. Cyr. v. 2, 36. 
Παραλαβὼν τὴν πόλιν χεῖρον μὲν φρονοῦσαν ἢ (se. 

τ 4 5 , ee > 

κατασχεῖν τὴν APX7V. ἴβοσ. vin. 126. 

This ellipsis occurs first in Xenophon. 


So vi. 5, 77. 


ἐφρόνει) πρὶν 


[1 piv WITH THE INDICATIVE. 


632. (Early Poets.) Tlpiv with the indicative does not occur in the 


Iliad or Odyssey, except in πρίν ν᾽ ὅτε (see 636). The first case of simple 
, vs ; a . i : P ἘΞ ὭΣ ᾿ a “ » > , 
πρίν with the indicative is Hymn. Ap. Py. 178, os τῇ y ἀντιάσειε, 


Ἢ > ~ , ° 
t tov εφηκεν Απόλλων, 1,0. 


every one was slain, until Apollo sent an arrow at the monster. Three 
cases occur in Pindar: Ol. ix. 5 


7, xiii. 65; Nem. iv. 28. The last is 


the first case of πρίν with the indicative after a negative sentence. 
These are the only cases before the Attic writers. 


633. (Attic Poets.) Aeschylus has one example, after a negative : 
Iat 5 4 i , , , , > 

ἀλλὰ φαρμάκων χρέείᾳ κατεσκέλλοντο, πριν YY 

γώ σφισιν ἔδειξα κράσεις ἡπίων ἀκεσμάτων, until 1 showed them, etc., 
πρότερον δ᾽ οὐκ nV γένος 
ἅπαντα. Αν. 700. Sophocles has 


Ἂν» 


ς 
4 “~ , , 
. ἀνὴρ ἀστῶν μέγιστος, πριν μοι 
ΣΡ 5 , "» ᾿ ᾽ . 

.775. Euripides 

after aflirmatives, as 
> , αι»; 

Ky EVOLE 
ι 


d€ πως ἔστη, πρὶν δή τις ἐφθέγξατο. And, 1148. 


ἐσεῖδον οἷον ἦν, I was a witless youth, until 1 


5 


. . ᾽ν . ” . > 
saw, ete. 1. A. 489 (where there is a negative force in ἄφρων). Ανω- 





+ mm " . ODN THN ‘hs 634 
246 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [ 


Spa, she shouted, until she saw, etc. Med. 1173. (Here 


, << τ γίν “~ ‘ ood, 5 
δον Οἱ Fae ὁ αν , ὦκυτον in 1176 gives the idea that 
the contrast Οἱ «¢T 1)KEV μέγαν κωκὶ ΤΟΥ σ 


: - 21 
she did not begin the loud wailing until she saw the παρε get 
ἦσαν ἴσαι, πρὶν Λαερτιάδης — στρατιάν. Hec. 132. ¢ 

awa Alc, 128; Rhes. 294, 568. . 

ἊΣ baat se all the pe of πρίν with the indicative shee ne 
those in prose. It will be seen that the idea of until ᾿ a ει ῥσα 
spicuous, even when the leading verb 1s affirmative ; ge <a : τ r the 
stages of the construction little regard was paid to the ¢ ΜΝ u fons 
leading sentence. With prose a new and stricter usage begins (004). 


634. ( Prose.) In Attic prose and in Herodotus, πρίν, 
until, referring to ἃ definite past action, regularly taxee asi 
indicative after negative sentences or those implying a 
negative, very rarely after affirmative sentences. Kg. 


a ᾿ς Ὁ suee 

‘ ‘y ae ee Se ἵω ἃ νὴ αὐτου πρυτανη ἀἄγάόγνετυ, 
Ore κω συμβολὴν ἐποιέετο πρὶν γέ ΟἹ ——— ν ν ΗΡΤ 
until his own day of (ΟΥ̓ Cae. 7 


) ot yet make an attack εὐρύν τῷ 
h did τ ω : TovTrou TOV 


vi110. So vi. 79, vil. 239, ix. 22; all with mpiv ye oy. τὸν! “ad 
δὴ ἐπετελεσθῆη. Ld. 1. 13d. OI 


ἱ 


ἔπεος λύγον οὐδένα ἐποιεῦντο πριν , a a an 
aa ᾿ — τε ; ΤΌ κι » € 
πρὶν in Herodotus see 651; and for πρότερον 1 in rere 


ΠῚ tr | | . 6E 3 
1u¢ γι τ CD, Set doe . ἢ 

hi oO) 8) avod { € " Opy € OV ες GQuTOV, T per € (1) JL LWO at 
( 4“ Tes V [1 N V7 ) 1 γ7)} X ‘ 


X γήμασιν they did not cease to regard him with wrath until they fined hom. 
χρήμασιν, the ! 


"Δ a/ ea 4 , α΄» —_ rey, a LUTOV, τ LV VE ΟἹ 
Tauc, ii. 65. Οὐδ ἡδίωσαν νεώτερον TL TOLELY ἐν Uh" af / Ι 
HUC. 11. )ξ ὶ et 
Ἴ until he hecomes, etc. ul. 


ae ro ee , 3 mane ὦ iyveTat, 1.0, 
: - ἀνὴρ A γνίλιος LYVUTTUS γ } = =e 
αὐτοῖς ]} af dae μὴ | ξ ETELOE. Xen. An. 


4 > 4 
, , ss ” se ' , a - γα,» ᾿ 
: 139, Ovre τότε ἱέναι ἤθελε, πρὶν ἡ γυνὴ αἱ τὸ Ἔστι 
a 9 ’ 342λ εν Σπελθεῖν σριν αΥ̓ΤῸΡ εξ 1) ασα:ὶ 
i | 26. Ov πρότερον 1} €/ oe a7 C4 4 « 


-- ᾽ , 

> | - > ; ὺ “uTAVTO 
, ..9 ἣν co tr “OnyUTES }} στ ἸΟΤΕΡΟῚ ETT LU" ; 
) ro M γχσημιοις πολιο Ἰκουντέφ ὁ f 

; ΝΜ, ΤΣ δὰ VL Εἰ Ἵ ! 
pug. Ly / , 


(lsocrates has the formula 


, 4 


>a? 3 mainte - ς ιϊ.91. 

πρὶν ἐξέβαλον εκ Τὴς X Wpas- | oc, ΧΙ. ; x ms 

! ς . 1 atin » times OvKk ἢ} 
piv with the ‘indicative nine times, 


+ , , , ea pot 
ΝΣ ~~ ’ Ὁ" , LVTVO rr A ὺ 
οὐ TpOTEpot επαυσι F arn ae Cee 
. Vv Βοιωτίαν ἀπεὸωκε Kat τοὺς PwKeas 


» , ) 5 ! 4 ᾿ — 4 ε i 
ἐν Θηβαις ἀσφαλες, πρὶν 1 o : oe 
ϊ ; nll. 685 ‘oy χοῦτο τέμνων οὐκ ETAVIKE, OP 
ἀνεῖλεν. Dem. vill. 69, Πάλιν, τοῦτο τεμ! ee nigh WO 
eAXoroopynee μάλ ΕἸ OLK})- - ᾿ : τῷ . 
in Plato; but he has three indicatives 


, » » 
ἐφευρὼν σκαιὸν τιν ερωτα 
266 A. (This is the only case 


. Ἄς , 4. ΔῈ 
in unfulfilled eonditions, See 094.) 


635. The only examples in prose of πρίν with the indicative after 


strictly affirmative sentences ate these three:— Ἢ τ Avi 
: τῆς ἡμέρας πειρώμενοι ἀλλήλων, πριν Oy : pe 
‘ ω mh Ξ es ‘ LIT / ᾿ ria €T AC OV, 
στων πείθει TOUS αρχοντᾶς. ΓΗυσ. vil. 39. [Lay - Nn) ‘ , Xx‘ 

ἊΝ cy 4 4 Its, we τοὺς AGnvatovs Kat KaTEOLW~ 
πρίν ve 07) ol 2 upaKoT lol ETPEY av TE TOVs ¢ ] : 
ct i ᾽ -- ’ "ἡ » ὦ Lior “ὦ ‘ LUTW 
κον ἐς τὴν γῆν Id. vii. 71. ΠΙροσεπόλεμει Ἀριστοφωντι, TPly Grn’ 
ΟΡ a } . ° ° . ἃ i 


om: (8 ‘ ee 
πὶ πολυ οι γ9:1 


᾽ ~ 


αν , σῷ δήμῳ ἥνπε ) εγὼ 
ὙΤΊ 1) 7 j ὙΎ Lav εἰ @ ΟἹ f Ὶ 
ΤΡ αὐτὴν ταὐτὴν 1% εἰλησεν ἐπα γελ Τί Ἱμῳ νπτ 

5 ᾿᾽ 


᾿ ᾿ : ed 
ἢ 4 ) ἐπ “ει λα he Ο ΓΝ Ἢ εἶ to atta k Aristophon, until A. threaten { 
tap yY@ i ΓΕ ͵ ᾿᾽ ᾿ Σ ᾿ Ν : oe 
] Γ ; = ’ the ’ ple with this same kind of summots to ὀοκιμασια; 
ν1}}} werore Π tt? j ‘ 4 a 
: . . + 4 sa eases 10 torce 

which I se rved on Timarchus. AESCHIN. 1. 64. In these cases tl ‘ 


7s oe iallv 6 atic by the continuation of the 
of until in πρὶν 18 made especially emphatic by the « 


CS 
state ot thin rs deseribed bv the leading imperie ts. Phere sees to 





637 


CONSTRUCTIONS WITH πρίν 247 
be a feeling implied like that in ov 
Sturm, Ὁ. 333). 

Sturm cites also Tuvc. i. 51 and 118, iii. 29 and 104, as examples. 
Sut the first two have actual negatives in the leading sentence ; in 11]. 
29, τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους λανθάνουσι, πρὶν δὴ τῇ Δήλῳ ἔσχον, the idea 
is that the Athenians did not see them until, ete. ; in 111, 104, τὰ περὶ 


-- 


4 , , ε 4 ς ww 4 As ¢ > ~ 
τους AYWVAS κατε λυθ 1) UTO ξυμῴορων, πριν δὴ οι Αθηναῖοι τότε τὸν 
~ 5 


5, , , , ᾽,᾽" 
ἄγωνα ἐποίησαν, the meaning is, the games were broken up (1.6. were no 


longer he ld) until the Athenians renewed them at this time. (See Am. Jour. 
Phil. ii. p. 469.) 


4 > , , 
πρότερον ETAVOQAVTO πριν (see 


636. Πρίν γ᾽ ὅτε, until, has the indicative in Homer, after 
affirmative as well as negative sentences. These cases occur :— 
Ἐπὶ ica μάχη τέτατο, πρίν γ᾽ ὅτε δὴ Ζεὺς κῦδος ὑπέρτερον “Exrope 
δῶκεν. the battle hung equally balanced, wntil (when) Zeus gave hagher 
glory to Hector. Il. xii. 436. "Hye? ἀτυώζμεναι, πρίν γ ὅτε δή με σὺς 


υἱὸς ἀπὸ μεγάροιο κάλεσσεν, until your son called me. Od. xxiii. 42. 
Οὐδ᾽ ὡς τοῦ θυμὸν ἔπειθον. πρίν γ᾽ ὅτε δὴ θάλαμος TUK ἐβάλλετο, 
i.e. until the batt rung began. I]. ix. 587. So in the suspected verses, 
πρίν γ᾽ ὅτε... θάρσυνας, Θά. xiii. 322. For Od. iv. 178, see 637. 

Four cases of πρίν γ᾽ ὅτε δή with the indicative are found in the 
Homeric Hymns: Ap. Del. 49; Cer. 96, 195, 202 ; after which this 
strange construction disappears. 

637. (Indicative with πρίν in unfulfilled conditions. ) When the 
clause introduced by πρίν, until, refers to a result not attained in 
past time in consequence of the non-fulfilment of some condition, 
it takes a past tense of the indicative like the corresponding 
clause with ἕως (613, 2). We find examples only of the aorist 
indicative after negative sentences :— 


5 ” ~ 4 ” 4 a 4 ~ ΄ , 
Ky pny τους ἄλλους μὴ πρότερον περι TWV ὁμολογουμένων συμᾷ OU=- 
, 4 4 ~ > ) , ε “~ sa 7a & 
λεύειν, πρὶν περὶ τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων ἡμᾶς ἐδίδαξαν, they ought 
not to have queue n advice about undisputed matters, until they had instructed 
. . ᾽ . yr ἴω , , A 
us about what is in dispute. Isoc. iv. 19. Χρὴν τοίνυν Λεπτίνην μὴ 
7 ΄ 4 ε ~ , 5 ~ ΕΣ 
πρότερον τιθεναι τὸν EAVTOV VOJLOV, πριν TOUTOV EAVOE, before he had 


. > n , , Ν 
repealed this one, DEM. xx. Q6, Οὐκ αν ἐπεσκεψάμεθα πρότερον €LTE 


διδακτὸν εἴτε ov διδακτὸν ἡ ἀρετὴ, πρὶν ὅ τι ἔστι πρῶτον ἐζητήσαμεν 
αὐτό. we should not have inquired whether virtue was teachable or not, 
until we had first asked what it is in itself. PLat. Men. 86 D; so 84 0, 
and Theaet. 165 D. 

Besides these five cases in prose, we have the same construction with 
πρίν γ᾽ 


᾿ εἰ Ἁ 
OTE 01) θανάτοιο με 


587; > 


OTE δή in Od. iv. 178 : ovode κεν ἡμέας ἄλλο διέκρινεν, πρίν y 
Lav νέφος ἀμφεκάλυψεν, nor would aught else have 
separated us until the black cloud of death had covered us. 

For the same construction with πρότερον ἢ in Hor. viii. 93, see 


653. 





RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES 


[piv WITH THE SUBJUNCTIVE AND OPTATIVE. 
SuBJUNCTIVE. 


638. When a clause with πρίν, until, refers to the future, 
and depends on a negative clause of future time (not con- 
taining an optative), πρίν takes the subjunctive, like ἕως In 
a similar case (613, ὁ). 


639. In Homer zpiv does not take κέ or ἄν with the sub- 
junctive, the form of the original parataxis being still retained 
(624). The examples of the subjunctive are these :— 

Ov yap πω καταδύσομεθ᾽ εἰς ᾿Αίδαο δόμους, πρὶν μόρσιμον ἦμαρ 
ἐπέλθῃ, we shall not yet descend to the house of Hades, until the fated 
day shall come. Od, x. 174. (Here, if we insert a colon after δόμους 
and take πρίν as an adverb, sooner than this, we have the paratactic 
form.) 5o Il. xviii, 135; Od. xiii. 335, xvi. 7. In Il. xviii. 199, 
ov με πρίν γ᾽ εἴα θωρήσσεσθαι, πρίν γ αὐτὴν ἴδωμαι, she did not 
permit me to arm myself until Ϊ should Sé¢ her, the subjunctive of direct 
discourse (seen in Xvill. 135) is retained after a past tense. So Il. 
xxiv. 781. In Il. xxi. 550 ὃ similar subjunctive has been changed to 
the optative (644). 


640. Hesiod has two cases of πρίν with the subjunctive, Th. 323, 
Op. 738, still without κέ or ἄν as in Homer. Πρὶν ἄν first occurs in 
THEOGN. 963 (see 642). 


" 


641. Two cases of πρίν γ᾽ ὅτ ἄν (used like πρίν) with the sub- 
junctive occur in the Odyssey. The first is especially instructive, 11. 


“are > 


373: ἀλλ᾽ ὄμοσον μὴ μητρὶ φίλῃ τάδε μυθήσασθαι, πρίν γ᾽ ὅτ᾽ ἂν 
ἑνδεκάτη TE δυωδεκάτη TE γέν ηται, ἢ αὐτὴν ποθέσαι καὶ ἀφορ- 
μηθέντος ἀκοῦσαι, hut swear not to tell this to my mother until the 
eleventh or twelfth day shall come, or (until) she shall miss me and hear of 


my departure. Here πρίν first introduces ὕτ᾽ ἂν γένηται and then the 


two infinitives, having the same prepositional force with both. But 
. . »ὦὍἍ Α . . 5 ~ “Ψ “ 
in lV. 746, where the same scene 1s described, we have εμευ oO ἕλετο 


, “ ‘ ‘ ‘ " , ‘ Ἃ Ἂ , , ” 5 
μεγαν OpKOV, μή) πρὶν σοι ἐρέειν πρι! δωδεκατὴν YE γενεσθαι ")σ 


, Κ - 


» . ‘ 5 , . 

αὐτὴν ποθέσαι Kal ἀφορμηθεντος ἀκοῦσαι, the simpler and more 

common πρὶν γενέσθαι taking the place of the unwieldy πρὶν Y OT ἂν 

γενηται. The other case is iv. 475: ov πριν μοῖρα φίλους ἰδέειν, πριν 
» 


γ ὅτ᾽ αν Aty ὕπτοιο ὕδωρ ἔλθῃ S- 

642. After Homer and Hesiod πρίν ἄν 18 established as the 
regular form with the subjunctive. £.9. 

My ποτ᾽ ἐπαινήσῃς πρὶν ἂν εἰδῃς ἄνδρα σαφηνέως. THEoG. 963 


i. 


the earliest case of πριν av). Ouvoe λ᾽ ζει πριν ἂν ἢ κορεσῆ KEP ) 
Get Fi ) Kopevy p 


> 4 αν ae Si <a) Iw " ΒΑ 5 ew TS ἡ ap, a. Se OT 
ἕλῃ τις αρχᾶν. AESCH. Prom. 165. On yap TOT εξέι TT per αν KELVGS 


» ΄ἥ Ὁ , , " , “7 . 

Eevapyets O€UPO pol TTT ΤᾺ aywv, ΟΊ shall not depart unt? vou bring 
‘ ‘ Ν ‘ 

those girls and place them before my eyes. SopH. Ὁ. C. 909. Ov ΜμΊ) 








644] CONSTRUCTIONS WITH πρίν 249 


ναῦς ἀφορμίσῃ χθονὸς, πρὶν ἂν κύρην σὴν Ἰφιγένειαν Άρτεμις λάβῃ 
σφαγεῖσαν. Eur. I.'T. 19. Μὴ προκαταγίγνωσκ᾽, & πάτερ, πρὶν ἄν ¥ 
ἀκούσῃς ἀμφοτέρων. Ar. Vesp. 919. Οὐ Ko σε ἐγὼ λέγω (εὐδαί- 
μονα), πρὶν ἂν τελευτήσαντα καλῶς τὸν αἰῶνα πύθωμαι, until I 
shall hear that you have ended your life happily. Hpt. i. 32. Ov χρή 
pe ἐνθένδε ἀπελθεῖν, πρὶν ἂν δῶ δίκην. ΧΕΝ. An, ν:-1..-8; Οὐκ οἷόν 


» 


ὩΣ ε ἣν , a7 ‘ x” A > ~ > / ν ’ 

TE υμᾶς πρότερον εἰὸεναι, πριν αν και εμου aAKOVTNTE ἀπολογουμενοῦ. 
| . ~~ ry 4 A> > , , A a“ ¢ ¢ 

AN ih Σ. ἢ. | ovs O Ov πρότερον παυσονται πρι ν ἂν οὕτως ὥσπερ 
a pa ~ ~ ὴ γὼ πὸ , A ν ‘i 

pas διαθωσι V. 1500. X1V. Ι 8, M πω γέ: πριν ἂν τὸ καυμαὰ παρέλ- 


On, not yet,—untel the heat of the day is past. PLAT. Phaedr, 242 A. 


OPTATIVE. 


643. When a clause with πρίν, until, referring to the future, 
depends on a negative clause containing an optative in protasis 
or apodosis, in a wish, or in a final clause, it may have the 
optative (without av) by assimilation, like a conditional relative 
clause (613, 4), or it may take the infinitive. These cases of 
the optative occur :— 

Οὐ γὰρ ἂν εἰδείης ἀνδρὸς νόον οὐδὲ γυναικὸς, πρὶν πειρὴ θείης, for 
you cannot know the mind of α man or a woman until you have tested it. 
THEOG. 125 (the earliest example). Οὐποτ᾽ ἔγωγ᾽ ἂν, πρὶν ἴδοιμ᾽ ὀρθὸν 
ἔπος, μεμφομένων ἂν καταφαίην, never would I assent when men blame 
him, until I should see the word proved true. Sopu. 0. T. 505. Μὴ 
σταίη πολύκωπον ὄχημα ναὺς αὐτῷ, πρὶν τάνδε TPOS πόλιν ἀνύσειε, 
may his ship of many oars not stop until οἱ makes its way to this erty. 
Id. Tr. 655 ; 50 Phil. 961 (both after optative of wish). Ilapavioxov 
φρυκτοὺς, ὅπως μὴ βοηθοῖεν πρὶν σφῶν ot ἄνδρες οἱ ἐξιόντες dua ύ- 
γοιεν, they raised siqnal torches, that the enemy might not come to the 
rescue until their own men who had gon forth had escaped. Truc. ill. 22. 
Νομίσαντες οὐκ ἂν ἔτι τὸν Βρασίδαν σφῶν προσαποστῆσαι οὐδὲν πρὶν 
παρασκευάσαιντο, thinking that B. would not cause any further 
secessions of their allies until they had made preparations. ΤΠ ἐν ES. 
So Xen. Hell. ii. 3, 45 (two examples). Οὐκ ἂν πρότερον ὁρμήσειε, 
πρίν πῃ βεβαίωσαιτο τὴν σκέψιν τῆς πορείας. Prat. Leg. 799 D. 


3 


"> ΠῚ >, ἡ ‘ ‘ > , ‘ “ort , ‘ ΄ , 
Εἰ ἕλκοι Tis αὐτὸν, καὶ μὴ ἀνειὴ πριν ἐξελκύσειεν εἰς τὸ TOV ἡλίου 


φῶς, if one should drag him, and not let him 40 untol hee had dragged ham 
out into the sunlight. Id. Rep. 515 E. 

These are all the cases of this use of the optative with πρίν cited 
by Sturm. In many cases where the optative could have been used, 
the infinitive appears (see 629). 

644. The optative with πρίν is more frequent in indirect 
discourse after a negative verb of past time, representing ἃ 
subjunctive of the direct form, which is often retained. (See 
the corresponding use of ἕως, 614.) Lg. 


5 ” , 4 7 a 
Οὐκ ἔθελεν φεύγειν πριν πειρήσαιτ' ᾿Ἄχιληος, he would not fly 





250 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [645 


until he should try Achilles. 1]. xxi. 580. (The direct form was πρὶν 
πειρήσωμαι, and πειρήσηται might have been used here. See 1], 
xviii. 190, in 639.) So Hymn. Cer, 334; Hes. Scut. 18. "Edo0€e 
μοι μὴ σῖγα, πρὶν φράσαιμί σοι, τὸν πλοῦν ποιεῖσθαι. SOPH. Ph. 
551. (In Aj. 742 we have πρὶν τύχῃ ina similar sentence.) ᾿Εδέοντο 
μὴ ἀπελθεῖν πρὶν ἀπαγάγοι τὸ στράτευμα (Vv. Ἰ. πρὶν ἂν ἀπαγάγγ). 
Xen. An. vii. 7, 57. (See εἶπον μηδένα τῶν ὄπισθεν κινεῖσθαι πρὶν 
ἂν ὁ πρόσθεν ἡγῆται, Cyr. ii. 2. 8.) ᾿Απηγόρευε μηδένα βάλλειν, 


| 


. ah A ‘ ? κι =p a a 

πριν Kupos ἐμπλ no Get 1) θηρων, until ( yrus should be satis/u d. Id. 
. Π) aA > IAN o » ᾽ > - ‘ > 

Cyr. i, 4, 14. Ηγουνθ οὐδὲν οἷος τ εἰναι κινειν, πριν EKTOOWYV 


2 al 3 κὰν , ‘ " ae ad Υ » of ᾿ » 
ἐκεῖνος αὑτοῖς YEVOLTO. Isoc, xvi. 5. So Prat. Ap. 90 C, Rep. 402 
B, Leg. 678 1). 

For the infinitive, often preferred to the optative in such sentences, 


see 629. 
II piv WITH SUBJUNCTIVE IN GENERAL SUPPOSITIONS. 


645. When the clause introduced by πρίν, until, is 
ceneric, and depends on a negative clause of present time 
expressing customary or repeated action or a general truth, 
we have πρὶν av with the subjunctive (613, 9). Eg. 

“Opoot TOUS πρεσβυτέρους οὐ πρόσθεν ἀπιόντας γαστρὸς ἕνεκα, 
πρὶν ἂν ἀφῶσιν οἱ ἄρχοντες. Χεν. Cyr. 1. 2, 8. Οὐ γὰρ πρότερον 


, ~ , 7 4 " ε ’ Ἃ 
“ -- ~ _——_ ~ ΕΒ , ᾿ ; ᾿ - ; ; “As ᾿ ‘ ov - 
κατΤΉ γοροΝ o> TOLS AKOVOVEO tl lo X VEL, Tp av Oo pevywr Aovva%y TO 3) 


4 > , > 7 * ns 4 , 
TAS προειρημενᾶς αἰτίας ἀπολύσασθαι. AESCHIN. il. 9. Ovdets πωπότε 
> s . , ~ ω Ἶ , ‘ ” ae 
ἐπέθετο (gnomic) πρότερον ΤΊ) του οημου καταλύσει, πριν αν μει(ον 
“A Ἃ , ; , ee ΐ ob > , , " 
τῶν δικαστηρίων LOX VT}). Id. iii. 235. Ov πρότερον TavovTat, πρὶν 
ι 


” ΄ € ,as ‘ ν ὦ ‘ 
ἂν πείσωσιν ovs ἠδίκησαν. Prat. Phaed. 114 B. do Lee, 968 C. 


646. It is doubtful whether the optative was ever used with πρίν 
in the corresponding generic sense. In XEN. An. iv. 5, 30, for πρὶν 
παραθεῖεν the weight of Mss. authority seems to favour πρὶ ν παραθεῖι αι, 
In IL). ix. 48% πρίν Y ὕτε δή σ᾽ ἄσαιμι is of this class. 


647. The principle by which πρίν takes the subjunctive and 
optative only after negative sentences, or sentences which were felt as 
negative, seems to have allowed of no exceptions. The two following 
eases have been cited : 

Αἰσχρὸν δ᾽ ἡγοῦμαι πρότερον παύσασθαι, πρὶν cl ὑμεῖς ὕ Til cil 
βούλησθε ψηφίσησθε, which is practically equivalent to J refuse to 
stop until you have voted what you wish, αἰσχρὸν having elsewhere a 
negative force (see 817). Lys. xxii. 4. “Oores οὖν οἴεται τοὺς ἄλλους 
κοινῇ τι πράξειν ἀγαθὸν, πρὶν ἂν τοὺς προεστῶτας αὐτῶν διαλλά ξῃ, 
λίαν OT) ῶς ἔχει καὶ πόρρω τῶν πραγμάτων ἐστίν, which amounts to 
this : nobody but a simpleton thinks that the others will do anything in 
common until therr leaders «are united. Isoc. iv. 16. In SIMON AM. 























652] CONSTRUCTIONS WITH πρίν 


~~ 


: ce , ; 
1. 12, πριν ικηται eannot be correct, as πριν here does not mean unto, 


= 


but merely before. 


648. IIpiv, like ἕως, ete. (620), sometimes takes the sub- 
junctive without av, even in Attic Greek. 9. 

Μὴ στέναζε πρὶν μάθῃς. SOPH. Ph. 917. So Ant. 619, Aj. 742, 
965, Tr. 608, 946. Οὐκ ἔστιν ὅστις αὐτὸν ἐξαιρήσεται, πρὶν γυναῖκ᾽ 
ἐμοὶ μεθῃ. Eur. Ale. 848. So Or. 1218, 1357. Μὴ, πρίν ¥ 
ἀκούσῃς χἀτέραν στάσιν μελῶν. Ar. Ran. 1281. So Eecl. 629. 
See Hp. i. 32, iv. 157, vi. 82. Even in Attic prose the Mss. omit 
ἄν in some places ; as Tuc. vi. 10, 29, 38, vill. 9 ; Xen. Oec. xii. 1, 
Cyn. iii. 6 ; AESCHLN. iii, 60 ; Hyper. Eux. xx. 10 ( 4); Pat. Theaet. 
169 B, Tim. 57 B; but many editors insert ἄν in all these places on 
their own responsibility. 


> 


649. A few cases of πρὶν ἄν with the optative, if the text is sound, 
are to be explained (like those of ἕως av, 613, 4, end) as indirect 
discourse in which the direct form had πρίν av with the subjunctive. 
See XEN. Hell. ii. 4, 18 (quoted in 702). 


650. In sentences with πρίν we sometimes have a subjunctive 
depending on an optative with ἄν, as in conditional relative 
sentences (556). Lg. 

Οὐκ dv aidv ἐκμάθοις βροτῶν, πρὶν ἂν θάνῃ τις, you cannot 
fully understand the life of mortals, until one dies. Sopx. Tr. 2. Οὐκ 
ἂν ἀπέλθοιμι πρὶν παντάπασιν ἡ ἀγορὰ λυθῃ. XEN. Vee. xis. 1. 
Ἢ λέγοιμει ἄν τι ἀληθὲς, οὐ μὴν σαφές γε οὐδὲ τέλεον πρὶν αὖ (ἢ 
καὶ ταύτας αὐτῆς πάσας περιέλωμεν; Piat. Polit. 281 D. The 
leading verb here has merely the effect of a future form on the 
clause with πρίν. 


Πρὶν ἤ, πρότερον ἤ, AND πάρος, IN THE SENSE OF πρίν. 


651. Πρὶν 3, sooner than, which is a more developed form of 
πρίν, is found twice in the Iliad with the infinitive ; and very 
frequently in Herodotus with the infinitive (only after past 
tenses), the indicative, and the subjunctive (without ἄν). iq. 

Ov μὴν σφῶί γ᾽ ὀίω πρίν γ᾽ ἀποπαύσασθαι πρὶν i) ἕτερόν γε πεσόντα 
αἵματος ἦσαι ἔἈρηα. Il. ν. 287. The same words occur alter πρὶν 1) 
‘1 xxii. 266. Οἱ de Αἰγύπτιοι, πρὶν μὲν ἢ Ψαμμήτιχον σφέων 
βασιλε ῦσαι, ἐνόμιζον ἑωυτοὺς πρώτους γενέσθαι πάντων ἀνθρώπων. 


.“. 4 4 ” 5 , 7 ~ 5 x, 7 
Hprt. 11. Πρὶν yap 1) OT LOW σφεας ἀναπλῶωσαι ες τὰς Σάρδις 


φ) 
o » - " mp > | 4 ἊΝ 7 ’ 
nAW Oo IK 0LT OS. Id. ΕΒ, 1}. (γ). vap ὃη πρότερον ἀπανεστΊ τ γὴν 7) 
] Ι : γὰρ δὴ πρότει »» πρὶν ἢ 


ε , , . " 5 Ἂ , 5 / 
σφεας ὑποχειρίους ἐποιήσατο. Id. vi. 45. Αδικεει ἀναπειθόμενος 
‘ Ἅ 5 ΄ » 7 ** > , , 4 
πρὶν ἢ ATPEKEWS ἐκμάθῃ. Id. vii. 10. Ov πρότερον παυσομαι πρὶν 

“ or 4 , 4 5 , νυ 
i} ἕλω TE Kal πυρώσω Tas A@nvas. Id, Vil. 8. 


652. A few cases of πρὶν ἢ occur In the Mss. in Attic prose, as In 





252 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [653 


Truc. v. 61, and XEN. Cyr. i. 4, 23, Ag. ii. 4, An. iv. 5, 1; but many 
editors omit 7). 


653. Πρότερον ἤ is sometimes used like πρὶν ἤ, in the sense of 
πρὶν. 

This occurs chiefly with the infinitive in Herodotus and Thucyd- 
ides, and with the subjunctive in Herodotus. Πρότερον ἤ with 
the indicative is sometimes used like πρίν, but it more frequently 
expresses a looser relation between two sentences which are in- 
dependent in their construction (654). £9. 

(Infin., only after past tenses.) Tatra ἐξαγγέλθη πρότερον ἢ τὸν 
Δαυρίσην ἀπικέσ θα ἃ, th is was announced before dD. arrived. Hpt. v. 118. 
Ἤσαν οὗτοι TO μὲν πρότερον ἢ Πέρσας ἄρξαι Μήδων κατήκοοι, τότε 
δὲ Κύρου. Id. i. 72. (Πρότερα as adj. for πρότερον) : ταῦτα καὶ πέντε 
γενεῃσι ἀνδρῶν πρότερά ἐστι ἢ Ἥρακλεα ἐν τῇ “Ἑλλάδι γενέσθαι. 
Id. i. 44. "Eri τοὺς πομπέας πρότερον ἢ αἰσθέσθαι αὐτοὺς εὐθὺς 
ἐχώρησεν, before they peree ived them. THUC. vi. 58. Soi. 69. Jesides 
the cases in Herodotus and Thucydides, a few occur in the orators: see 
Dem. Xxxi. 14, and lv. 14 πρότερον ἢ and πρίν together). 

(Subj., without ἄν.) Μὴ ἀπανίστασθαι ἀπὸ τῆς πόλιος πρότερον 
ἢ ἐξέλωσι. Hpr. ix. 86; soix.87. In iv. 196 we have οὔτε πρὶν ἂν 
L7 


( πισωθῃ οὔτε πρότερο V i) Aa βωσι. Besides five cases in Herodotus, 


we have only THUC. vil. 63, μὴ πρότερον ἀξιοῦν ἀπολύεσθαι ἢ aT apa- 
Eyre, and AN r.Tetr. A. a. 2, οὐ πρότερον ἐπιχειροῦσιν ἢ ποι ἥσωνται. 

(Indic. ) Οὐδὲ δεσαν ἐοῦσαν τὴν ἄτραπον) πρότερον ἢ περ 
ἐπύθοντο Τρηχινίων, untel they learned of it, Hpt. vil. 175. Ov 
πρότερον ἐνέδοσαν ἢ αὐτοὶ ἐν σφίσι περιπεσόντες ἐσφάλησαν. 
Tuuc. il. 65. Οὐδ᾽ αὐτὴν ΤῊΝ ἀπόστασιν πρότερον ἐτόλμησαν 
ποιήσασθαι ἢ μετὰ πολλῶν ξυμμάχων ἔμελλον ξυνκινδυνεύσειν. Id. 
villi. 24 (see the following example). Οὐκ ἐν vou ἔχοντες ταύτης τῆς 
ἡμέρης ἐπιθήσεσθαι, οὐδὲ πρότερον ἢ τὸ σύνθημά σφι ἔμελ λε φα- 
γήσεσθαι, i.e. nor did they mean to make an attack untel the signal was 
ready to appear to them. Hot. viii. 7. (With πρίν we should probably 
have had πρὶν ἂν μέλλῃ. Ki ἔμαθε, οὐκ ἂν ἐπαύσατο πρότερον ἢ 
εἷλέ μιν ἢ καὶ αὐτὸς i) Aw, if he had known it, he would not have stopped 
until he had either captured her or had been captured himself indicative in 


unfulfilled condition). Id vill. 93. 


654. In other cases of πρότερον ἤ with the finite moods or the 
‘nfinitive, there is no meaning of until, and ἤ merely connects two 
verbs as when it follows μᾶλλον. Eq. 

’ExéAeve τὸν ἄγγελον ἀπα γέλλειν ὅτι πρότερον ἥξοι ἢ αὐτὸς 
βουλ ἥσεται, he bade thee ΒΟΉΝ r announce that hie should come sooner 
than he wanted him the direct form being ἥξω πρότερον ἢ βουλήσει Ἵ 
Hpr. ἱ. 197. Πολὺ πλεῖον TA Gos TEPLETT IKE! BovAopevw προσιε- 
Val, καὶ πολὺ πρότερον ἢ οἱ φίλοι παρῆσαν, 1.6. much sooner than 
his friends arrived. XEN. Cyr. vil. 5, 41. Πρότερον ἄν τίς μοι δοκεῖ 


5 ~ ἢ ἴϑιρι ε 7 “Δ Ν ς ἢ ᾿ »-»- er vi vw 
€V ΤΊ) οὐ ευρειν }) ὀανει(ομεένος λαβεῖν 1... πρότερον ευροι αν 1) 





658] CONSTRUCTIONS WITH πρίν 253 


‘ny ee . Ὁ , " , "" ‘ 
λάβοι). Id. Mem. ii. 7, 2 : see 1. 2,17. Ilpotepov ἐπεθύμησαν ἢ TOV 
, ” 6 ~ “~ x” nm 
τρόπον ἐγνωσαν. Piat. Phaedr. 232 E. Compare μᾶλλον ἢ (yy, 

Xen. Mem. iv. 4, 4. 
So with πρόσθεν 7), which is not used like πρίν ; as πρόσθεν ἢ σὺ 
5 , ma > 3 , r — “δ ᾿ - ee 
ἐφαΐνου, TOUT ἐκηρύχθη. Sopu. O. ΓΤ. 736. See also XEN. An. 11. 1, 
b , eo / " > )} 7 . a ἫΝ ἊΣ , 
10, ἀπεκρίνετο OTL T POT θεν av ἀποθάνοιεν ἢ τὰ ὅπλα παραδοιησαν, 
they answered, that they would die before they would give up their arms. 
655. Thucydides once uses ὕστερον ἤ with the infinitive, after the 
analogy of πρότερον ἤ : πρὶν δὲ ἀναστῆναι, ἔτεσιν ὕστερον ἑκατὸν ἢ 
» 4 " " ~ I 7 , / 4 Ε o~ / 
αὐτοὺς OLKHTAL, Ιάμμιλον πέμψαντες Σελινοῦντα κτίζουσιν, before 
they were removed, and a hundred years after their own settlement, vi. 4. 


656. Πάρος, before, which is originally an adverb like πρίν, 
‘s used in Homer with the infinitive, but never with the other 
moods. £.9. 


ry? b ld sf Καὶ , Ἀ , . 
Γέκνα ἀγροται ἐξείλοντο πάρος TETENVE γενεσθαι. Od. xvi. 918. 


Ἔνθα pe KDE ἀπόερσε, πάρος τάδε ἔργα γενέσθαι. ll. vi. 348. 
Οὐδέ of ὕπνος πῖπτεν ἐπὶ ey, εφάροισι πάρος καταλέξαι ἅπαντα. 
Od, xxiii. 309. 

Πάρος with the ‘nfinitive occurs twelve times in Homer, always 
after affirmative sentences (except in Od. xxill. 309). 


Πρίν (AS ADVERB), πάρος, πρότερον, πρόσθεν, ETC., BEFORE 
πρίν, IN THE LEADING SENTENCE. 


657. Homer very frequently has the adverb πρίν, and occa- 
sionally other adverbs of the same meaning, in the clause on 
which zpiv with the infinitive or subjunctive depends. E.q. 

Μὴ πρὶν ἐπ᾿ ἠέλιον δῦναι, πρίν με κατὰ πρηνὲς βαλέειν Πριάμοιο 
μέλαθρον, may the sun not (sooner) go down before T have thrown to the 
ground Priam’s palace (the first πρίν emphasising in advance the idea 
of the second). Il. ii. 413. So 1]. 1. 97, ii. 348, 354, iv. 114; Od. 
iv. 747; Il. ix. 403 (τὸ πρίν). Οὐ γάρ μιν πρόσθεν παύσεσθαι 
ὀίω. πρίν γ᾽ αὐτόν με ἴδηται. Od. xvii. 7. So with ov yap πω. Od. 
x. 174," 

658. In Attic Greek πρότερον or πρόσθεν frequently stands in 
the clause on which πρίν depends, like the adverb πρίν in Homer 


(657). E.q. 


ν , ; ‘ ~ » ~ = 
Ἀποθνῃσκουσι πρότερον πριν δηλοι γίγνεσθαι οἷοι ἦσαν. XEN, 


(" ᾿: Ἶ Ἶ ° ( K 4 ed , = ΄ ) 5 4 5 ΄ 
yr. V. ὦ, υ. αι ετι 1 ρότερον, 7 ρ' ves THV | OOOV GAUTOVS αναστη- 


1 See Sturm, pp. 299, 261-263, who calls attention to the decrease of the 
double πρίν in the Odyssey. Of 45 cases of πρίν with the infinitive in the 
Iliad, 20 have a preceding πρίν or other adverb ; of 30 cases in the Odyssey, 
only 10 have such an adverb. Besides πρίν or τὸ πρίν in the leading clause in 
Homer, πάρος occurs three times, and πρόσθεν and πρότερος each once. © Before 
πρίν with the subjunctive in Homer such an adverb is always found, πρίν twice, 
οὔπω or μήπω three times, and πρόσθεν once. 





254 INDIRECT DISCOURSE [659 


vat, τάδε ἐπράσσετο. THUC. viii. 45. Πρότερον οὐκ ἦν γένος ἀθανά- 
των, πρὶν ἔρως ξυνέμιξεν ἅπαντα. AR. Av. 700. Οὐ πρότερον πρὸς 
ἡμᾶς τὸν πόλεμον ἐξέφηναν, πρὶν ἐνόμισαν, κιτιλ. XEN. An. iii. 1, 
16. Οὐ τοίνυν ἀποκρινοῦμαι πρότερο ν, πρὶν ἂν πύθωμαι. Prat. 
Euthyd. 295C. Καὶ οὐ πρόσθεν ἔστησαν, πρὶν (ἢ) πρὸς τοῖς πεζοῖς 
τῶν ᾿Ασσυρίων ἐγένοντο. XEN. Cyr. i. 4, 23. Δεῖται αὐτοῦ μὴ πρό- 
σθεν καταλῦσαι πρὶν ἂν αὐτῷ συμβουλεύσηται. XEN. An. i. 1, 10. 
The formula ov πρότερον παύσασθαι πρίν with the indicative in the 
orators is familiar (see 634), 

659. Other adverbs of time sometimes occur in the leading clause : 
thus πάροιθεν. . . πρίν, Sopu.*El. 1131; οὔπω. . . πρίν, Tuuc. 
vi. 71, viii. 9. ΠΡρίν (used as in Homer) occurs twice in Euripides, 
and before πρὶν ἢ in Hor. i. 165. Even πρό in composition may 
refer to a following πρίν, as tpotdatpov tas ἐκκλησίας πρὶν ἐπιδη- 
) TWV 


Ia 4 


μῆσαι τοὺς πρέσβεις, AESCHIN. ii. 61. See Dem. iv. 41, οὐδὲ πρὶ 
’ “~ Ia 4 ” , Os) 

πραγμάτων T POOPATE OVOEV, TPLV ἂν πύθησθε. 

660. Φθάνω in the leading sentence may emphasise a follow 
᾿ 2 ᾿ 
ing πρίν. ΒΜ. 

ΠΡ 2 , ‘ , a A " rr 

4, φθη ν αἰνῆσας πρὶν σου κατὰ TavTa δαῆὴναι ηθεα. [HEOG. 
969 (see 887). So 1]. xvi. 322, ἔφθη opeEapevos πρὶν οὐτάσαι. 
i d > , 4 ” ‘ ) aa “ Ἂ 
Kp énoa ν ἀπικόμενοι πρὶν ἢ τοὺς βαρβάρους ἠκειν, they arrived 
)6 ‘ore [72 ar MULT TANS came. oT. Vi. >: SO 1X. 70. ἡἥσονται 
be the barl Hpr 11. 0θ. Φθηή 
πλεύσαντες πρὶν Χίους αἰσθέσθαι. TuHuc. viii. 12. ΦΘ ναι συμβα- 
λόντες πρὶν ἐλθεῖν τοὺς βοηθήσοντας, to join battle before the auxiliaries 
should come up. Isoc. iv. 87. 

661. In Hpr. vi. 108 we find the infinitive depending on φθάνω 
: ἢ, the verb implying πρότερον or πρίν: φθαίητε ἂν πολλάκις 
ἐξανδραποδισθέντες ἢ τινα πυθέσθαι ἡμέων, you would often be 
reduced to slavery before any of us heard of τέ. 


SECTION VIII. 


Indirect Discourse or Oratio Obliqua, including Indirect 
Quotations and Questions. 


662. The words or thoughts of any person may be 
quoted either directly or indirectly. A direct quotation is 
one which gives the exact words of the original speaker or 
writer. An indirect quotation is one in which the original 
words conform to the construction of the sentence in which 


- 


they are quoted. Thus the expression ταῦτα βούλομαι may 


be quoted either directly (in oratio recta), as λέγει τις 


“ταῦτα βούλομαι"; or indirectly (in oratio obliqua), as 











664] INDIRECT DISCOURSE 


λέγει Tis OTL ταῦτα βούλεται Or φησί Tis ταῦτα βούλεσθαι, 


SOME ONE SAYS that he wishes for these. 


663. Indirect quotations may be introduced by ὅτε or 
ὡς and occasionally by other particles (negatively ὅτε οὐ, 
ὡς ov, etc.) with a finite verb; sometimes by the infinitive 
without a particle ; sometimes also by the participle. 

1. Ὅτι, that, was originally the neuter relative 6 τι, used as a 
limiting accusative, in respect to which (or what), as to which, how far, 
etc. In Homer ὃ, neuter of the relative ὅς, is used like ὅτε (709, 1). 
Thus οἶδα 6 τι (or ὃ) κακὰ μήδεται at first meant J know as to what hi 
plans evil, or I know about his planning evil, and afterwards came to 
mean I know that hu plans evil. 


2. Qs, the relative adverb of manner (312, 1), in this construction 


originally meant in what manner, how ; and afterwards became estab- 
lished in the same sé@nse as ὅτε, that. Compare the German use of 
wre (how) in narration, How for that is heard in vulgar English as 
Ϊ told him how Ϊ Saw thes . and how that Was once in cood use in this 


τ 


sense for that. “Ozws is sometimes used like ὡς in indirect discourse 
706). 

3. By a use similar to that of ὡς (2), οὕνεκα and 60ovvexa are some- 
times weakened from their meaning for which purpose, wherefore, to the 
same sense as ὅτι and ws, that (710, 1). These words are also used 
in a causal sense, because, like ὅτι, 6, and ws (712). 

On the other hand, διότι, because, sometimes has the sense of ὅτι, 
that 710. 8 


4. Ore, when, in Homer sometimes loses its temporal force, and 
approaches ὅτε in meaning (709, 3). 


664. 1. Indirect quotations with ὅτι, ws, ete., form the chief part 
of the class of substantive sentences, in which an assertion introduced 
by one of these particles is the subject or the object of a verb, But 
these sentences have no peculiar construction, except after verbs 
unplying thought or the expression of thought (verba sentiendi et de- 
clarandi), as they elsewhere have the simple indicative or any other 
form which would be used in the corresponding independent assertions. 
See οὐχ ἅλις ὡς ἐκείρετε κτήματ᾽ ἐμά, is it not enough that you wasted 


s Ἶ se ‘ 4 7 Ἂ ” o ¢ , is 

my property ’ Od, ii. 312 ; πολὺ κέρδιον ἔπλετο ὅττι ὑπόειξεν, 1]. xv. 

ς ς Al es .ἘΞ ” 4 ΑΘ ~ er 4 7 ) ~ ΄ “~ ¢ ᾿ 

2 ; τοῦτο ἄξιον ἐπαινεῖν, OTL TOV φόβον διέλυσαν τῶν λλήνων 
ν ) = ~ b ] . ie - ΓΙ > ΄ ‘ > 

(668), Prat. Menex. 241 B: τοῦτ᾽ ἀδικεῖ. ὅτι ἃ χρείον τὴν ἐπιείκειαν 


- 


καθίστησιν, Dem. xx. 155. 
2. The infinitive of indirect discourse belongs to the large class of 
subject and object infinitives (745 ; 746; 751), being distinguished 
from the others of this class by preserving the time of its tense from 
the finite verb which it represents (85 ; 667, 3). 
ἱ See Si hmitt. Ueher di ἡ) ly Prung des Substantivsatzes mit Re lativpartt- 


7 ; δι Ὁ ᾽ , . 2 ° . 
κί LiL GOT leciischen, 10 Schanz S bi itragqe, He it 8. 








256 INDIRECT DISCOURSE (665 


665. 1. Indirect questions may be introduced by εἰ — 

(rarely by ἄρα), and also by interrogative eS eee 
adjectives, and adverbs, and by most relatives. ἡ ἜΝ re 
indirect questions may be introduced by πότερον (πότερα εν * 
δ. , πα... διὰ εἴτε. whether . .. ΟΥ̓ 
Edy or ἤν never means whether (see 493). 
2. In Homer single indirect questions (when they “αν 
introduced by interrogatives) generally have ἢ Or εἰ, ὌΝ ; 
and alternative questions have ἡ (ἠέ) . . . ἦ (je), Sometimes εἰ 
re... Cc Te, whether .. . OF. , | 

Bekker never allows εἰ or εἴ τε in indirect questions in Homer, 
always writing ἢ or ἢ re, without regard to the Mss. a= 

3, Indirect questions follow the same principles as indirect 
quotations with ὅτι or ὡς, in regard to their moods and tenses. 
(For examples, see 669.) 

666. The term indirect discourse or oratio obliqua includes all 
clauses which express indirectly the words or —— — 
person (including those of the speaker himself), = = Ε be τῆν 
imply thought or the expression of thought (verba ΡΗ lend Be 
declarandi), and after such expressions as φαίνεται, it appears, 
δοκεῖ, it seems, δῆλόν ἐστιν, it 18 evident, races ἐστιν, etc. ee 

The term may be further applied to any single ΒΝ τῷ 
clause, in any sentence, which indirectly expresses ἣν» : oem 
of any other person than the speaker (or past thoug as " » 
speaker himself), even when the preceding or following clause: 
are not in indirect discourse. (See 694 and 684.) 


GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 


667. The following are the general principles of ag 2 
discourse, the particular applications of which are shown 1n 669- 
sh . . . 

1. In indirect quotations after ὅτε or ws and In indirect 
yueStLONS, 7 
ss = after primary tenses, each verb retains both = 
mood and the tense of the direct discourse, no change 


γ (Ὑ > os ᾿ ' re 1e 
being made except (when necessary) in the person ol tl 


verb ; 2 | tes 
(b) after secondary tenses, each primary tense 0 l 
indicative and each subjunctive of the direct discourse may 


. same tense of the optative or 
be either changed to the same _ tenst | 

















668] PRINCIPLES OF INDIRECT DISCOURSE 257 


retained in its original mood and tense. The imperfect and 
pluperfect, having no tenses in the optative, are generally 
retained in the indicative (but see 673). An aorist 
indicative belonging to a dependent clause of the direct 
discourse remains unchanged, but one belonging to the 
leading clause may be changed to the optative like a 
primary tense. 


2. Secondary tenses of the indicative expressing an 


unreal condition, indicatives with av, and all optatives 
(with or without dv), are retained, with no change in either 
mood or tense, after both primary and secondary tenses. 

3. When the quotation depends on a verb which takes 
the infinitive or participle, the leading verb of the quotation 
is changed to the corresponding tense of the infinitive or 
participle, after both primary and secondary tenses, av being 
retained if it is in the direct form; and the dependent verbs 
follow the preceding rules. 

4. The adverb dy is never joined with a verb in indirect 
discourse unless it stood also in the direct form. On the 
other hand, ἄν is never omitted in indirect discourse if 
it was used in the direct form; except that, when it is 
joined to a relative word or a particle before : subjunctive 
in direct discourse, it is regularly dropped when the sub- 
junctive is changed to the optative after a past tense in 
indirect discourse. 


0. The indirect discourse regularly retains the same 
negative particle which would be used in the direct form. 
But the infinitive and participle sometimes take μή in 
indirect discourse where οὐ would be used in the direct 
form, (See examples under 685 and 688.) In indirect 
questions introduced by εἰ, whether, and in the second part 
of alternative indirect questions (665), μή can be used as 
well as ov. 

668. As an indirect quotation or question is generally the object 
or subject of its leading verb, it may stand in apposition with a pronoun 
like τοῦτο which represents such an object or subject ; as τοῦτο λέγο- 
μεν, ὅτι σοφός ἐστιν, we say this, that he is wise; τοῦτο δῆλόν ἐστιν. 
ὅτι σοφός ἐστιν, this is plain, that he is wise ; τοῦτο σκεψόμεθα, εἰ 
ἀληθῆ λέγεις, we shall inquire into this, whether you tell the truth. 

S 





INDIRECT DISCOURSE 


SIMPLE SENTENCES IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 


Indicative and Optative after ort and ws, and in Indirect 


Vuest LONS. 


669. When the direct form is an indicative (without av) 


in a simple sentence, we have (667, 1) the following rules 


for indirect quotations after ὅτε or ws and for indirect 


questions :— 
1. After primary tenses the verb stands in the indicative, 


in the tense of the direct discourse. Lg. 
bet, he Says that he is writing ; Aeyel ὁτι ἐγρα φεν, 


Af ει ὅτι γάς 
é τς γέγραφεν, he Says that he has 


he says that he was writing ; anya ὅτι ; , 
Νὰ : - a 
written ; λέγει ὅτι ἐ YEVE pad het, he says that he had written ; λέγει ΟἽ 


ἔγραψεν, he Says that he 


shall write. 
Lid OTL οἱ σῶς εἰμι 


wrote : Neves ὅτι γράψει, he says that he 
, ͵ 


καὶ ἐκ Πύλου εἰλ ἡ} λουθα. say that [am safe 


Ἶ ΄ “ iv 
and have come from Pylos. Od. xvi. 131. “Or τρυνον δ᾽ ᾿Αχιλῆι εἰ a 
OTTL pa οἱ πολὺ φίλτατος ὥλεθ᾽ ἑταῖρος, urge him to tell Achall 8 that 
his dearest friend perished. Il. xvil. 654. See » 663, 1.) ἣν νωτὸν O€ ὡς 


ἤδη Τρώεσσιν ὀλέθρου 7 πείρατ 


: ἐφῆπται. Il. vii. 401. 
στιν ἀδικώτερον φήμης N. 1. 125. 
Λέγει. γὰρ ὡς οὐδέν ἐστιν ἀδικώτερον φήμης. AESCHI 


ἱ ἔ έ 1] 4 4d 4 ἰστ €, ὅτι 

Οὐ γὰρ ἂν τοῦτό y εἴποις, ὡς ἔλαθεν. Id. ii. 151 | Pity 

45 4 ἐννοεῖν 

πλεῖστον διαφέρει φήμη καὶ συκοφανΊ ria. Ib. 148. AX — 

xX ”) TOUTO μὲν, Fe vaix OTL ἔφυ μεν. SopH. Ant. 61. Καὶ ταῦ! os 
50 Ἵπασι πλειους 7 eve 


ἀληθὴ λέγω, καὶ ὅτι οὔτε ἐδόθη ἡ ψῆφος ἐν στ᾿ 
VOVTO TOV yy φισαμέν ως μάρτυρας ὑμῖν 7 παρέξομαι, Ϊ sha TUNG iL - 
nesses to show that 1 sper tk the truth, ete. Dem. lvii. 14. . 

(Indirect Que stions. "E ἡρωτᾷ τί βού λοντα ty he asks what they 
want : ἐρωτᾷ τί ποι ἥσου σιν. he asks what th y will μὲ ' “ 

Sy de φράσαι εἴ με. σαώσεις Bekker ἢ pe Ξ _ ee yor _— ᾿ 
ii. 1. 83. Lada δ᾽ οὐκ οἷὸ εἰ Geos ἐστιν. 


> 


μαίνετ at ἐν 


| » 


whether you will save me. , οὐκ οἱὸ 
Il. v. 183. "“Odpa καὶ KxtTwp εἰσεται ἢ καὶ ἐμὸν δόρυ ᾿ 


Ι . αἱ i] "Od γα δαῶμεν Ν stone 
παλάμῃσιν (Vv. 1. εἰ Kat). Il. viii. 111. f | 2 


11 ΦὩΩΩ - ἃ ) 
Κάλχας μαντεύεται ἦε καὶ οὐκί. ll. , ZYY: so ( ἃ. iv 
. ; 
‘Os εἴτ ἢ ὅ τι τόσσον ἐχώσατο Ἔτω Ἀπόλλων, εἰ 


εὐχωλῆς ἐπιμέμφεται εἰ θ᾽ ἑκατόμβης Bekker "τ᾽ 


i. 64: see il. 349. ΠΠύστεις ἐρωτὼν τες εἰ λῃστα 


: thong 
° - a = . . c 
whether they are prrates. THUC. 1. ὃ. Ki ξυμπονήσεις Kat & 


- eT: = oe δ᾽ 
SorH. Ant. 41. See EuR. Ale. 784. υβοιίς ΟἹ 


λέγειν. ΞΟΡΗ. Tr. 401, ᾿ρωτᾳς ει Ov καλὴ 
: > = 
k whether ut does not seem to me to be ine, PLAT. 


εἰσιν, asking 


, ’ 
άἀσει σκόπει. 
ἔβλαστεν οὐκ ἔχω 
“9 δοκεῖ εἶναι. you as 


Gorg. 462 D. Βουλόμενος ἐρέσθαι εἰ μαθών τίς τι μεμνημένος μ ἢ 
ε Ἰ) ov, Id. Re Ρ. 


αναγκΚῆ 07) του σέ 


οἶδεν. Id. Theaet. 168 D. Σκοπῶμεν εἰ ἡμῖν πρέπει 
151 Ὁ. Τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸ, εἰ χαίρεις ἢ μὴ χαίρεις, 














669] SIMPLE SENTENCES IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 259 
ἀγνοεῖν. Id. Phil. 21 B. (For οὐ and μή in the last four examples, 
representing ov of the direct que stion, see 667, 5.) say vga 
ὡς κρατῶν αι iT εἴ τὰ ὅπλα ἢ ὡς διὰ φιλίαν δῶρα. XEN. An. ii, ae 
Σήμαιν᾽ ΕἰΤ EVE! χῶρον πρὸς αὐτὸν τόνδε Y εἴτ᾽ ἃ 1 Ay κυρεῖ. SopH. 
Ph, 22. Kite κατὰ τρόπον κεῖται εἴτε py, οὕτω θεᾶσθαι. Prat. 
Crat. 425 Β (667, 5). See also Xen, Cyr. ii. 1, 7 (εἰ. . . εἴτε μὴ); 
Eur. Ale. 139 δ. . , re. Hei πάντων lowpev, ἄρ᾽ οὑτωσὶ γί. 
γνεται πάντα. ῬιΑτ. Phaed. 70 D. (Apa regularly introduces only 
lireet questions, ) 

It is to be noticed that indirect questions after primary tenses retain 
an indicative of the direct question in Greek, where the subjunctive is 
used j Latin, Thus, nesclo quis sit a know not who he 18, in Greek 
Is ios ly ἀγνοῶ τίς ἐστιν. This dues not apply to indirect questions 
which would require the subjunctive in the direct form (677 

4. After secondary tenses the verb may be either changed 

the optative or retained in the indicative, the tense of the 
direct discourse being retained in either case. The optative 
is the more common form. Eg. 


"EX δ oe γι. ΡΞ Ξ 5 : "τς 
sAECEV OTE Ypaypot Or OTt ypaper), he said that he was writing : 


1,6, he said γράφω. ᾿λεξεν ὅτι γεγραφὼς εἴη (or ὅτι γέγρ αφεν), 
he said that he had written ᾿ς 1.6, he said γέγραφα. ᾿ἤλεξεν ὅτι γρά- 
yor or OTt Ύ γράψ 15 hee sard that he should write M4 i.e. he said γράψω. 
᾿Ἔλεξεν ὅτι γράψειεν (or ὅτι ἔγραψεν), he said that he had written ; 
1.6. he said ἐγραψα. For the imperfect and pluperfect, see 672. 

Upti itive.) “Ever λησε φρον ματος τοὺς ᾿Αρκάδας, λέ γων ὡς μόνοις 
μὲν αὐτοῖς πατρὶς Πελοπόννησος εἴη, πλεῖστον δὲ τῶν ᾿Βλληνικῶν 
φῦλον τὸ ᾿Αρκαδικὸν εἴη, καὶ σώματα ἐγκρατ τέστατα ἔχοι. XEN, 
Hell. vii. 1, 23. (He said μόνοις μὲν ὑμῖν ἐστι, πλεῖστον δέ ἐστ 
καὶ σώματα ἔχει: these indicatives might have been used in the εἴων e 
of εἴη, εἴη, and ἔχοι.) "KAeye δὲ ὁ Πελοπίδας ὅτι Ἀργεῖοι καὶ 
᾿Αρκάδες μάχῃ ἡττημέ νοι εἶεν ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων, i.e. he said that 
they had been defeated (he said ἥττηνται), Ib. vii. 1, 35. So Hp, i. 
83 (perf. and pres.) ᾿Ὑπειπὼν τἄλλα ὅτι αὐτὸς τἀκεῖ πράξοι. ᾧχετο, 
having hinted that he would himself attend to affairs there. Tuuc. 1. 90. 
He said τἀκεῖ πραξ fw, and sae is might have been retained. See 


25. ae) δὲ εἶπ εν τι ἔσοιν TO he sald ET OVTat). XEN, (‘vr. Vil. 9, 
» ς, a Ν - τς i : 
9. ἔλεξαν ὅτι πέμ ψ eve mee O LVOWV βασιλεὺς, κελεῖων ἐρωταν 
ef ) y , Μ - ᾽ - . 
εξ OTOV O πόλεμος ει, they said that the king of the Indians had sent 
them, commanding them to ask on what account there was war, Ib. 1]. 4, 
rg The y said ἔπεμψεν ἡμᾶς, and the question to be asked was ἐκ 
, ε , . 7 > , > τ e 5, 
TLVOS ἐστὶν ο πόλεμος : ἔλεγον OTL OV πωποῦ OUTOS O ποταμὸς 
they said that this rive i had quever 


heen (ἐγένε Το fordabl except then : Id. An. 1. 4 - 18. Περικλῆς προη- 


; 


Ν 2 μὰ 

διαβατὸς γένοιτο πεζῇ) εἰ μὴ τότε, 
, ay > 7 ad 

γόρευε τοις Αθηναίοις, ΟΤι "Ap ᾿Ἰχίδαμος μέν οἱ oes εἰ ἢ» οὐ μέντοι ἐπὶ 

κακᾳ γε TS πόλεως γέ VOLTO, he announced that A. was his friend, but 

that he had not been made his friend to the injury of the state. THuc. ii. 





200 INDIRECT DISCOURSE [669 


, 5 / ‘aa > . 

13. (He said ξένος μοί ἐστιν, οὐ μέντοι ἐγένετο. He 116, ὃ : 

». ᾿ς εἰ 2 i ‘n # in a ee 9 ς 

124. 1.) "Eyvooav ὅτι Kevos ὃ φόβος εἰη. me ἘΞ ii. 2, 21. 
or rae K 4 > , » , 

“Ὁ 7 4 4 5 πό . OVAOVTO ΤῊΡ λαταιαν προ- 
ΠΡρροϊδόντες OTL ἔσοιτο ᾿ οι ὄλεμος, ἐβ ᾿ λ = J / “a “ae τα 
καταλαβεῖν Tauce. ii. 2. ᾿Επειρώμην avt@ δεικνύναι, OTL OLOLTO | 

“a »” a> ” >) “-- 4) ᾿ 
εἶναι σοφὺς, εἴη δ᾽ ov, PLAT. Ap. 21 C. ἘΠῚ ἘΞ ae ae 
"Rh δ ἃ ‘Cov αἱ τὴν π᾿ » ἕξειν ᾿ 
(Indicative. ) ἔλεγον ὡς ἐλπὶι ζουσιν σέ καὶ ΤῊΝ 1 ὁ “ —" ! 
touv. they said that they hoped, ete. 1800. v. 23. (They said ἐλπίζομεν, 
χάριν, Mrey ὁ . ‘ 2) 7s *Hxe δ᾽ ἀγγέλλων Tis 
which might have been changed to ἐλπίζοιεν.) KE ὁ GY YEAd he 
" ἊΝ , , ᾿ . . ᾿ Ν᾿ 
ὡς τοὺς πρυτάνεις ὡς KAareva κατείληπται, some one had come wrth 
' “ 4 . 
’ τὰ . Ἶ ‘Vill 69. (Here the perf. 
the report that Elatea had been taken. Dem. ier ee 2 ste 
. : , OVE YOUS €T La περι ἐμου AE) ; 
opt. might have been used.) Acvovs λόγοι s ony pes ων ! ie dew 
‘ A > > Ν 2 N Ν F ~ . a f ᾿ L=- 
ὡς ἐγὼ τὸ πραγμ ειμι Toure os Gpeees. ( ; eg er ged 
μενος γάρ με ἃ καὶ λέγειν ἂν ὀκνήσειε τις, τὸν TATEPA "ὦ να ἐμάν ὁ 
ἐγὼ τὸν ἐμαυτοῦ, κιτιλ. Id. xxii. 2. Pavepws εἰπεν OTL ἢ μὲν πολὶς 
od ῶν τετείχισται ἤδη, Iu said that their city had already ἧς ‘ 
nt χι L é = = , ees : 
fortified TuHuc. 1. 91. ᾿Αποκρινάμενοι OTL πεμψουσιι πρέσβεις, 
. : ey δὲ . i ee “| above from 
εὐθὺς ἀπήλλαξαν. Id. i. 90. (ΟἹ. oTe Tpacot, γον ᾽ "ὁ ; 
the same chapter.) Ἢ ἔδεσαν ὅτι τοὺς ATEVEYKOVTAS OLKETAS spout ἢ 
wc 4 . \ 
: πο ὦ 5 Fe eht have been used.) 
σομεν. Dem. xxx. 23. ( Kgae7 ἤσοιμεν mig] b ee 
τόλμα λέγειν ὡς ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ἐχθροὺς ep ἑαυτὸν εἴλκυσε καὶ vu 
4i / L 5 
ΓΤ ὁ κυ Bie 4d, ἐκ 60 
εν TOL eT XATOLS εστι KLVOVVOLS, . ΔΑΙΥ . 2 ; ΞΞ yn 
/ , = pee . -- Ὶ 
(Indirect Questions.) "Hpwrycev αὐτὸν τί ποιοίη (Or Te ποίει) 
he asked him what he was doing ; 1.6. he asked Tl ποίεις; Ηρώτησει 
πεποίη κεν), he asked ham what he had 


4 vv , 
αὐτὸν τί TETOLYKWS ει ἢ ΟΥ̓ Tt Ε . αὶ παρὸ ; = 
TETOLIKAS , Ηρώτησεν νόμων TL Ἅ OLS ἀν 
what he should do: Le. he asked Tt 


΄ 


: tases 
done; i.e. he asked τι 


(or τί ποιήσειν), le asked him 
ποιήσεις; Ἢρώτησεν αὑτὸν τὶ ποιήσειεν (or τί 


4 ree : δ΄ ἢ , <e 
asked him what he had done 9 1.6. he asked Τί € Zi vey - Ss 
: ] ¥ 1.6, he WE nl to 


, 


ἐποίησεν), he 


» , ᾿ εξ Ὁ 4 : , - ” που ἔτ 

'Ὡιχετο πευσόμενος μετα ows κλέος, 1) ( de 1 . a 4 ee 
} ΥΣ thether you were still living. Od. xin. 415. Δλληλοὺυς 1 
vnquire whether Ἢ , ie a . 7 si ἀν 
ἢ καὶ πόθεν ἔλθοι (i.e. τὶς ἐστιν καὶ ποῦεν ἡλσεν ;). 


᾽ 


ἴροντο τίς εἰ 
na ssik 368. "Hpero, εἰ τις ἐμοῦ εἴη σοφώτερος, he asked snetner 
any one was wiser than I. PLA. Ap. 21 A. Che direct — - 
ae τις σοφώτερος : Ὅ Tt O€ Tosyoos ον wesssadhs γα, ἀῴ, pul ἐξ ou 
γιοί indicate what ju would do. XEN, An, 1. Ὁ, Ze rai Che direct Seow 
was τί ποι oro i ᾿Επειρώτα, τινα θεύτέρον μετ ποῦμε Ot i he 
whom he had seen who cane next to him. ΗΡΊ. 1 ol. rhe direct 


᾿ .» , , 2 ἘΠ κῷ he asked 
° i oe το Ξ: 4 cap “( θεν Aabot ΤΟΙ 7 (toad, Sk 
question Was τινα εἰ OES, Kipe TO KO [ έ 


whence he had received the boy. Id. 1. 116. πρώτων. αὐτὸν εἰ 
Ϊ asked ham whether he had set sail with the 


5 
ava- 


, vw : 5 ee 
πλεύσειεν ἐχὼν ἀργύριον, 


BE The direc sti was avewAevoas; See 
money, Dem. τὶ &5. (Th direct question 


125 and 670, b.) oe 
ἐν " “ ) (ων ἱκόμην, ἢ asked what ] wanted that ] CLINE, 
myers sre eee ΚΕ , tein what he 

ii 2 "Hr ρουν TL πότε λεγει, I was uncertain wha ' 

Od. xvii. 120. we é ον ht | | used "EBov 
ς ) Te 5 eht have been used. 4 . 

meant. PLAT. Ap. 1 B. HH re λέγοι mie 7 2 J 
λεύονθ᾽ οὗτοι τίν᾽ αὐτοῦ καταλείψουσιν, they were consutering whom 
͵ voV ‘ ‘ i on “ , . + 


a "E τώντων τινῶν διὰ τὶ are 
they should leave here. DEM. XIX. 123. ρωτωι ΤΡ TLVW@V OU 7 7 


Gaver, παραγγέλλειν ἐκέλευεν, κιτιλ. XEN. Hell. it. 1, 4. 




















671] SIMPLE SENTENCES IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 261 


670. (a) After past tenses the indicative and optative are in 
equally good use; the optative being used when the writer 
incorporates the quotation entirely into his own sentence, and 
the indicative when he quotes it in the original words as far as 
his own construction allows. The indicative here, like the sub- 
junctive in final clauses after past tenses (318), is merely a more 
vivid form of expression than the optative, with no difference in 
meaning. We even find both moods in the same sentence. £.g. 

Οὗτοι ἔλεγον ὅτι Κῦρος μὲν τέθνηκεν, ᾿Αριαῖος δὲ πεφευγὼς 
ἐν τῷ σταθμῷ εἴη καὶ λέγοι, κιτιλ. XEN. An. ἢ, 1, 3. (Here 
τέθνηκεν contains the most important part of the message.) "Ex δὲ 
τούτου ἐπυνθάνετο ἤδη αὐτῶν καὶ ὁπόσην ὁδὸν διήλασαν, καὶ εἰ 
οἰκοῖτο ἡ χώρα. Id. Cyr. iv. 4,.4. ᾿Ετόλμα λέγειν, ὡς χρέα τε 
πάμπολλα ἐκτέτικεν ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ καὶ ὡς πολλὰ τῶν ἐμῶν λάβοιεν. 
Dem. xxvii. 49. Ὅμοιοι ἦσαν θαυμάζειν ὅποι ποτὲ τρέψονται οἱ 
Ἕλληνες καὶ τί ἐν νῷ ἔχοιεν. XEN. An. iii, 5, 13. 

(b) The perfect and future were less familiar than the other tenses 
of the optative, so that these tenses were sometimes retained in the 
indicative even when the present or the aorist was changed to the 
optative. See the last two examples under (a). In indirect questions 
the aorist indicative was generally retained (see 125). Some writers 
(as Thucydides) preferred the more direct forms in all indirect dis- 
course (320). 


671. In Homer this construction (669) is fully developed in 
indirect questions: see examples of both indicative and optative in 
669, 1 and 2. But in indirect quotations, while the indicative is 
freely used after both present and past tenses, the change of the 
indicative to the optative after past tenses had not yet been introduced. 
In the single case of εἰπεῖν ὡς with the optative, μερμήριξε... ἕκαστα 
εἰπεῖν, ὡς eX Pow καὶ UKOLT ἐς πατρίδα γαῖαν, he hesitated about telling 
him each eve nt, how he had returned, etc., Od. xxiv. 237, ὡς appears only 
on its way from its meaning how (663, 2) to its later use with the 
optative as that. We first find the optative in genuine oratio obliqua 
with ὡς) Hymn. Ven. 214, εἶπεν ws ἔοι. Further, the later principle 
by which the indicative after past tenses (when it is not changed to the 
optative) retains the tense of the direct form is almost unknown in the 
Homeric language. Here a present or perfect indicative of the direct 
discourse after a past tense is changed to an imperfect or plupertfect ; 
so that I knew that he was planning evil, which in Attie would be 
ἐγίγνωσκον ὅτι κακὰ μ 1) 0OLTO ‘or μ 1 O€TUL), in Homer is γίγνωσκον 
ὅ (-- ὅτ) κακὰ μήδετο, Od. iii. 166. (For examples, see 674.) The 
aorist indicative, which has no corresponding tense to express its own 
time referred to the past, was always retained after past tenses ; as 
in γνῶ O οἱ οὔτι ἦλθεν, 1]. xi. 439; so i. 537, xxii. 445. Likewise 
the future indicative is once retained, in Od. xiii, 340, ἡδε ὃ νοστή- 
σεις, 1 knew that you would return; but elsewhere the past future with 





262 INDIRECT DISCOURSE [672 


ἔμελλον is used, as in Il. xx. 466, οὐδὲ τὸ ἤδη ὃ οὐ πείσεσθαι ἔμελλεν, 
and Od. xix. 94, Il. xi, 22. These examples show the need of the 
later future optative (129). In Il. xxii. 10, ovde vu Tw με ἐγνὼς WS 
θεός εἰμι, and xx. 265 the present expresses a present truth rather 
than a past fact. =a = 

It thus appears that the peculiar constructions with ὅτι and ws in 
oratio obliqua (667, 1, ὁ), which gave such grace and variety to the 
later language, were not yet developed in Homer ; but clauses with 
ὅτι, ws, etc., were still connected with the leading verb by the same 
looser construction which we use in English (as 1 knew that he was 
planning evil), the dependent verb expressing its own absolute time 
(see 22), as it did in the relative clauses in which these clauses origin- 
ated, or in the more primitive parataxis. Thus ytyvwoKov ὁ κακά 
μήδετο (above) meant originally Ϊ Κη w as to what he was planning ev ; 
and without 0, in a still earlier stage, I knew: he was planning evil 
(which we can say in English). Even after the more thorough incorpora- 
tion of the dependent clause was established, by which either μήδεται 
or μήδοιτο became the regular form, the more primitive imperfect 18 
occasionally found, even in Attic prose (see 674, 2). | : 

The most common Homeric construction in indirect discourse 18 
that of φημί with the infinitive, of which 130 examples occur.! 

672. An imperfect or plupertfect of the direct discourse is 
regularly retained in the indicative, after past tenses, for want 
of an imperfect or pluperfect optative. Lg. 

᾿Ακούσας δὲ Ξενοφῶν ἔλεγεν ὅτι ὀρθῶς ἡτιῶντο καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ 
ἔργον αὐτοῖς μαρτυροίη, he said that thee y had accused hom rightly, anil 
that the fact itself hore witness to them ; 1.6. he said opGws ἢ τιάσθε και 
τὸ ἔργ ον ὑμῖν μαρτυρεῖ. Xen. An. 111. 3, 13. εἶχε γὰρ λέγειν, καὶ 
ὅτι μόνοι τῶν ᾿λλήνων βασιλεῖ συνεμά χοντο ἐν [Πλαταιαΐς, καὶ 
ὅτι ὕστερον οὐδέποτε στρατεύσαιντο επτι βασιλεα he savd ia 
συνεμαχόμεθα, καὶ οὐδέποτε ἐστρατευσάμεθα Ξ Id. Hell. vii. 1, 
34. Τούτων ἕκαστον ἠρόμην εἴ τινες εἰεν μάρτυρες ὧν ἐναντίον ΤΡ 
προῖκ᾽ ἀπέδοσαν. αὐτὸν δ᾽ ΓἌφοβον, ει TLVES παρ σα V OT ἀπελάμβανεν, 
I asked each of these wen whether there were any witnesses before whom they 
had paid the dowry ; and Aphobus, whether there had been ay present 
when he rece ived at. Dem, xxx. 19. The two questions were εἰσι 
μάρτυρές τινες ; al παρῆσάν τινες ; 

1 See Schmitt, Ursprung des Substantivsatzes, Ῥ. 70. The following 
statistics are based on Schmitt’s collection of Homeric examples. — Homer has 

40 cases of ὅτι, ὅττι, or ὅ with the indicative after verbs of knowing, hearing, 


perceiving, or remembering (23 of 6, 17 of ὅτι or ὅττι) ; and 4 alter verbs ol 


saying (3 of ὅτι, 1 of 6). 3 } 
18 of ws after verbs οἱ knowing, οἵδ." ὃ aiter v‘ rl s of sayin 
5 of 87 (for ὅ re=8) after γιγνώσκω, εἴδομαι, and δῆλον. . τι. 
9 of οὕνεκα after verbs of knowing, etc.; 4 alter verbs of saying (omitting 
Od. vii. 299 as causal). : =! : 
Only 8 of the 16 cases of these Ρ irticles after verbs of saying are 1n the Lliad ; 
4+) 


while of the 65 cases after verbs of knowing, etc., += ar in the Iliad (29 with 
ὅτι, etc,, 9 with ws, 3 with 87’, 1 with οὕνεκα). 




















674] SIMPLE SENTENCES IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 263 


673. (Imperfect Optative.) In a few cases, the present optative 
is used after past tenses to represent the imperfect indicative. The 
present optative thus supplies the want of an imperfect, like the 
present infinitive and participle (119 and 140). This can be 
done only when the context makes it perfectly clear that the 
optative represents an imperfect, and not a present. Lg. 

Tov Τιμαγόραν ἀπέκτειναν, κατηγοροῦντος τοῦ Λέοντος ὡς οὔτε 
συσκηνοῦν ἐθέλοι ἑαυτῷ μετά τε ἸΪ]ελοπίδου πάντα βουλεύοιτο. 
Xen. Hell. vii. 1, 38, (The words of Leon were οὔτε συσκηνοῦν 
ἤθελέ μοι, μετά τε 1Πελ. πάντα ἐβουλεύετο.) Ta πεπραγμένα 
διηγοῦντο, ὅτι αὐτοὶ μὲν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους πλέοιεν, τὴν δὲ ἀναίρεσιν 
τῶν ναυαγῶν προστάξαιεν ἀνδράσιν ἱκανοῖς. 10.1.7, ὅ. (The direct 
discourse was αὐτοὶ μὲν ἐπλέομεν, τὴν δὲ ἀναίρεσιν προσετάξαμεν.) 
Καί μοι πάντες ἀπεκρίναντο, ὅτι οὐδεὶς μάρτυς παρείη, κομίζοιτο 
δὲ λαμβάνων καθ᾽ ὁποσονοῦν δέοιτο "A doPos παρ᾽ αὐτῶν, they all 
replied, that no witness had been present, and that Aphobus had received 
the money from them, taking it in such sums as he happened to want, 
Dem. xxx. 20. (The direct discourse was οὐδεὶς μάρτυς παρῆν, 
ἐκομίζετο δὲ λαμβάνων Kal ὁποσονοῦν δέοιτο. Ἰ]αρείη contains 
the answer to the question εἴ τινες παρῆσαν in the preceding sentence, 
quoted in 672. The imperfect in that sentence prevents the optatives 
in the reply from being ambiguous.) ᾿Ακούσας πιστεύω τούτῳ, WS ἄρα 
Λεόντιος, αἰσθόμενος νεκροὺς παρὰ τῷ δημίῳ κειμένους, ἅμα μὲν ἰδεῖν 
ἐπιθυμοῖ, ἅμα δ᾽ αὖ Sug yepatvor καὶ ἀποτρέποι ἑαυτὸν, καὶ τέως 
μάχοιτό τε καὶ παρακαλύπτοιτο. Prat. Rep, 439 E. (All the 
optatives represent imperfects.) See also Hpr, ix. 16 (end). 


674. 1. In Homer, where clauses with ὅτι, ws, etc. are not 
yet constructed on the principles of indirect discourse (see 671), 
a present or perfect of the direct form appears as an imperfect 
or pluperfect in these clauses after past tenses. Eq. 

Οὐδέ Tt 7) 01) ὅττι δηιόωντο λαοί. I]. ΧΙ]. 674 here the present 
optative or indicative would be regular in Attic Greek). ᾿Επόρουσε, 
γιγνώσκων ὅ of αὐτὸς ὑπείρεχε χεῖρας ᾿Απόλλων (later ὑπερέ you or 
ὑπερέχει - Ἦν. 435. Ov γάρ οἵ τις Hyer ὅττι ῥά οἱ πόσις ἔκτοθι 
μίμνε πυλάων. Il, xxii, 438. dee Od. xxiv. 182; and i. 166, 
discussed in 671. 


2. We sometimes find the imperfect and pluperfect with ὅτι 


or ὡς representing the present or perfect of the direct form after 
past tenses, even in Attic Greek. In such cases the context 
always makes it clear that the tense represented is not an im- 
perfect or pluperfect (672). Eq. 


( 
7) " 


ἕ , , 4 e > A ~ 
σαν Ob KAAnves, ἐννοούμενοι μεν ΟΤι ἐπι TALS 


31" ~ > , 
Ev πολλῃ αποριᾳ 
΄ ΄ > 7 ἊΝ » ~ , , Low 
βασιλεως θύραις ἦσαν, κύκλῳ δὲ αὐτοῖς πόλεις πολέμιαι ἦσαν, 
» 4 ἊΝ 3a 4 wv I fh ” ° > - ἊΝ “~ ε , 7a 
ἀγορὰν δὲ οὐδεὶς ETL παρέξειν ἔμελλεν, ἀπεῖχον ὃε τῆς λλαδος 
> A ” , ra = Ὁ. ὦ ἊΝ ᾽ ‘ c , 
OV JELOV ἡ μῦυρια TTAOLA, TPOVOEOWKETAYV δὲ αὐτοὺς καὶ οἱ βάρβαροι, 
; ~ Ἀ , >> > i. ΣΝ ε , IA ’ 
μόνοι 0€ κατα λελε ιμμενοι ἢ σαν OVOE LTTEA OVOEVA συμμᾶάχον 





264 INDIRECT DISCOURSE 
ἔχοντες, the Greeks thought: We are at the king’s gates ; hostile cities 
surround us; no one will supply us a market ; 
thousand stades from Greece ; the barbarians have betrayed us, and we have 
been left alone. XEN. An. iii. 1, 2. (The direct forms would be the 
present and perfect indicative.) Διὰ τὸν χθιζινὸν ἄνθρωπον, ὃς ἡμᾶς 
διεδύετ᾽, ἐξαπατῶν καὶ λέγων ὡς φιλαθήναιος ἣ ν καὶ τάν Σάμῳ πρῶτος 
κατείποι, Le. saying φιλαθήναιός εἰμι καὶ τἀν Σάμῳ πρῶτος κατεῖ- 
πον. ΑΚ. Vesp. 283. (Here εἰμί is changed to ἦν, not to εἴη OF ἐστί: 


κατεῖπον could be changed only to κατείποι.) 


we are not less than ten 


3. In such cases the more thorough incorporation of the dependent 
clause which is required to make the oratio obliqua complete is wanting, 
and the clause stands in the loose relation in which, for example, 
causal sentences usually stand to their leading verb (see 715). For 
the same incomplete oratio obliqua in dependent clauses of a quotation, 
see 691 and 701. 


675. 1. An indirect quotation with ὅτε or ws and the optative is 
sometimes followed by an independent optative, generally introduced 
by γάρ, which continues the quotation as if it were itself dependent on 


o ε ’ 
the ὅτι or ws. Lg. 
yw “> vw ; ε » > 4 , 4 ‘ 5 κ᾿ » 
Ηκουον oO eywye τινὼν WS OVOE TOUS λιμενας και Tas ayopas ετι 
Ὁ, ἢ ᾽ ~ A ‘ ‘ ‘ 4 ~ " ‘ , 
OWTOLEVY AUTH καρπουσθαι" τὰ γὰρ κοινὰ τὰ Θετταλὼν ἀπὸ τούτων 
a7 Ν a » : ° δ ὦ Ξ 
δέοι διοικεῖν, for (as they said) they must administer, etc. DEM. 1. 22. 
> , - > ~ oo » . , ; ” - “ “-" Ν 
Ἀπεκρίναντο AUT OTL ἀδύνατα σφίσιν εἴη ποιεῖν ἃ προκαλεῖται ἄνευ 
» 


> 


> / an Ν aA \ ~ , " 
Αθηναίων’ παιὸες yop σῴφων και γ UVQLKES Tap E€EKELVOLS ει yo V. 
μι wy 


TuHuc. ii. 72. ἔλεγον ὅτι TAVTOS ἄξια λέγοι Σεύθης" χειμὼν γὰρ 


--- 


εἴη, K.T.A. NEN. An. vii. 3, 13. 


2. Such independent optatives are sometimes found even when no 


optative precedes ; but the context always contains some allusion to 
another’s thought or expression. 9. 

Ὑπέσχετο τὸν ἄνδρ᾽ ᾿Αχαιοῖς τόνδε δηλώσειν ἄγων" οἴοιτο μὲν 
μάλισθ᾽ ἑκούσιον λαβὼν, εἰ μὴ θέλοι δ᾽, ἄκοντα, i.e. he thought (as he 
said), etc. Sorpu. Ph. 617. ᾿Αλλὰ yap οὐδέν Te μᾶλλον ἦν ἀθάνατον, 
ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ εἰς ἀνθρώπου σῶμα ἐλθεῖν ἀρχὴ ἣν αὐτῇ ὀλέθρου, 
ὥσπερ νόσος" καὶ ταλαιπωρουμένη TE δὴ τοῦτον τὸν βίον ζῴ > Kal 
τελευτῶσά γε ἐν τῷ καλουμένῳ θανάτῳ ἀπολλύοιτο. and (according 
to the theory) it lives in misery, ete., and finally perishes in what is called 
death. Puat. Phaed. 95 Ὁ. (Plato is here stating the views of others. 


676. We may even have ὅτι or ὡς with the optative when the 
leading verb is not past, if there is an implied reference to some former 
expression of the thought quoted. Kg. 

"Ap οὖν δὴ οὐ μετρίως ἀπολογ ησόμεθα 5 ὗτι πρὸς τὸ ὃν πεφυκὼς 
εἴη ἁμιλλᾶσθαι, καὶ οὐκ ἐπιμένοι, _. . ἀλλ᾽ ἔοι καὶ οὐκ appr ὑ- 
᾿ shall we not defe nd hem 


xa) > 


vo.To οὐδ᾽ ἀπολὴγοι Tov EpwTos, K.T.A., 1.8. 
very properly by stating (what we once said that it is (was) his nature to 
press on towards pure Be ing, etc. (the optatives representing indicatives). 


Piar. Rep. 490 A. 














INTERROGATIVE SUBJUNCTIVE 


y θ . 9 
Subjunctive or Uptative representing the Interrogative 


Subju nective. 


677. In indirect questions, after a primary tense, an 


unterrogative subjunctive (287) retains its mood and tense ; 
6 ; 


after a secondary tense, i ay be 6] 
: dary tense, it may be either changed to the 
sane tense of the optative or retained in the subjunctive. 


Eg. 

Φραζώμεθ᾽ ενν ἢ ῥ᾽ αὖτις πόλεμον ὄρσομεν (subj.) ἢ φιλότητα 
μετ ἀμφοτέροισι βά λ ωμεν, let us consider whether we shall again th 
ed or cast Sree nidship wpon both arm vs. Il. iv. 14. Σν δέ μοι V1) με οἷς 
ἐνίσπες, 1) μιν ἀποκτείνω HE σοὶ ἐνθάδ᾽ ἄγω, and do you tell es ΠΝ 
whether 1 shall slay him or bring him hither to you. Od. xxii ion 
See Od. Xvi. 73, xix. 524, IIpos ἀμφότερα ἀπορῶ, ταύτην θ᾽ Sous 
ἐκδὼ καὶ τἄλλ᾽ ὁπόθεν διοικῶ, I am at a loss on both questions i i 
shall = her a dowry (πώς ταύτην ἐκ do ;), and how (whence) I shall pay 
my other expenses (τόθεν τἄλλα StoLKG;). DEM. xxvii. 6 . Aeto 
μαι ὅπως σε ἀποδρῶ, I am trying to th ink how T shall a pet ἊΣ 

' es. . : ΐ { ἶ Scape YOU πὼς 
σε ἀποὸρω ἢ). XEN. Cyr, i. 4,13. Οὐκ ἔχω τί λέγω, I know not what 
Ϊ shall Say. Dem. 1X. 54. So in Latin, 7107 habeo quid (or quod) ἄνω. 
Οὐκ €yw σόφισμ ὅτῳ ἀπαλ λαγῶ, I have no device (i.e. I know not) 
how Ϊ shall escape. AESCH. Prom. 470. Οὐ yap δὴ δι᾿ ἀπειρίαν ye οὐ 
φήσεις ἐχειν ὅ τι εἰπῇς» for it ἐξ not surely through incxpervence that 


you will declare that you know not what to say (i.e. τί εἴπω). Dem. xix 


120 So 6 τι δῶ | is δῶ 4 j 
“- ΝΜ " t a Ν oN 7 7 (S 57 ᾿ y 
νωκ 1 ω ress OW, XEN, An. i. 7, 7. (See 57 2.) Ta δὲ 
TWUATA οὐκ O10 εἰ APVOGAYTA τω δῶ J : 
hall i Pe Se nt : : ih 5 ΤΟΊ Ψ ne | do not A ΜΝ whether I 
cael, " , ete, ; . Cyr. vin. 4, 16. ὑπανερομένου Κτησιφῶντος 
εἰ καλέσῃ Δημοσθένην, when Ctesiphon asks whether he shall call 
Demosthenes, AESCHIN. iii. 202. (For εἰ see 680.) 
> Ε ν δ : > - ς a o 4 4 : , 
\ ot = be τῇ μερμηριξειῖ > 1) O YE TOUS μεν ἀναστήσειε V, ὁ δ᾽ 
δ... Ξ - , Κ᾿ , , , ΄ 
« T peor él aptlot, He χόλον ταυισειεν ἐρητύσειέ TE θυμόν Il 
1 188 (The direct « ; WwW ὶ Σ ἱ +e 
. 15S. | juestions were τοὺς μὲν ἀναστήσω; */ LOnV 
δ᾽ ἔα viet = aioe . , : ! ᾿ Γ Ισω; ᾿Ατρεϊδηι 
a tf : , 2 ω ἐρητύσω TE; Κιλήρους πάλλον, ὁππότερος 
δ᾽ πρόσ : ! , , 5 Ξ » , 5 . . 
x Ρ σ εν ἀφείη χάλκεοι ey xos, 1.6. they shook the lots (to decide) which 
a ( Jirst throw his spear, the question being πότερος πρόσθεν a φ ἢ : 
eee » > 1.0 4% > > , ; ” ἊΝ : 4 
ge is ἰχρηστηριάζξετο εἰ ἐκβάλοι τὸν Αδρηστον. Hor Ὑ 
07. ᾿Κπήροντο εἰ π δοῖεν Καὶ ΄ } | ther 
μή »Ξ ‘ar TO €l TAPAOOL€!) Κορινθίοις ΤῊ Ρ πόλιν. the y asked whe the r 
wy should give up their city, the question being παραδῶμε y τὴν πόλιν; 
ri oe . Or [i , ᾿ 4 5 ΄σ 2 
ἱ sts = * ine EK BovAevovto ει Ta σκευοφόρα ἐνταῦθα ἄ γοι νΤΟ ἢ 
ἀπίοιεν ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον. XEN. An. i 7 ι. 170 ; ) 
TOT . AEN. An.1.10,17: soi.10,5. “Ha 
με : ᾿ . ‘ . + , Π ) 
O Tt Xp? Catto TW TT Ὄ Τ Ϊ IS 4 x 
] ra τῳ πράγματι, he was at a loss how to act in the matter 
ite Te IVVOWULGAL; Id | ; ll 3! » yo ᾿ ὃ δρῶ ὥ 
se XP }¢ . μαι; Id, Hell. vil. 4,39. Ov yap εἴχομεν ὅπως δρῶντες 
AWS Ti paca LjLe »ς for we could not see how we should fare well uf we 
did it. Sopa. Ant. 270. | Ξ 


> , ‘4 , ΝΞ 
| --- 2 . ‘ , - 
An OPEOVTOS O€ βασιλέος O Tt XP) TAL TW 7 αρεύντι πρήγματι 
/ r LT L, 


> 


πιά ΤΊ)ς ἦλ : ' C sa γω ah νὴ ς ‘ ᾽ , 
ΔΙΊ /> uy Ge Ol €§ λόγους, Hpr. Vil. 913. Ηπόρησε μεν OTOTE- 





206 INDIRECT DISCOURSE [678 


ρωσε διακινδυνεύσῃ χωρήσας. Tuuc. 1. 63. Oi Πλαταιῆς ἐβου- 


> , “ wv > , w 
λεύοντο εἴτε KATAKAVOWOLVY ὡσπέρ EXOUTLV, ELT PNTAVTES TO οἰκημα, 
εἴτε τι ἄλλο χρήσω νται. whether they should set the house on fire and 
burn them as the y were, or should dispose of them mn some other way. Id. 
νυν , [1 , 5 7 4 ~ 
nn. 4. ᾿Απορήσαντες OT?) κα θορμίσωνται, ες Πρώτην ΤΡ νη σον 
Ww . Ρ 
ἔπλευσαν. Id. iv. 13. 


678. The context must decide whether the optative in an indirect 
question represents a subjunctive (as here) or an indicative (669). The 
distinction is especially important with the aorist optative (see 125). 

679. When the leading verb is. an optative referring to the future, 
the optative can be used, by assimilation, to represent the subjunctive 


in these indirect questions. Eg. 
Xapievra γοῦν πάθοιμ᾽ ἂν, εἰ μὴ youn ὅποι 
I should not have anywhere to put these down (know wher 
Ar. Eccl. 794. (See other examples under 186. 
680. Ei, whether, can introduce the subjunctive here, as well as the 
see XEN. Cyr. viii. 4, 16, and AESCHIN. lil. 
‘Edy cannot mean whether, and wherever this 


TAUTG καταθει nV, if 
to put them). 


indicative or optative : 
202, quoted in 677. 
introduces a subjunctive the expression is conditional. (See 493. 


Indicative or Optative with av. 


681. An indicative or optative with ἄν retains its mood 


and tense (with ἄν) unchanged In ‘ndirect discourse with 


ὅτι or ὡς and in indirect questions, after both primary and 


3 Υ 
secondary tenses. gy. 
Λέγει ὅτι τοῦτο ἂν ἐγένετο, he says that this would hav happened : 
. he said that this would have happe ned. 
θάνοι, Jue Sauls or said that 


vw er ν » , 

ἔλεγεν ὅτι τοῦτο ἄν ἐγένετο, 
, , w eo Oo ~ 7 my 

Λέγει (or ἐλεγεν) OTL OVTOS OLKALWS ἂν 


this man would justly he put to death. 
Ἱ A >* ΄ e ww? ” 5 4 τ' ys “ " Ἢ 
(Θεμιστοκλῆς) ATEKPLVATO, OTL OVT αν αὐτὸς LEPLPLos ων ονομαστος 
ἐγένετο οὔτ᾽ ἐκεῖνος ᾿Αθηναῖος, he replied that he thould not have hecome 
famous himse lf if he had heen ad Ne riphian, 1 0} would the other if hu had 
. ae > , [7] “" ” , 
been an Athenian. Piat. Rep. 3380 A. ’Evvoeire, ὅτι ἧττον ἂν TTATLS 
Xen. An. vi. i. 29. Δπεκρίνατο, ort 


a παραδοίησαν. Lb. il. l, LO. 


vy ε 4 Ww ν» ~ e 
εἴη ἑνὸς ἄρχοντος 1) ToAAwv. 
, ” » , * 4 
πρόσθεν ἂν ἀποθάνοιεν ἢ τὰ OF 
(The direct discourse was πρόσθεν ἂν ἀποθάνοιμεν. Οὐκ ἂν ἐλπί- 
ε “ > a? | ~ , , 

σαντας WS αν ἐπεξελ θοι τις αὐτοῖς ἐς μάχην, 
would CONN out to fight with them. THUC, Vv. ω, 
" eAevGepot ες VOLVTO 


when theu would never 


have expected that any on 
Παρελθών τις δειξάτω, ὡς οἱ Θετταλοὶ νῦν οὐκ ἢ 
ἄσμενοι. ἘΜ. 1]. 8. Οὐδ᾽ εἰδέναι φησὶ τί ἂν ποιῶν ὑμῖν χαρισα LTO, 

hat he could do to gratify you. 18. xix. 48. 


he says he does not even know 
AESCH. Prom. 905 ; 80 907. "Hpwrov 


> wy , ww , 
Οὐκ ἔχω Tis ἂν γενοίμαν. 
> | ἊἋ - ΠῚ , 4 , . . 
εἰ δοῖεν ἂν τούτων τὰ πιστά. Xen. An. lv. 


5, ἔς 


682. The same principle applies when a secondary tense of the in- 
dicative without ἄν in the construction of 415 is quoted. Fg. 








683] INFINITIVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 


"EA ΓΙ ~ cy 

{ ΕΝ εν} - ᾿ -΄“- ; wv ΑΕΒ e _ é ce Ay " 

i γ ) = κρεῖττον ἣν αὐτῳ τότε ἀποθανεῖν, he said that he had 
ΙΓ παι i, "Ss r OF ti j j , 
: ye ate at once. Lys. x. 25, The direct discourse was κρεῖττον 
Ἵν μοι ἀποθανεῖν. 


Infinitive dil Indirect Discourse. 


| 683. When the infinitive stands in indirect discourse 
ἐς λ :μ ἾὮὯὮῺὯ ‘pcp ὃ . = : 
its = represents the corresponding tense of the finite 
V 4 ad λ ; “a , ‘ ad 

a » In the direct form, the present and perfect including 
1e imperfect and pluperfect. If ἄν was used in the direct 
orm, it must be retained 1 t] 
F | retained in the quotation, each tense with 

J ‘a WOW cy } ; 7" . ; Ν | 

ay representing the corresponding tenses of either indicative 
or optative with av. Ev. 


cp i “ 4 , ) » Φ . . ΠῚ 
; ησι γράφειι 4 hue δ 8 that he is writing : ecb) γράφειν he satd that 
ve was writing; dy , teat sata: ἑ 
Η͂ : ung > φήσει γράφειν, he will say that he is (then) writing 
\ Θ says Y γάφω. 4“ ᾿ “§ = / . ἀν.» ‘ “ἀκ 
saied\ thas Pi t : Ρησὶ ἐφὴ γράφειν ἄν, εἰ ἐδύνατο, he says (or 
Ἢ ut he should now be writing, tf he were able (He says ἐγ 
av. Φησὶ ἔφη ~y ad , ” . "ie Σ ns ad eypapov 
of by) γράφειν av, εἰ δύναιτο, he says (or said) that he should 
write, uf he should (ever) be able (He say γράφ οἱ ἐπ" ' 
Η ‘ . na ἣν γ L Oo Lt OP. ) 
Φησὶ γ ! ] ἢ 7. ! / 
βάψαι, Me sys that he wrote: ἔφη Ὑράψ : 
. 4 : ᾽ OL » © 2 
written : φήσει γράψαι he will t] ? Acie ἜΝ ταν εν 
Va e will say that he wrote a a 
Φησὶ PREY Seay airing at he wrote, . (He says ἐγραψα.) 
tt A " γράψαι av, εἰ εὐυνήθη, he says (or said) that he should have 
wri ” oe , 
μ ἄρας uf lé had hee it abl " He says ey pa ψ « ἄν. Φησὶ (ἔφη) γράψαι 
αν Juv ἬΜΗΝ 5 aad 
, €l OVI Ger, hi SYS Ol said that he should write if he Reet , Ων r) 
, Ἢ : (e 


” 


be able. He says γράψ ALLL αν. 
Φησὶ φήσει) yer we / 
EY DUDEV @ » | ᾿ ᾿ : . 
ἐφ yey be 1 Η i τ ah μας, υνῆδ, ποιδξοιν ll say that he has written ; 
, | ¢ f Ν Μ τ , 
) yeypapevar, he sard that he had written. He says yeypada.) 


” 


For the pertect with ἄν. see below and 206 
Φησὶ (hy) ied iemices a 

Ἢ ιί a tans γράψειι ; hue SYS (Or wall say) that he will write ; ἔφ 

ΡΟΣ he said that he would write. He says γράψω ἷ ᾿ ! 
{ Present ) ἡ a ,) Ι , wae ἕῳ, : τῇ . */ 

ΠΩ͂ 3- : τ Ναὶ ἐξ με φησι μαχὴ ρώεσσιν ἀρήγειν. 1] i 59] 

ως ὁ i _- ͵ , ᾿ . ᾿Ξ . .΄ῳζ᾽μ«“;- 

4 ἐν αν φῃς πολέμοιο μεθιεμεν; 1]. ἵν. 351. So 1]. xvii. 338 Σκύ 

εσ ul τ ao 2-3 \> 45 > ‘ : . . . υ » a 

¢ Ol €LTTE θεοὶ Ss. Eple O ECO XG TAVTWV ἀθανάτων κεχολῶσθαι 

/ ἊΝ 


te ll ἢ ὙΠ that th G / } 
f TOUS (170 di " Ἢ ᾽ ᾽ 
; 7 ; fi Y ί wth him and that I ain enraged with him 
UOTE a the emmortals. I]. XX1V | 13 "A } tT 7 J r¢ 7 
he pr ty nds ἐΪ if } . ᾽ Ϊ Py ; ee . ρρως ΕιΜν τροῴας (εξ αι, 
f Ν if if is Secs . Ca Γ 4 μὰ “" T , , 
il 4 4 . 5 (vy {LOC €l GC Pp Pp Oe ειν TOU Ovi, he took his 
() ἢ uu us Man was sick. EX as 0 » Bet δ. ἢ » » “- 
fe 3 ra ΝΜ, ah & | ~_ a Q) K ey “AUTOS ἀλλ ἐκεῖνον 
{ ‘ " . 9 LO. COT “ταὶ that pot hu himse lf, hut Nicias was dé “τὰ [- 
1. @. hu said, οὐκ Ἵ τὼ αὐτὸς ἀ λ λ᾽ : εἴ ᾿ . ; Τ Γ 4 > 
cy WANG EKELVOS O ΤρατΤΉγει. THUG. lV. 28. 


b ] 


livas οὖν εὐχὰς ὑπ iver’ εὖ bv bi 

S OVV εὐχὰς ἃ ToAap Paver € υχεσθαι τὸν Φίλιππον ὅτ ἔσπενδεν ᾿ 
ΓΝ if “TS f Ἵ ; Ὶ La | 

a prayer. do YOu suppose Philip made, etc. 7 Drm. xix. 130 (Εὔχε. 
σθαι represe s + “ὦ . _— > ‘ Fee ea ‘ . 1.2 - 
. = ent κι X€ ro: see ] 19.) μαι yop αν OUK ἀχαρίστως μοι 
ἐχειν, jor I think it would not be a thankless labour: i.e. οὐκ ἄν eye 
Xen. An. ii. 3. 18, Οἴσθε yap τὸν rare be ὐλιίνν er 
ον eee Ge yap τὸν πατέρα οὐκ ἂν φυλάττειν καὶ 
ΤΊ» Τιμὴὴν a a or c =1) 

) μην λαμβάνειν TwI πωλουμένων ξύλων - do you think that ny 


futher would no : ἘΣ : 
᾿ " 4 wick 7 t have taken Care and have received the pay for the timber 








268 INDIRECT DISCOURSE [683 


i ἂν ἐφύ cat ἐλά ‘EV; . clix. 35. (See 
sold ? i.e. οὐκ ἂν ἐφύλαττεν καὶ ἐλάμβαι ev; Dem, xlix. ( 
205.) ale 
(Aorist.) Οὐδέ Ke φαίης ἀνδρὶ μαχησάμενον τὸν Ὑ ἐλ wags no? 
4} ill. 393. \aTa- 
Sith you Say that he ΟΠ 6 after aa μα ἢ, a man. Ll. lll. ὦ. 
σ χεῖν φησι τούτους, he says that he detained them. Τοὺς ὃ αἰχμα- 
λώτους οὐδ᾽ ἐνθυ μὴ Ay nV at φησι λύσασθαι. but he says that he did not 
~ Ov 
even think of ransoming the prisoners. Dem. xix. 39. (He say shit 
and οὐδ᾽ ἐνεθυμ ἡ θη ν.) ‘O Κῦρος λέγεται γενέσθαι Kap/ pat 
. 9 OoUsS 
( yrus 1s said to have heen the son of Cambyses. XEN. C yr. l. 5, Ι. Ss 
THV Ὕ ᾿ "κ΄ , 4: ι- 
᾿Αθηναίους ἡλπιζεν ἴσως ἂν ἐπεξελθεῖν καὶ τὴν γὴν οὐκ αἱ ep 
LOEL V τμηθῆναι, he hoped that the Ath nwains woul Ϊ is 2 ΑΙ 8 march out ane 
. 3 } εἰ οὐκ 
not allow thetr land to be laid waste ; 1.6. ἴσως ἂν ἐπ εξέλέ OLEV κι 
ἂν περιΐδοιεν. Tuuc. ii. 90. “Ar ὰ nip νομίσαντες μὴ ἂν ἔτι ἱκανοὶ 
γεν eg Oat κωλῦσαι τὸν τάχιον. Id. vi. 102. (Here οὐκ al γ : 
- οἱ + εῖσ 
μεθα would be the «iret form : see 685.) So. 139. Οὐκ ἂν ny 4 
αὐτὸν κἂν ἐπ ιδραμεῖν, do you τὰ helieve that (in that case he woul 
i , 56 See 223.) <A 
have run thither ? 1.e. ἐπέδραμεν av. DEM. XXVil. 56. ee 2: 
single infinitive with ἄν occurs in Homer: καὶ ὁ ἂν TOUS ἄλλοισιν 
irect discourse is given 
ἔφη παραμυ θήσασθαι, Il. ix. 684. (The direct discourse 1 give 
. . ἊΡ» 1: } ,\ 
in the words of Achilles im vs. 117. καὶ δ᾽ av παραμι θησαίμη!ι 
See 207.) 
(Pertect. ) Ppovew TET Lp ῆσθαι Διὸς αἴσῃ: Ϊ feel that I have been 
honoured. Il. ix. 608. Φησὶν av TOS αἴτιος yeyev no Gar, he says 


” 


αἴτιος γεγένημαι. Dew, xix. 37. Eixafov ἢ διώκοντα οἴχεσθαι ἢ 


καταληψόμενόν τι προεληλακέναι. Xen. An. 1. aot va 
thought Was 1) διώκων ol χεται, ἢ προελή 1) 4 λακεν. Ke dy χρημα ᾿ 
ἑαυ τῷ τοὺς Θηβαίους ETLKEKY PU χέν αι. he said that the Thebans hat 
offered a reward for ham. Dr M. xix. 31. "Avy τέλεγον μὴ δικαίως σφῶν 


= pry 7 το LK δαίμονα τὰς 
καταδεδικάσθαι, λέ: γοντες μὴ ἐπ ny y EX Gat Tw ἐς Λακεδαι ' 


, 


σπονδὰς OT ἐσέπεμψαν τοὺς ὁπλίτας, they reioined that they (the πων 
had not justly condemned them, saying that the truce had not yet been 
announced at Sparta when they sent in the sold rs they said ov κα 1 ταδε- 
δίκασθε. and οὐκ ἐπ ηγγελμέναι ἦσάν πω αἱ σπονδαὶ OT ἐσεπεμ- 
Waplev). Tuuc. v. 49. So ΕΚΤΕΤ Any Gar, representing ἐξεπέπληκτο, 
Xen. Cyr. 1 4, 27. (See 123. above.) | | 

(For — Ἐν of the perfect infinitive with ἄν, representing the 
pluperfect indicative and the perfect optative, see μὰψ ae τὸ 

(Future.) "Eq@ys σῶς ἔσσεσθαι. 1]. xxii. 331. So Od. iv. 664. Kat 
μοι ἔειπεν Μυρμιδόνων τὸν ἄριστον λείψειν φάος ἠελίοιο, | he told me 
ὁ ἄριστος oe ὦ λείψει. Ll. Xviil. 9. Ke αἱ δή poe γε €pas AU TOS adbat- 
pyrer Gat ametAets. Il. 1. 161. Kir αγγέλλεται τὰ δίκαια π ποιήσειν, 
he promises to do what ‘ right. Dew. XIX. 45. "Ke py ἐντὺς hers 
εἴκοσιν ἢ ἄξειν Λακεδαιμονίους ζῶντας 1) au τοῦ ἀπ OKTEVEEI . δι 
said that within twenty days he would either bring them alive or kill them 


“" »" " a“ 
Ἷ ὲ ‘ -t Li [TEVW.) 
where they were. THUe. iv. 28. Cleon said 1) ἄξω ᾿ OK 


ἣν ἡμερῶν. he says that this 
Ταῦτα ἱ pyc) πεπράξ ξεσθαι δυοῖν i) τριων Ἴμερων, ὶδ δ} 


will Ἐπ᾿ heen accomplished within two or three days 137). DEM. meas ὁ be 


Ὶ cae Φ) ῳ 
(For the rare future infinitive with ἄν. ee ZOOS, 











685] INFINITIVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 


684. The infinitive is said to stand in indirect discourse and its 
tenses correspond to those of the indicative or optative, when it depends 
on a verb implying thought or the expression of thought (one of the 
class of verba sentiendi et declarandi), and when also the thought, as 
originally conceived, would have been expressed by some tense of the 
indicative (with or without ἄν) or optative (with av), so that it can be 
transferred without change of tense to the infinitive. Thus in βούλεται 
ἐλθεῖν, he wishes to go, ἐλθεῖν represents no form of either aorist 
indicative or aorist optative, and is therefore said to be not in indirect 
discourse, Sut in φησὶν ἐλθεῖν. he SYS that he went, ἐλθεῖν represents 
ἦλθον of the direct discourse. The distinction in the time of the in- 
finitive (especially of the aorist infinitive) in these two uses is obvious. 

It may be asked why the infinitive after certain other verbs should 
not be said to stand in indirect discourse ; for example, why in κελεύει 
σε ἐλθεῖν or μὴ ἐλθεῖν we should not say that ἐλθεῖν represents ἐλθέ 
or μὴ ἔλθῃς of direct discourse. This might perhaps be done ; and 
we might possibly make ἐλθεῖν in βούλομαι ἐλθεῖν represent ἔλθοιμι, 
may I go. But with other verbs of the same class, as those of advising, 
teaching, striving, choosing, no form of direct discourse can even be 
imagined. It is much harder to draw a line between these last verbs 
and verbs like κελεύω and βούλομαι, or even between these two, than 
where it is drawn above. It is impossible to say where a Greek would 
have drawn the line, or to be sure that he would have drawn any line 
at all; for our own use, the usual definition of the infinitive in oratio 
obliqua (as given above) is certainly the most convenient. 


685. (My with Infinitive.) The negative particle of the infinitive 
in indirect discourse is regularly οὐ, which is retained from the direct 
form (667, 5). But, after certain verbs which belong to the inter- 
mediate class between those which take the infinitive in indirect dis- 
course and those which do not (see 136), the infinitive regularly takes 
μή for its negative. Such are verbs of hoping, promising, and swear- 
ing; with those signifying to agree or consent (ὁμολογῶ), to trust 
πιστεύω), to be persuaded (πέπεισμαι), to testify (μαρτυρῶ). The 
infinitive occasionally has μή even after the verbs which most regularly 
take the infinitive with οὐ in indirect discourse, as φημί, λέγω, νομίζω, 
ἡγοῦμαι, « το, Eq. . 

Χρὴν ὀμόσαι μὴ ἑκόντα ἐλθεῖν. he had to swear that he did not come 
intentionally. Hor. ii. 179 ; so i. 165, ὋὌμνυσιν μὴ πώποτ᾽ ἀμείνον᾽ 
ἔπη μηδέν᾽ ἀκοῦσαι, he swears that nobody ever heard better verses, AR. 
Vesp. 1047. "OQpvve μηδὲν εἰρηκέναι. Dem. xxi. 119. Ὅταν ἐλπί-: 
σωσιν οὗτοι μὴ ἄλλως τὸν νέον καθέξειν. Puat. Rep. 572 E. Οὐδε- 
μίαν ὑμέων ἔχω ἐλπίδα μὴ οὐ δώσειν ὑμέας δίκην. ΗΡΊ. vi. 11]. (For 
μὴ ov see 815, 2.) Μαιάδος υἱὸς ὑποσχόμενος κατένευσε μή ποτ᾽ 
ἀποκλέψειν ὅσ᾽ ᾿κηβόλος ἐκτεάτισται. Hymn, Mere. 521; so μή 
τινα ἔσεσθαι. Ibid. 525. 


See Liddell and Scott, ed. 7, under μή, B. C: also Gildersleeve in 
Am. Jour. Phil. 1. Ρ. 51 








INDIRECT DISCOURSE [686 


‘OQpodoy σαμεν μήποτ᾽ ἂν αὐτὴν ἐναντία ἀἄδειν. PLAT. Phaed. 94 C, 
Μεμαρτυρήκασιν οἱ Lage ae! ἐργαζόμενοι μὴ εἶναι σηκὸν ἐν τῷ χωρίῳ. 
Lys. vii. 11. So Dem. xlv. 15. Σωκράτη γε ἐγὼ ἐγγυῶμαι μὴ ἐπι- 
λήσεσθαι. Prat. Prot. 336 Ὁ. Πιστεύω μὴ ψεύσειν με ταύτας τὰς 
ἀγαθὰς ἐλπιδας. XEN. Cyr. 1. 5, 13. Πέπεισμαι ἐγὼ μηδένα ἀδικεῖν 
ἀνθρώπων. PLAT. Ap. 3 37 A: so 37 B. Ξ ; ΠΣ 

Φαίην ὃ δ᾽ ἂν ἔγωγε ask μηδεμίαν εἶναι χρη σικιρνών κθ παρα ΒΨ μὴ 
ἀρέσκοντος. Xen. Mem. i. 9. 39. So Prat. Theaet. 155 A. Hayres 
ἐροῦσι TO λοιπὸν “μηδὲν εἶναι κερδαλεώτερον, ἀρετῆς. XEN. Cyr. vil. 
¥; 18, ᾿Ενόμισε δὲ μὴ ἂν γενέσθαι ποτὲ πιστὸν ἄνθρωπον. Ib. vil. 5, 
59. Kai ἄρτι ἔλεγον μηδένα ἐθέλειν ἑκόν τα ἄρχειν. PL at. Rep. 346 
EK. Tis ἂν θεῶν μὲν παῖδας ἡγοῖτο εἶναι. θεοὺς de μή; Id. Ap. 
27 D. ge ena μὴ ἂν γί ἴγνεσθαι a i.e. οὐκ ἂν γίγνοιτο 
πόλεμος). THUC. 1. 139. See also Tuuc. v. 49, vi. 102, quoted in 683. 

The πα ες in the last paragr a are opposed to the regular 
usage of the language, which would demand οὐ in all of them. We 
must suppose that the use of μή with the infinitive was so fixed, before 
the infinitive began to be used in indirect discourse, that μή always 
seemed natural, even after ov had become the regular form after verbs 
of saying, thinking, ete. We sometimes find strange uses of μή. In 
THUC. 1: 115. OVTES μὲν καὶ πρὸ τοῦ μὴ τα χεῖς ιεναι ἐς τοὺς πολέ- 
μους, having even before this been not slow to qo into wars, it may be 
difficult to find a better expl ination of the anomalous μή than the 


perhaps heretical one, that TOU μὴ ταχεῖς ἰέναι had a more natural 
sound than τοῦ ov ταχεῖς ἰέναι, although neither tov nor the negative 
has anything to do with the infinitive. So some Sit le say between 
you and I, merely because you and me sounds vulg: 


686. With μή and the infinitive in indirect — we may 
compare the rare τι ι μὴ with the indicative, which occurs In PHEOG. 
659, οὐδ᾽ ὑμόσαι χρὴ τοῦθ᾽. ὅτι μ ποτ € πρῆγμα TOO. ἔσται, and 
ANT. V. 21, ταῦτα σκοπεῖτε, ὃτι μὴ προνοίᾳ μᾶλλον ἐγίγνετο, Υ 
τύχῃ: see also SopPH. Ant. 685, oT Ws σὺ μ i) λέγ εις ὀρθῶς TAOE. 
"Ore μή with the indicative became a regular cons struction in later 
Greek (as in Lucian). ᾿Ομόσαι ὅτι μὴ ἔσται in Theognis suggests the 
still more puzzling cases of μή alone with the indicative after oaths 
in Homer and oP Mie Ss ἴστω Ζεὺς. μΊ) μὲν τοῖς ἐπ᾿ TOLOLV ἀνὴρ 
ἐποιχήσετ αι ἄλλος. 399: ἴστω νὺν TOE γαία νὰ ΐ bu 
€ μὴν ἰότητα Ποσειδάων phot ea T ημαΐίν εἰ Τρῶας, Il. XV. 36 ; μὰ 
τὸν AroAAw μ 1) σ᾽ ἐγὼ κατακ λινῶ χαμι rt, AR. Lys. 917; so Eecl. 
1000: μὰ γῆν, μὰ παγιδας, re ἢ ᾽γὼ νόημα κομψότερον ἤκουσά 
πω, Av. 194. I have no explanation, even to suggest, of the strange 


use of μή in these last examples. 


Parti iple Li [ndireet Discourse. 


687. When the participle stands in indirect discourse, 











687 | PARTICIPLE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 


it follows the rules already given for the infinitive (683), 
in regard to its tense and the use of av. Eg. 


᾿Αγγέλλει τούτους ἐρχομένο US, he announces that they are com ing ; 
ἤγγειλε τούτους ἐρχομένους, he announced that they were coming. 
(The announcement is οὗτοι ἔρχονται.) ᾿Αγγέλλει τούτους ἐλθόν- 
τας, he announces that they came; ἤγγειλε τούτους ἐλθόντας, he 
announced that they had come. (He says ἦλθον) ᾿Αγγέλλει τούτους 
ἐληλυθότας, he announces that they have come; ἤγγειλε τούτους 
ἐληλυθότας, he announced that they had come. (He says ἐληλύθα- 
σιν) ᾿Αγγέλλει (ἤγγειλε) τοῦτο γενησόμενον, he announces (or 
announced) that this is (or was) about to happen. (He says TOUTO 

, \ 
γενήσεται.) 

Οὐδ᾽ ἄρα πώ τι dn Πάτροκλον τεθνηότα δῖος ᾿Α χιλλεύς, nor 
yet did Achilles have any knowledge that Patroclus was dead. 1]. XVil. 
102. Τγνωσκε θεοῦ γόνον ἡὺν ἐόντα. Il. vi. 191. Τηλέμαχος δ᾽ 
ἄρα μιν πάλαι ἤδεεν ἔνδον ἐόντα. Od. xxiii. 99 : so xvii. 549, 556. 
Τοῖς τε yap ἐπιχειρήμασιν ἑώρων οὐ κατορθοῦντες καὶ τοὺς 
στρατιώτας ἀχθομένους τῇ μονῃ, for they saw that they were not 
succeeding in their attempts, and that the soldiers were distressed by the 
delay ; 1.6. they saw οὐ κατορθοῦμεν καὶ οἱ στρατιῶται ἄχθονται. 
Τηῦσ. vii. 47. ᾿Κμμένομεν οἷς ὡμολογήσαμεν δικαίοις οὖσιν; do 
we abide by what we acknowledyed to be just (i.e. δίκαιά ἐστιν) ῦἢ Prat. 
Crit. 50 A. lav?’ ἕνεκα ἑαυτοῦ ποιῶν ἐξελήλεγκται, it has been 
proved that he is doing everything for his own interest. DEM. 11. 8. Avro 
Κῦρον ἐπιστρατεύοντα πρῶτος ἤγγειλα, I first announced to him 
that Cyrus was on his march against him. XEN, An. ii. 3, 19. See 
SoPH. O. T. 395. 

Ἢ σάφα οἶδε νοστήσα ντά σε δεῦρο, whether she is perfectly certain 
that you have returned hither. Od. xxiv. 404. "Exurtdpevor καὶ TOV 
βάρβαρον αὐτὸν περὶ αὑτῷ τὰ πλείω σφαλέντα, καὶ “πρὸς αὐτοὺς 
τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους πολλὰ ἡμᾶς ἤδη τοῖς ἁμαρτήμασιν αὐτῶν μᾶλλον ἢ 1) 
τῇ ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν τιμωρίᾳ περι γῈ yev oo OVS (i. e, ὃ βάρβαρος ἐσφάλη, 
καὶ ἡμεῖς. περιγεγεν ἤμεθα). ΤΗῦσ. i. 69. Soin the same chapter, τὸν 


‘ 


Μῆδον αὐ τοὶ ἴσμεν ἐκ πειράτων γῆς ἐπὶ ΤΊ ΠΠελοπόνν σον ἐλθόν ‘TU, 


i.e. ὁ Μῆδος ἦλθεν. ᾿Κπειδὴ ἔγνωσαν οὐ μετ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων πρα- 
χθεῖσαν 1 τὴν τῶν Βοιωτῶν ξυμμαχίαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐς διαφορὰν μεγάλην 
καθεστῶτας αὐτοὺς πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους (1.6. οὐκ ἐπ ράχθη 
and καθεστῶσιν). Id. ν. 44. Οὐ γὰρ ἤδεσαν αὐτὸν Te Ov ηκότ a, for 
they did not know that he was dead (i.e. rE Ov KEV). XEN. An. 1. 10, 16. 
See Ann. i. 23; ΞΟΡΗ. Tr. 739. ᾿Κπέδειξα οὐδὲν ἀληθὲς ἀπηγγελ.- 
κότα ἀλλὰ φενακίσανθ᾽ ὑμᾶς, I have shown that he has reported 
nothing that 15 true, and that he deceived you ἀπήγγελκεν and ἐφε- 
νάκισεν). DEM. xix. 177. 

Ke εὖ 1 O€LV καὶ τὴν συμμαχίαν μοι γενησομένην, uf I were sure 
that I should obtain an alliance also (i.e. συμμαχία μοι γενήσεται) Ibid. 
40. So Xen. Hell. iv. 7,3. O δ᾽ ἀντοφείλων ἀμβλύτερος, εἰδὼς 


» 5 , . , 4 , "a ; 
Οὐκ ἐς χάριν ἀλλ ες ὀφείλημα ΤῊΡ ἀρετὴν ἀποδώσων, knowing that 





272 INDIRECT DISCOURSE [688 
he shall not return the benefit, ete. (i.e. οὐκ ἀποδώσω). THUC. li. 40. 
Γνόντες οὔτ᾽ ἀποκωλύσειν δυνατοὶ ὃν τες, εἴ T ἀπομονωθήσονται τῆς 
ξυμβάσεως, κινδυνεύσοντες, ποιοῦνται ὁμολογίαν (1.6. ty re δυνατοί 
ἐσμεν, εἴ τ᾽ ἀπομονωθησόμεθα, κινδυ vevo oper). Id. iii, 28. ᾿ : 

Εὖ δ᾽ ἴσθι μηδὲν ἄν με τούτων ἐπ ἐχειρήσαντα σε πείθειν, εἰ 
δυ ναστείαν μόνον ἢ T πλοῦ 'TOV ἑώρων ἐξ αὐ τῶν fl V ησόμε VOV. Is CC. 
v. 133 (μηδὲν ἂν ἐπιχειρήσαντα represents οὐδὲν ἃ v ἐπεχείρησα, 
and γεν ησόμενον re presents γεν noe rat) Εὖ ἴσμεν μὴ = v ἧσσον ὑμᾶς 
λυπηροὺς γεν ομένους (i.e. οὐκ ἄν ἐ γέν "ἐσθὲ) Tuuc. ἱ. 76. Σκοπού- 
μενος οὖν εὕρισκον οὐδαμῶς ἂν ἄλλως τοῦτο διαπ ραξάμενος, I 
found that I could accomplish this (dca pag Ξα μην ἄν) in no other way. 
Isoc. xv. 7. 

“Ὅπως δέ γε τοὺς πολεμίους δύναισθε κακῶς ποιεῖν, οὐκ οἶσθα 
μαν θάνοντας ὑμᾶς πολλὰς κακουργίας ; do you not know that you 
learned, etc. ? XEN. Cyr. 1. 6, 28. (Here δύναισθε and the whole con- 
text show τῷ μανθάνοντας represents ἐμανθάνετε.) Μέμνημαι δὲ 
ἔγωγε καὶ παῖς ὧν Κριτίᾳ τῷδε υνόντα oe, I remember that you 
were with (Ev vio Ga) this Critias. Puat. Charm. 156 A. (See 140 
and the examples.) 

See other examples in 904, 


688. (Negative μ ἡ.) The participle of indirect discourse, like the 
infinitive, regularly retains the negative ov from the direct form. But, 
as in the case of the infinitive (685), we find many exceptions. Com- 
pare Isoc. v. 133 and Tuuc. 1. 76, which have μή after οἶδα, with 
Tuc. ii. 40 and Isoc. xv. 7, which have οἶδα ov (all quoted in 687). 
See also Sopu. O. C. 656, 797 οἶδα μή), Ph. 79 (ἔξοιδα μή), c <3. 
1121 (ἐπίσταμαι μή) - Eur. Tro. 970 δείξω μη): Tera, i. 17 
(mpoy dee μήν Here also the irregularity may be explained by the 
fixed earlier use of μή in other constructions affecting the later con- 
struction of indirect discourse (6895). 


INDIRECT QUOTATION OF COMPLEX SENTENCES 


689. When a complex sentence is indirectly quoted, its 
leading verb follows the principles already stated for simple 
sentences (669-688). 


1. If the quotation depends on a primary tense, all the 


dependent verbs of the original sentence retain the mood 


and tense of the direct discourse. 


29. After a secondary tense, all dependent verbs of the 


original sentence which there stood in the present, perfect, 


or future indicative, or in any tense of the subjunctive, may 
either be changed to the same tense of the optative or retain 


689] INDIRECT QUOTATION OF COMPLEX SENTENCES 273 


both the mood and tense of the direct discourse, the optative 
being the more common form. When the subjunctive is 
changed to the optative, ἄν is dropped, ἐάν, ὅταν, etc., 
becoming εἰ, ὅτε, etc. 


4“ 


3. But dependent secondary tenses of the indicative and 
all dependent optatives remain unchanged after all tenses 
(see, however, 693). £4. 


os” Afte ἣν primary tenses.) “Av δ᾽ ὑμεῖς λέγητε. ποιήσειν (φησὶ) 
ὃ μήτ᾽ αἰσχύ ν és ig μήτ᾽ ἀδοξίαν αυ τᾷ φέρει. Dem. xix. 41 (1.€. ποιήσω, 
δε :.. ἐμοὶ φέρει). Νομίζω γὰρ, ἂν τοῦτ᾽ ἀκριβῶς μάθητε, 
μᾶλλον ἱ ὑμᾶς τούτοις μὲν ἀπ Lo TIT Et v ἐμοὶ δὲ βο ἡ θήσειν. Id. XXX. 
25 .), Ea αν ἐκεῖνο εἰδῶμεν, ὅτι ἅπ ανθ᾽ ὅσα πώπ oT ἢλπί (OO LEV Ttva 
πράξειν ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν καθ᾽ ἡμῶν εὕρηται, κἂν μὴ νῦν ἐθέλωμεν ἐκεῖ 
πολεμεῖν avto, ἐνθάδ᾽ ἴσως ava γκασθησόμεθα τοῦτο ποιεῖν, K.T.A. 
Id. iv. 50. Προλέγω ὁ ὅτι, ὁπότερ ἂν ἀποκρίνηται, ἐξελεγχθήσεται. 
Prat. Euthyd, 275 E. See Dem, xxi. 66, where two such conditional 
sentences depend on εἰ πρόδηλον γένοιτο, and 1]. xiii. 741 (see 178 
and 184, above). 

Ὁρῶ σοὶ τού TWV δεῆσο V, ὅταν ἐπ ιθυ ῬὍΜ no nS φιλίαν 7 πρός ΤΉΝ 
ποιεῖσθαι. XEN. Mem. ii. 6, 99. Παράδειγμα σαφὲς καταστήσατε, ὃς 


ἂν ἀφιστῆτα “τῇ θανάτῳ ζημιωσόμεν ov. TuHuc. ill. 40. See 687. 


2. Optative after secondary tenses.) Εἶπε ὅτι ἄνδρα ἄγοι ov 
εἷρξαι δέοι, he said that he was bringing a man whom it was necessary 
to confine, 1.6. he said ἄνδρα ἄγω ὃν εἷρξαι δεῖ. XEN. Hell. v. 4, 8. 
; Ar πεκρίνατο ὅτι μαν θάν /OLEV ot μανθάνοντες ἃ οὐκ ἐπ ίσταιν ΤΟ, 1.6. 
he re} ied, μανθάνουσι ἃ οὐκ ἐπίστανται. Ῥιλτ. Euthyd. 276 E. 
(Here οὐκ shows that & has a definite antecedent, and takes the optative 
ake because it is in indirect discourse. So with ov in the preceding 
eX! umple. ᾿Αγησίλαος ἔλεγεν ὅτι, εἰ | βλαβερὰ τ πεπρα Xos εἴ ἢ» δίκαιος 
εἴη ζημιοῦσθαι, i.e. he said εἰ — Te πράχε, δίκαιός ἐστι 
ζημιοῦσθαι. XEN. Hell. v. 2, 32. An. iii. 5, 15 and vi. 6, 25. 

Ki δέ τινα φεύγοντα λή ἡψοιτο, π πρεγνδαραν. ὅτι ὡς προ τυ χρή- 
σοιτο. Id. Cyr. iii. 1, 3. (This is a quotation of εἴ τινα λήψομαι, 
χρήσομαι.) Γνόντες δὲ ὅτι, εἰ δώσοιεν εὐθύνας, κινδυ VEVTOLEV 
ἀπολέσθαι, πέμπουσιν καὶ διδέρκουσιν τοὺς Θηβαίους ὡς, εἰ μὴ στρα- 
τεύσοιεν, κινδυνεύσοιεν οἵ ᾿Αρκάδες πάλιν λακωνίσαι. Id. Hell. 
vil, 4, 34, “Heder γὰρ ὅτι, εἰ μάχης ποτὲ δεήσοι, ἐκ τούτων αὐτῷ 
παραστάτας ληπτέον εἴη. Id. Cyr. viii. 1,10, (The direct discourse 
was εἴ τι δεήσει, Ayrreov ἐστίν.) 

᾿Ελογίῷντο ὡς, εἰ μὴ μάχοιντο, ἀποστήσοιντο αἱ περιοικίδες 
πόλεις. Id. Hell. vi. 4, 6. (Hav μὴ μαχώμεθα, ἀποστήσονται.) 
Χρήμαθ᾽ ὑ πισχνεῖτο δώσει V, εἰ τοῦ πράγματος αἰτιῷν ΤΟ ἐμέ. Dem. 
xxi. 104, (Δώσω, ἐὰν αἰτιᾶσθε.) ᾿Ηγεῖτο γὰρ ἅπαν ποιήσειν 
αὐτὸν, εἴ τις ἀργύριον διδοίη. Lys. xii. 14. {VEaVTO σωτήρια 
θύσειν, ἔνθα πρῶτον εἰς φιλίαν γῆν ἀφίκοιντο. XEN. An. v. 1,1. 


= 





274 INDIRECT DISCOURSE [689 


(The dependent. clause is found in the direct form in iii. 2, 9: δοκεῖ 
μοι evg fac Gat τῳ θεῷ τούτῳ θύσειν owt pea ὕπου ἂν πρῶτον εἰς φιλίαν 
χώραν ἀφικώμεθα. Τοῦτο ἐπραγματεύετο νομίζων, ὅσα τῆς πόλεως 
προλάβοι, πάντα ταῦτα ΩΝ ταῖν ὅσ᾽ ἂν προλάβω, βεβαίως 
ἕξω). DEM. xvill, 26. "HAr (ov ὑπ᾿ TWV παίδων, ἐπειδὴ τελευτή- 
σειαν τὸν βίον, ταφήσεσθαι (ἐπειδὰν τελευτήσωμεν, or 
Lys 5. xiii. 48. Κόνων ἐδίδασκεν ὁ ως οὕτω μὲν ποιοῦντι πᾶσαι αὐτ ῳ αἱ 
πόλεις φιλίαι ἐσοιντο, εἰ δὲ δου λοῦσθαι βου λόμενος φανερὸς ἔσοιτο. 
ἔλεγεν ὡς μία ἑκάστη πολλὰ T ράγματα ἱκανὴ εἴη παρέχειν, καὶ 
κίνδυνος εἴη μὴ καὶ Ob “Ἕλληνες, εἰ ταῦτα αἴσθοιντο, συσταῖεν. 
Xen. Hell. iv. 9. ἃ, Εἶπε τε ὅτι πᾶσα ἀνάγκη εἴη τοῦτον ἐλ λόγιμον 
γενέσθαι, εἴπερ εἰς ἡλικίαν ἔλθοι (ἀνάγκη ἐστὶν, ἐὰν ἔλθῃ). PLAT. 
Theaet. 142 D. ᾿Ενόμισε μὴ ἂν γενέσθαι ποτὲ πιστὸν ἄνθρωπον 
ὅστις ἄλλον μᾶλλον « φιλή ησοι τοῦ τῆς « φυλακῆς δεομένου, he believed 
that no man could ever be made faithful l who was to love see 527) any one 
more than the one — his guardianship ( οὐκ ἂν γένοιτο εἰ φιλήσει). 
XEN. Cyr. vil. 5, 59. ὥμοσεν ᾿Αγεσιλάφῳ, εἰ σπείσαιτο ἕως ἔλθοιεν 
ous s πέμψ ELE πρὸς βασιλέα ἀγγέλους, διαπ ΤΙ pag feo Gat, K, τιλ. if Ι. Ag. 
10. (The oath was ἐὰν σπείσῃ ἕως ἂν ἔλθωσιν ἄγγελοι ovs av 
πέμψω, διαπρά ξομαι. Even in Homer, Il. ii. 597, we find στεῦτο 
yap εὖ χόμενος νικησέμεν, εἴ περ ἂν αὐταὶ Μοῦσαι ἀείδοιεν. for li 
promised with a boast that he would be victor, even if the Muses theueslves 
should sing. (For εἰ av with the opti itive, see 400 5; or ἀείδοιεν may 
represe nt a subjunctive, 692.) ; 
"Ere de γιγνώσκειν ἔφασαν « plov OUVTGaS μὲν αὐτοὺς εἴ τι σφισιν 
ἀγαθὸν γίγνοιτ oO, ἐφηδομένους δ᾽ εἴ τις συμφορὰ προσπίπτοι, 
they said they knew that they (the Με antineans) were envious uf any good 
came to them, but pleased if any calamity bef ll them. XEN. Hell. v. 2, 2. 


~> 


(Φ θονεῖτε μὲν ἐάν τι ἡμῖν ἀγαθὸν γί vv yTat, ἐφήδεσθε δ᾽ ἐάν τις 
συμφορὰ προσπίπτῃ.) Τὴν αἰτίαν. i) πρόδηλος nV ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνους 
ἥξουσα εἴ τι πάθοι Χαρίδημος ἥξει, ἐάν τι πάθῃ Χαρίδημος). 
Dem. xxiii. 12. 

Subjunctive and Indicative retained after secondary tenses. 
‘EXeyov ὅτι ἄκρα τέ ἐστιν ἔνδον καὶ οἱ πολέμιοι πολλοὶ, οἱ 
παίουσιν τοὺς ἔνδον ἀνθρώπ ους, they said that there was a height, et 
XEN. An. V. 2, ae (Here evev and παίοιεν might have been used. ) 

᾿Εδόκει μοι ταύτῃ πειρᾶσθαι σωθῆναι, ἐνθυμουμένῳ OTL, ἐὰν μὲν 
λάθω. σωθήσομαι, K.TA. LyYs. X1l. Ld. (Here εἰ λάθοιμι, σωθὴη 
σοίμην might have been used.) Φάσκων TE, ἢν σωθῃ οἴκαδε, κατά 
γε τὸ αὑτῷ δυ νατὸν ἘΠΕ λάξ ξειν ᾿Αθηναίους καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους, ἀπέ 
ohaewe Xen. Hell. i. 6, 7. (He said ἣν σωθῶ. which might have 
been changed to εἰ tek . Tar?’ ὑμᾶς ἔπεισε πρᾶξαι, εὖ er ee ὅτι. 
εἰ μὴ πασῶν τῶν ἐλπ ἰδὼν ἀποστ ἐρηθήσεσθε, ταχείαν 1 παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν 

τιμωρίαν κομιεῖσθε. Lys. xii. 70. “Y2 TET XOVTO αὑτοῖς, ἢν nie ὶ Llori- 

δαιαν ἔωσιν ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν ἐσβαλεῖν ἣν ἴωσιν, ἐσβαλ. 

ovpev). THvuc. 1. 58. Καὶ OUK ἔφασαν ἰέναι. ἐὰν μὴ τις αὖὐ τοῖς χρή 
"οὐκ 

pata ὀιθῳ" O δ᾽ ὑπέσχετο ἀνδρὶ ἑκάστῳ δώσειν πέντε μνᾶς, ἐπὰν εἰς 


βαβυλῶνα ἥκωσιε, καὶ τὸν μισθὸν ἐντελῆ, μέχρι ἂν KaT αστήσῃ 











689] INDIRECT QUOTATION OF COMPLEX SENTENCES 275 


τοὺς Ἕλληνας εἰς ᾿Ιωνίαν πάλιν. Xen. An. i. 4,12 and 13. Edy 
χρῆναι, ol ἂν παρ δ le διαβάλλοντες τῶν “EAAjvwr, ὡς προδότας 
ὄντας τιμωρηθῆναι. Ib. dD, wax See AESCHIN. 11]. 145. 

Ei l δὲ μὴ; καὶ av τοὶ aa as αὐτῶν τοὺς ἄνδρας ἀποκτενεῖν ous 
ἔχουσι ζῶν TAS, othe rwise, they said, they should themselves kill their men 
whom they had in their hands alive (ἔχοιεν might have been used), 
Tuvuc. ii. 5. Kar TAT X LO ELV τὰς πύλας ἔφασαν, εἰ μὴ ἑκόντες 
ἀνοίξουσιν. XEN. An. vii. 1,16. (Εἰ μὴ ἀνοίΐίξοιεν might have 
been used.) So Tuuc. i. 137. Avrois τοιαύτη δόξα παρειστήκει, ὡς, 
εἰ μὲν πρότερον er ἄλλην πόλιν ἴασιν. ἐκείνοις καὶ ᾿Αθηναίοις πο- 


Ν 


, 5 . " » a ; Sh IA 
ANepnoovety: εἰ ὁ ενθάὸε πρωτον ἀφίξονται, οὐδένας ἄλλους 


IAL 


ToAp ἥσειν, κιτιλ. Lys. ii. 99, Ovdev ὄφελος ἔφη τῶν χθὲς εἰρη- 
μένων εἶναι λόγων, εἰ ταῦθ᾽ οἱ Φιλίππου μὴ συμπεισθήσονται 
πρέσβεις. AESCHIN. iii. 71. Ὃ πρόδηλον ἣν ἐσόμενον, εἰ μὴ ὑμεῖς 
κωλ ύσε TE, it was man ife st that this would be so unless you should pre vent 
it (1.6. ἔσται, εἰ μὴ κωλύσετε). Id. iii, 90. (Κωλύσοιτε might be used ; 
and εἰ μὴ κωλύσαιτε representing ἐὰν μὴ κωλύσητε is in one Ms.) 


3. (Past tenses of Indicative retained after secondary tenses.) “Kzu- 
στεῖλαι δὲ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς τοὺς ἐφόρους (ἔφασαν) εἰπεῖν, ws ὧν μὲν 
πρόσθεν ἐποίουν μέμφοιντο αὐτοῖς. that the Ephors charged them to 
say that they blamed them for what they had done before (ie. Ov πρόσθεν 
ἐποιεῖτε μεμφόμεθα ὑμῖν). ΧαΝ. Hell. iii. 2, 6. 

"HArifov τοὺς Σικελοὺς ταύτῃ, οὗς μετέπεμψαν, ἀπαντήσεσθαι, 
they hoped that the Sikels whom they had sent for would meet them here. 
Tave. vii. 80. Λέγουσι de τινες καὶ ἑκούσιον φαρμάκῳ ἀποθανεῖν 
αὐτὸν, ἀδύνατον νομίσαντα εἶναι ἐπιτελέσαι βασιλεῖ ἃ ὑπέσχετο, 
and some say ever that he Themistocles died a voluntary death by poison, 
helve ving that at was umpossrble to perform for the —o what he had 


» 3 » a“ 


promised | aov νατόν ἐστ ιν ἐπιτελέσαι α ὑ 7 TET X OPV). Id. . 138. ᾽Αντέ- 
λέγον, λέγοντες μὴ ἐπ aaa πω τὰς σπονδὰς OT ἐσέπεμψαν 
τοὺς ὁπ λίτας. Ld. "EAeyov ὡς Ξενοφῶν οἴχοιτο ὡς Σεύθην 
οἰκήσων καὶ ἃ ὑτ πέσχετ ο αὐτῷ ἀποληψόμενος. XEN. An. vil. ΝΕ 55, 


- 


» 


'Ἄκαστον ἠρόμην, εἴ τινες εἰεν μάρτυρες ὧν ἐναντίον τὴν προῖκ᾽ ἀπε- 


ca 


δοσαν (εἰσὶ μάρτυρες, ὧν ἐναντίον ἀπέδοτε ἃ. ΕΜ. xxx. 19. 

The aorist indicative is not changed to the aorist optative here, to 
avoid confusion, as the latter tense in such dependent clauses generally 
represents the aorist subjunctive of the direct form. Thus ἔφη ἅ εὕροι 
δώσειν means he said that he would give whatever he might find (a av 
εὕρω δώσω) :! but if ἃ εὕροι could also represent ἃ εὗρον, it might 
also mean he said that he would gree what he had found, In the leading 
clause the ambiguity is confined to indirect questions, in which the 
aorist indicative is generally retained for the same reason (see 125). 

(Past tenses of the Indicative in unreal conditions retained. ) Ἐδόκει, 
εἶ μὴ ἔφ θασαν ξυλ λαβόν τες τοὺς ἄνδρας, προδοθῆναι ἂν τὴν a 
Truc. vi. 61. (If ἔφθασαν were opt tive, it would represent an 
optative of direct discourse.) Οἴεσθε τὸν πατέρα, εἰ μὴ Τιμοθέου ἣν 
τὰ Ev λα καὶ ἐδεήθη οὗ TOS av τοῦ rT τσρ ἀασχεῖν TO VOU / OV, ἐᾶσαι ἄν ΠΟΤΕ, 





276 INDIRECT DISCOURSE [690 


K.T.A., ἀλλ οὐκ ἂν φυλάττειν καὶ τὴν τιμὴν λαμβάνειν, ἕως ἐκομ i- 
σατο τὰ ἑαυτοῦ; Dem. xlix. 35. Τούτων εἴ τι ἦν ἀληθὲς, οἰεσθ᾽ 
οὐκ ἂν αὐτὴν λαβεῖν ; Id. xxvii. 56. Ἡδέως ἂν ὑμῶν πυθοίμην, τίν᾽ 
ἄν ποτε γνώμην περὶ ἐμοῦ εἴχετε εἰ μὴ ἐπετριηράρχησα ἀλλὰ 
πλέων φχόμην. Id, L. 67. - : ΕΣ ' 

(Dependent Optatives retained.) Elev ὅτι ἔλθοι ἂν εἰς “λόγους εἰ 
ὁμήρους λάβοι (he said ἔλθοιμι ἂν εἰ ὁμήρους Ad Bou). XEN. Hell. 
iii. 1,20. Ἧττον av διὰ τοῦτο τυγχάνειν (δοκεῖ μοι), εἰ τι δέοισθε 
παρ αὐτῶν. Id. An. vi. 1, 26. "Ἔλεγεν ὅτι οὐκ ἄν ποτε προοῖτο, ἐπεὶ 
ἅπαξ φίλος αὐτοῖς ἐγένετο, οὐδ᾽ εἰ ἔτι μὲν μείους γένοιντο ἐτι δὲ 
κάκιον πράξειαν. 10.1. 9,10. Δεινὸν ἄν τι παθεῖν σαυτὸν ἠλπιζες, 
εἰ πύθοινθ᾽ οὗτοι τὰ πεπραγμένα σοι. DEM. xix. 240. 

Sentences such as these are often translated like those which had a 
future and a dependent subjunctive in the direct discourse. Thus 
ἔλεγεν ὅτι χαίροι ἂν εἰ τοῦτο γένοιτο or ἔλεγε χαίρειν ἂν εἰ τύνγυ 
γένοιτο, as well as ἔλεγεν ὅτι χαιρήσοι εἰ τοῦτο γένοιτο or ἔλεγε 
χαιρήσειν εἰ τοῦτο γένοιτο, may all be translated he said that he should 
rejoice if this should happen ; although in the first two sentences the 
direct discourse was χαίροιμι ἂν εἰ τοῦτο γένοιτο, I should rejoice if 
this should happen, and in the last two, χαιρήσω ἐὰν τοῦτο γένηται, 1 
shall rejoice if this shall happen. (See 456.) 

690. The dependent verbs of a quotation may be changed 
to the optative in indirect discourse, even when the leading verb 
retains the indicative; and sometimes (though rarely) a dependent 
verb retains the subjunctive or indicative, when the leading verb 
is changed to the optative. This may give rise to a great variety 
of constructions in the same sentence. δι. 


e “ , ” . 39 Α “ = Γ ΝΥ 
Δηλώσας ὅτι ἕτοιμοί εἰσι μάχεσθαι 46 Tis ἐξερχοι ΤΟ. XEN. 
’ 


κι », on , > ; 327 ες Α , aN . > 
Cyr. iv. 1, 1. ἃ Krowot εἰσιν ἐάν τις ἐξερχηται.) Avoavopos εἶπε 
¢ ~ vw 4 er » 4 = itil τ 3 - . we a 
ὅτι παρασπόνδους ὑμᾶς ἔχοι, καὶ ὅτι οὐ περι πολιτείας ὑμῖν ἐσται 
‘ 5 ‘4 , > a“ , = ,) ἜΝ _ as 
ἀλλὰ περὶ σωτηρίας, εἰ μὴ ποιήσαιθ᾽ ἃ Θηραμένης κελεύοι. LYS. Xil. 
ν ‘ 4 5 4 ͵ » | a“ x i , rr’ a . : 
74. (Ἔχω, καὶ οὐκ ἔσται ἐὰν μὴ ποιήσηθ a. ©. κελεύε. There is 
᾿ . ΓΣ » 7 > ἢ ἊΝ ’ Σ ~~ : 
no need of the emendations 7votjoet and κελεύει.) ᾿Εδόκει δῆλοι 
εἰ . , > ‘ " δες fe μι πὼ / = Or 
εἶναι OTL αἱρήσονται αὐτὸν εἴ τις ἐπ uy ηφίζοι. XEN. An. vi. 1, 25. 
7 ‘ Ἃ er > , 5 =] t He Ξ 4 si 
Οὐκ ἠγνόει Εὐβουλίδης ὅτι. εἰ λόγος ἀποδοθήσοιτο καὶ Tapa- 
7 7 4 ε ~ ἊΝ , Ἢ ~ 1 , aN Φ 
γένοιντό prot TAVTES ot δημόται και 1) ψῆφος OLKALWS δοθει > ΟἹ OG 4L01 
‘ , , = ss Ἢ ae ‘= 
γενήσο νΤαι οἱ μετα TOVTOV συνεστΉηκοτες, Dem. lvi. 16. (Ki ατο- 
, 4 ~ Ἃ ~ LAN th ae δα 
δοθήσεται καὶ εαν παράγενωνται και ψῆφος δοθῃ; OVOG ILO yer yoo TOL, 
‘ oe , 4 ~ , “Ι ὦ ‘ ; 207 
᾿Αγησίλαος γνοὺς ὅτι, εἰ μὲν μηδετέρῳ συλλήψοιτο, μισθὸν οὐδέτερος 
- » 4 ~*~ IN7 ane i ΑΔ. oe = mt ὦ " : 
λ ύσει τοις - ἔλλησιν, αγορᾶν O€ OVOETEPOS 7 Apes el , OTOT Epos rT al 
τ > ‘ " Ἷ > Ot - - 4. δ : δ ᾿Ξ φ. “Ἂς 
κρατήσῃ; οὗτος ἐχθρὸς ἔσται" εἰ OE τῷ ἐτέερῳ σὶ λλήψοιτο, οὗτος 
γε φίλος ἔσοιτο. κιτιλ. XEN. Ag. i. 81. 
» Ἢ o > , Ἃ - ΄ ) a 5 4 tad i ‘ ec , Ἔ ᾿ 
Ἔλεγον ὅτι εἰκότα OOKOLEV λέγειν βασιλεῖ, καὶ ἥκοιεν ἡγημόνας 
ἔχοντες, of αὐτοὺς. ἐὰν σπονδαὶ γένωνται, a ἕξουσιν εἐνθεν ἐξουσι 
4 = = 


, σις 


᾿ ᾧς , ᾿ \ A oy - -_ ᾿ ΄ ᾿ oo 4 ; 
τὰ ἐπιτήδεια. Id. An. ll. os δ. ἔπηρωτα, ποιᾶ € 67) ΤΟ} Opewt ὁποθει 


οἱ Χαλδαῖοι καταθέοντες ληίζονται. Id. Cyr. iil. 2,1, ἔλεξας ort 


5» 


μέγιστον εἰἢ μαθεῖν Ὅπως ὃξει ἐξεργάζεσθαι ἑἕκαστα᾽ εἰ O€ μὴ, OVOE 








693] INDIRECT QUOTATION OF COMPLEX SENTENCES 


τῆς ἐπιμελείας ἔφησθα ὄφελος οὐδὲν γίγνεσθαι, εἰ μή τις ἐπίσταιτο 
ἃ δεῖ καὶ ws δεῖ ποιεῖν. Id. Oec. xv. 2. 

In Dem. xviii. 148, we have both constructions of 689, 2 in the 
same sentence: εἰ μὲν τοῦτο TOV ἐκείνου συμμάχων εἰσηγοῖτό τις, 
ὑπόψεσθαι τὸ πρᾶγμα ἐνόμιζε πάντας" ἂν δ᾽ ᾿Αθηναῖος ἢ ὃ τοῦτο 
ποιῶν, εὐπόρως λήσειν. Here εἰ εἰσηγοῖτο represents ἂν (-- ἐὰν) 
εἰσηγῆται, corresponding to ἂν 7. By keeping the subjunctive in 
the latter case, the expression is made more vivid by contrast. 

In Pxat. Rep. 337 A we have τούτοις προὔλεγον, ὅτι εἰρωνεύσοιο 
καὶ πάντα μᾶλλον ποιήσοις ἢ ἀποκρινοῖο, εἴ τίς τί σε ἐρωτᾷ. 
which must mean I warned them that you would dissemble and would do 
anything rather than answer if any one should ask you anything. The 
direct discourse must be εἰρωνεύσεται καὶ πάντα μᾶλλον ποιήσει ἢ 
ἀποκρινεῖται ἐάν τίς τι αὐτὸν ἐρωτᾷ (subj.). “Kav ἐρωτᾷ must have 
been retained or changed to εἰ with the optative ; and ἐρωτᾷ in the 
text is probably a copyist’s mistake for ἐρωτῴ, a form of the optative 
frequently found in the Cod. A Parisin. of Plato. See in the Republic 
516 A (καθορῷ), 518 A (yeAo), 559 A (μελετῷ), 598 C (ἐξαπατῷ). 
There is, however, a various reading ἔροιτο in a few Mss. in 337 A. 


691. The imperfect or pluperfect sometimes stands irregularly in 
a dependent (as well as in the leading) clause of the indirect discourse 
after a secondary tense, to represent a present or perfect indicative, 
which would regularly be retained or changed to the present or perfect 
optative. Such clauses are really not included in the indirect discourse. 
See 674; 701.) Eg. 

Ἔλεγον οὐ καλῶς τὴν “Ἑλλάδα ἐλευθεροῦν αὐτὸν, εἰ ἄνδρας διε- 
φθειρεν οὔτε χεῖρας ἀνταιρομένους οὔτε πολεμίους (οὐ καλῶς ἐλευ- 
θεροῖς, εἰ διαφθείρεις). ΤΉσο. iii, 82. Ovre γὰρ τοῖς θεοῖς ἔφη 
καλῶς ἔχειν, εἰ ταῖς μεγαλαις θυσίαις μᾶλλον ἢ ταῖς μικραῖς ἔχαιρον 
(εἰ χαίρουσιν). XEN. Mem.i. 3, 3, Καὶ ἔφη εἶναι Tap ἑαυτῷ ὅσον μὴ 
ἦ ν ἀνηλωμένον (ὅσον μή ἐστιν ἀνηλωμένον). Dem. xl viii. 16. Ἃ 
μὲν εἰλήφει τῆς πόλεως ἀποδώσειν (ἡγούμην), I thought that he would 
give back what he had taken from the city; Le. ἃ εἴληφεν ἀποδώσει. 
Id, xix, 151. 


692. In a few cases, a relative or particle which had av with the 
subjunctive in the direct form irregularly retains av in indirect discourse 
after a past tense, although the verb has been changed to the optative. 
This must not be confounded with ἄν belonging to a potential optative 
‘506; 557). Eg. 

Οὐκ ἔσθ᾽ ὅστις οὐχ ἡγεῖτο TOV εἰδότων δίκην με λήψεσθαι Tap av- 
TOV, ἐπειδὰν τάχιστα ἀνὴρ εἶναι δοκιμασθείην (so the Mss). 
Dem. xxx. 6. (The direct discourse was ἐπειδὰν δοκιμασθῃ, and the 
regular indirect form would be ἐπειδὴ δοκιμασθείην or ἐπειδὰν δοκιμα- 
oO.) (See also 702.) 

693. When no ambiguity can arise from the change of an aorist 
indicative to the optative in a dependent clause of the indirect discourse, 
this tense may follow the general principle. This occurs chiefly in 





278 INDIRECT DISCOURSE [694 


causal sentences after ὅτι, ἐπεί, etc., because (713), in which the sub- 
junctive can never be used, Κι. 

Εἶχε γὰρ λέγειν ὡς Λακεδαιμόνιοι διὰ τοῦτο πολεμήσειαν αὐτοῖς, 
ὅτι οὐκ ἐθελήσαιεν μετ᾽ ᾿Αγησιλάου ἐλθεῖν ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν οὐδὲ θῦσαι 
ἐάσεια V αὐτὸν ἐν Αὐλιδι. XEN. Hell. Vii. l, o4. (The direct discourse 
was ἐπολέμησαν ἡμῖν, ὅτι οὐκ ἠθελήσαμεν ἐλθεῖν οὐδὲ θῦσαι 
εἰάσαμεν αὐτόν.) ᾿Απηγήσασθαί (φασι ὡς ἀνοσιώτατον μὲν εἴη 
εἰργασμένος ὅτε τοῦ Goes φεοῦ ἀποτάμοι τὴν κεφαλὴν, σοφώτατον 
δὲ ὅτι τοὺς φυλάκους καταμεθύσας καταλύσειε τοῦ ἀδελφεοῦ κρεμά- 
μενον τὸν νέκυν. Hot. ii. 121. Here ore καταλύσειε represents ὅτι 
xaréAvoa, because I took down ; ὅτε ἀποτάμοι (so the Mss.) might also 
be understood in a causal sense, since hi had cut off, although in the 
sense of when he cut off it could not be ambiguous here. Madvig, 
however, reads ὅτε in both clauses. See Xen. Mem. i. 4, 19 (quoted 
in 714). (See also 700, and the examples.) 


SINGLE DEPENDENT CLAUSES IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 


694. 1. The principles which govern dependent clauses 
of indirect discourse (059) apply also to all dependent 
clauses in sentences of every kind (even when what precedes 
is not in indirect discourse), if such clauses express indirectly 
the past thought of any person, even that of the speaker 
himself. This affects the construction only when the leading 
verb is past; then the dependent clause may either take the 
optative, in the ¢ense in which the thought was originally 
conceived, or retain both the mood and the tense of the 
direct discourse. When a subjunctive is changed to an 
optative, av is dropped. 

2. Secondary tenses of the indicative here (as in 689, 3) 
regularly remain unchanged. — but an aorist indicative sometimes 
becomes optative when no ambiguity can result from the change 
(see 693): this may occur in causal sentences (699 and 714) and 
in the relative sentences of 700. 

The principle of 694 applies to the following constructions :— 

695. I. Clauses depending on the infinitive which follows 
verbs of wishing, commanding, advising, and others which imply 
thought but do not take the infinitive in indirect discourse (684). 
E.g. 

᾿Εβούλοντο ἐλθεῖν εἰ τοῦτο γένοιτο. they wished to go Uf this should 
happen. (Here the original expression of the thought would be βουλό- 


μεθα ἐλθεῖν ἐὰν τοῦτο γένηται, and therefore ἐὰν γένηται might be 











696] SINGLE DEPENDENT CLAUSES 279 


. Ἢ a 7 as 4 | , 5 ’ o a 2 ’ 
retained.) Γαδάταν δὲ καὶ I wBpvav ἐκέλευσεν ὁ τι δυναιντο λαβόν- 
~ ;, , @ > Ἀ ε , > , > , Ν 
τας μεταδιώκειν" καὶ ὅστις εἶχε TAS ἐπόμενας ἀγέλας, εἶπε τούτῳ καὶ 
“ ; 4 5 , oe ” > Ἀ , ” : «ες 
ᾶμα πρόβατα πολλὰ ἐλαύνειν ὁπῃ ἂν αὐτὸν πυνθάνηται OVTA, ὡς 
> " 


ἐπισφαγείη. XEN. Cyr. vii. 3, 7. (Here ὅ τι δύναιντο represents 0 Tt 


” a 7 . “ sy , [ἢ ” , 
av δύνησθε, while OT) ἂν πυνθάνηται represents O77) αν πυνθάνῃ.) 


᾿Εβούλοντο γὰρ σφίσιν. εἴ τινα, λάβοιεν, ὑπάρχειν ἀντὶ τῶν ἔνδον, 
) ; ζωγρημένοι, for they wished that, of they should 
capture any one, he muyht be a hostaye for their friends within the city, am 
case any should chance to have bee n tole n prisoners (ἢν λάβωμεν, and ἢν 

͵ 


> 


” ν 
pV apa TVX WOT TLVES € 


τύχωσι). THUC. 11. 5. Οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι Θηβαῖοι, ods ἔδει παραγενέσθαι εἰ 
τι μὴ προχωρο in τοῖς ἐσεληλυθόσιν, ἐπεββοήθουν. who were to come 
up if anything should go wrong with those who had entered the city (jv τι 
μὴ προχωρῇ). bid. 

[I poetzrov αὐτοῖς μὴ ναυμαχεῖν Κορινθίοις. ἢν μὴ ἐπὶ Κέρκυραν 
πλέωσι καὶ μέλλωσιν ἀποβαίνειν. Id, i, 45. Kat παρήγγειλαν 
ἐπειδὴ δειπνήσειαν συνεσκευασμένους πάντας ἀναπαύεσθαι, καὶ 
ἔπεσθαι ἡνίκ᾽ ἄν τις παραγγέλλῃ. XEN. An. 11]. 5, 18. (᾿πειδὰν 
δειπνήσητε, and ἡνίκ᾽ ἄν τις rapayyeAAy.) Περὶ αὐτῶν κρύφα πέμπει, 
κελεύων μὴ ἀφεῖναι πρὶν ἂν αὐτοὶ πάλιν κομισθῶσιν., he sent bidding 
the Athenians not to let them go until they should themselves have returned. 
Tuc. i. 91. (IIpiv κομισθεῖεν might be used.) Kat πολλάκις τοῖς 
᾿Αθηναίοις παρήνει, ἢν ἄρα ποτὲ κατὰ γῆν βιασθῶσι, καταβάντας 
ἐς αὐτὸν ταῖς ναυσὶ πρὸὺς ἅπαντας ἀνθίστασθαι. Id. 1. 93. (Ki βια- 
σθεῖεν might be used.) ᾿Ηξώυν αὐτοὺς ἡγεμόνας σφῶν γενέσθαι, καὶ 
Παυσανίᾳ μὴ ἐπιτρέπειν ἣν που βιάζηται. Id. τ 95. ( {i που 
βιάζοιτο might be used.) ᾿Αφικνοῦνται ws Σιτάλκην, βουλόμενοι 
πεῖσαι αὐτὸν. εἰ δύναιντο, στρατεῦσαι ἐπὶ τὴν Ποτίδαιαν. Id. 11. 67. 
“Ἕτοιμος ἦν ἀποτίνειν, εἰ καταγνοῖεν αὐτοῦ. Isoc. xvil. 10. Εἶπον 
μηδένα τῶν ὄπισθεν κινεῖσθαι πρὶν ἂν ὁ πρόσθεν ἡγῆται. I commanded 
that no one at the rear should move until the one before him should lead. 
Xen. Cyr. 11. 2, 8. 

ΠΠαρηγγέλλετο γὰρ αὐτοῖς δέκα μὲν οὺς Θηραμένης ἀπέδειξε 
χειροτονῆσαι, δέκα δὲ ovs ol ἔφοροι κελεύοιεν. they were bidden to 
choose ten whom Theramenes had nominated, and ten whom the Ephors com- 
manded (i.e. ods ἀπέδειξε and ots κελεύουσιν) Lys. xii, 76. > ExeAevoe 
με τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἣν ἔγραψα οἴκαδε δοῦναι. the letter which I had 
written. XEN, Cyr. 11. 2, 9. (Ἣν γράψαιμι would mean whatever letter 
I might write, representing ἣν av γράψῃς.) Διενοοῦντο αὐτοὺς πάλιν ὅθεν 
ἦλθον ἐς Θράκην ἀποπέμπειν, they planned to send them back to Thrace, 
whence they had come, Tuc. vil. 27. (See 689, 3.) 


696. II. Clauses containing a protasis, the apodosis of which 
is implied in the past leading verb or its adjuncts. £9. 

Διδόντος δ᾽ αὐτῷ πάμπολλα δῶρα Τιθραύστου, εἶ ἀπέλθοι. 
ἀπεκρίνατο, when T. off red (to gure him Many gifts, if hue would go 
away. Xen. Ag. iv. 6. (‘Kav ἀπέλθῃ might be used.) Pirakas 
συμπέμτει, ὅπως φυλάττοιεν αὐτὸν, καὶ εἰ τῶν ἀγρίων τι φανείη 
θηρίων, and to be ready) in case any wild heast should appear ,; his 





eS toot 


σαν αν ν᾿ - 


280 INDIRECT DISCOURSE [697 


thought being ἐάν τι φανῇ. Id. Cyr. i. 4,7. Πρὸς τὴν πόλιν, εἰ 
ἐπιβοηθοῖεν, ἐχώρουν, they marched towards the city, in case they (the 
citizens) should rush out (i.e. so as to meet them, if they should rush out), 
the thought being ἢν ἐπιβοηθῶσιν (490, 1). THuc. vi, 100. Οὐδ᾽ 
ἦν τοῦ πολέμου πέρας οὐδ᾽ ἀπαλλαγὴ Φιλίππῳ, εἰ μὴ Θηβαίους καὶ 
Θετταλοὺς ἐχθροὺς ποιήσειε τῇ πόλει, i.e. Philip saw that he could 
neither end nor escape the war unless he should make the Thebans and 
Thessalians hostile to the city (the original apodosis, I cannot end or 
escape the war, to which ἐὰν μὴ ποιήσω was the protasis, is implied in 
οὐδ᾽ iv... Φιλίππῳ). Dem, xviii. 145. 

“Hy δέ τις εἴπῃ ἢ ἐπιψηφίσῃ κινεῖν τὰ χρήματα ταῦτα ἐς ἄλλο 
τι, θάνατον ζημίαν ἐπέθεντο, they set death as the penalty (i.e. voted that 
death should be the penalty) if any one should move, or put to vote a 
motion, to divert this money to any other purpose, Tuuc, il. 24. (Εἰ 
εἴποι ἢ ἐπιψηφίσειεν might be used.) Τἄλλα, ἢν ere ναυμαχεῖν οἱ 
᾿Αθηναῖοι τολμήσωσι, παρεσκευάζοντο, ie. they made their other pre- 
parations, (to be ready) in case the Athenians should still dare to risk a 
sea fight (their thought being we will be ready i case they shall dare, ἣν 
τολμήσωσιυ). Id, vii. 59. So ἢν ἔωσιν, Id. iv. 42. Οὐ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐμελ- 
λον ἕξειν εἰ μὴ ναυκρατήσουσιεν, they were not like ly to have them 
(provisions) for the future (as they thought) unless they should hold the 
sea, Id. vil. 60. Ἢν οὐδὲν μᾶλλον μέγ᾽ αὐτῷ καθ᾽ ὑμῶν οὐδ᾽ οὕτω 
πρᾶξαι, εἰ μὴ τοὺς Φωκέας ἀπολεῖ, he was none the more able even 
then to do you any great harm (he thought) unless he should de stroy the 
Phocians (εἰ μὴ ἀπολῶ). Dem, xix, 317. See Il. v. 301. Kai ἐγὼ 
τὸν Εὐηνὸν ἐμακάρισα, εἰ ws ἀληθῶς ἔχει ταύτην τὴν τέχνην καὶ 
οὕτως ἐμμελῶς διδάσκει, I congratulated him (told him he was happy), 
if he really had this art, Puav. Ap, 20 B. (Here ἔχοι and διδάσκοι 
might be used.) 


697. III. Clauses containing a protasis depending on a past 
verb of emotion, like θαυμάζω, αἰσχύνομαι, etc. (494). Lug. 

5 ‘ , Ἂν wv » ‘ b | , , , 

θαύμαζε ὃ εἰ TLS ἀρετὴν ἐπαγγελλόμενος ἀργύριον πράττοιτο, 
he wondered that any demanded money, ete. XEN. Mem. i. 2, 7. (But 
in i. 1, 13, we find ἐθαύμαξε δ᾽ εἰ μὴ φανερὸν αὐτοῖς ἐστιν, he 
wondered that it was not plain. "ἔχαιρον ἀγαπῶν εἴ τις ἐάσοι, 1 
rejoiced, be ing content uf any one would let at pass. PLAT. Rep. 450 A, 
Ovk ἡσχύνθη εἰ τοιοῦτο κακὸν ἐπάγει τῳ, he was not ashamed uf or 
that) he was bringing such a calamity on any one, DEM. XXl. Ι0 δ. Two 


~ ὝΝ ε ~ ~ ἢ ‘ 4 > , , " ᾿ » «4 
O€ μὴθει φαντη (UVVELOOTL OELVOI ELT I) EL, ει TOV PWV epywv OOS EL KOlL- 


νωνεῖν τῳ σιωπῆσαι, it seemed hard, if he was to appear to be implicated, 
ete.; he thought, δεινόν ἐστιν εἰ δόξω (407). Id. xix. 33. (Here 
δόξοι might be used like ἐάσοι above, Oi δ᾽ ὠκτειροι Ἀ εἶ ἁλώσοι VTO, 
and others pitied them wf they were to be captured, the direct thought 
being we pity them vf they are to be captured, εἰ ἁλώσονται, which might 
be retained (see the next example). Xen. An. i. 4, 7. Οὐκ ἔφασαν 


‘ " τ 


᾿. , ᾽ ᾽ - , ᾿ κι ~% , ἢ 
ἐπιτρεψαι, οὐκ ἐλεοῦντες τὰ τείχη εἰ πεσεῖται, OVOE κηδόμενοι τῶν 


νεων εἰ Λακεδαιμονίοις παραδοθήσονται, i.e. they felt no pity for the 

















700] SINGLE DEPENDENT CLAUSES 281 


walls if they were to fall, nor care for the ships of they were to be sur- 
rendered. Lys. xiil. 15. 


698. IV. Temporal sentences expressing a past intention, 
purpose, or expectation, especially those introduced by ἕως or πρίν, 
until, after past tenses. δι. 

Ὦ[ρσε δ᾽ ἐπὶ κραιπνὸν Βορέην, πρὸ δὲ κύματ᾽ ἔαξεν, ἕως ὅ γε 
Φαιήκεσσι φιληρέτμοισι μιγείη, ie, te the end that (until) Ulysses 
should get to the Phaeacians ; originally ἕως ἂν μιγῃ (614, 2). Od. v. 
385. So eiws θερμα ίνοιτο, Od. ix. 376. Σπονδὰς ἐποιήσαντο ἕως 
ἀπαγγελθείη τὰ λεχθέντα εἰς Λακεδαίμονα, they made a truce (to 
continue) until what had been said should be announced at Sparta ; 1.6. 
ἕως ἂν ἀπαγγελθῃ, which might have been retained. XEN. Hell. 111. 
2,20. ᾿Απηγόρευε μηδένα βάλλειν πρὶν Κῦρος ἐμπλησθείη θηρῶν, 
until Cyrus should be satisfied. Id. Cyr. 1. 4, 14. (His words were πρὶν 
ἂν ἐμπλησθῇ) Ov de μένοντες ἕστασαν ὁππότε πύργος ᾿Αχαιῶν 
ἄλλος ἐπελθὼν Τρώων ὁρμήσειε καὶ ἄρξειαν πολέμοιο, i.e. they 
stood waiting for the tume when, ete. 1]. iv. 334. So Il. 11. 794. II pov- 
κίνησαν τὸ στῖφος. ὡς παυσομένους τοῦ διωγμοῦ ἐπεὶ σφᾶς ἴδοιεν 
προορμήσαντας, when they should see them, ete. XEN. Cyr. 1. 4, 21. 

Οὐ yap δή σφεας ἀπίει 5 θεὸς τῆς ἀποικίης πρὶν δὴ ἀπίκωνται 
ἐς αὐτὴν Λιβύην. Hor. iv. 157. (᾿Απέκοιντο might be used.) Oi δὲ 
Κορίνθιοι ov προεθυμήθησαν ξυμπλεῖν πρὶν τὰ Ἴσθμια, ἃ τότε ἦν. 
διεορτάσωσιν, until they had (should have) finished celebrating the 
Isthmian games, which were then going on. THUC. vill. 9. 


699. V. Past causal sentences in which the cause 1s stated 
as one assigned by another, so far as these allow the optative 
(714). Fg. 

᾿Εκάκιζον ὅτι στρατηγὺς ὧν οὐκ ἐπεξάγοι, they abused him because 
(as they said) he did not lead them out. Tuuc. ii. 21. See other 
examples under 714. 

Though the optative is allowed here, on the principle of indirect 
discourse, the indicative of the direct form C4. ἐπεξάγει in the above 
example) seems not to have been allowed (see 715). Causal sentences 
are usually constructed without reference to the principle of indirect 


discourse (see 7 13). 


700. VI. Even some ordinary relative sentences expressing 
the previous thought of another, which allow the optative in 
place of the ordinary indicative. .9. 

Kat TEE σῆμα ἰδέσθαι. ὅττι ῥά οἱ γαμβροῖο πάρα II pottoto 
φέροιτο, he asked to see the token, which (he said) he was bringing from 
Proetus, ie. he said φέρομαι. Il. .vi. 176. So Od. v. 240. Kipeto 
παῖδα τὸν Evadva τέκοι, he asked for the child which Evadne had borne. 
Pinp. ΟἹ. vi. 49. Κατηγόρεον τῶν Αἰγινητέων τὰ πεποιήκοιεν προ- 
δόντες τὴν ᾿λλάδα, i.e. they accused them for what (as they said) they 
had done. Hpt. vi. 49. So τὰ πεπονθὼς εἴη, 1. 44. Καλεῖ τὸν Λάιον. 


, ~ , " 5 ΄ » e , , 5 4 4 ἊΣ 
μνήμην παλαιὼν σπερμάτων EXOVT , ὑφ᾽ ὧν θάνοι μεν αὑτὸς, THY O€ 





282 INDIRECT DISCOURSE [70] 


τίκτουσαν λίποι, by which (as she said) he had perished himself, and 
had left her the mother, ete. Sopp. Ὁ. T. 1245. If the relative clause 
contained merely the idea of the speaker, ἔθανε and ἔλιπε would be 
used. Here no ambiguity can arise from the use of the aorist optative 
(see 693). To τοῦ κρείττονος ξυμφέρον ἔλεγεν ὃ ἡγοῖτο ὃ κρείττων 
αὑτῷ ξυμφέρειν, he meant the superior’s advantage which the supervor 
believed to be his own advantage. Piat. Rep. 340 B. This construction 
is rare in Attic Greek, but is not uncommon in Herodotus. 


701. The imperfect and pluperfect occasionally represent the 
present and perfect indicative in this construction. Such clauses are 
simply not included in the indirect discourse. (See 674; 691.) Ly. 

᾿Ετοῖμος ἦν, εἰ μὲν τούτων τι εἴργαστο, δίκην δοῦναι, εἰ δ᾽ ἀπο- 
λυθείη, ἄρχειν, he was ready, if he had done any of these things, to be 
punished ; but uf he should be acquitted, to hold his command, THUC. 
vi. 29. (Ei eipyaoro represents εἰ εἴργασμαι, while εἰ ἀπολυθείη 
represents ἐὰν ἀπολυθῶ.) 


702. "Av is occasionally retained with relatives and temporal 
particles in sentences of this kind, even when the subjunctive to which 
they belonged has been changed to the optative. (See 692.) Eg. 

7 5... ἃ ἊΝΝᾺ / ‘an ε , Ν » ~ ἊΝ ‘ ε ~ 

Τοὺς O€ λαμβάνοντας ΤΊ)" ὁμιλίας μισθὸν AVOPATOOLT TAS EAUTWYV 


᾽ , ἊΝ N > - a > ~ , ’ > ” 
ἀπεκάλει, διὰ TO ἀναγκαῖον αὕτοις εἰναι διαλέγεσθαι Tap ὧν ἂν 
λάβοιεν τὸν μισθόν, because they were obliged (as he said) to converse 
with those from whom they received the pay. XEN. Mem. 1. Ze 6. (Here 
- , - , , “ἘΞ τὸ ‘> 4 , 
ὧν ἂν λάβοιεν represents ov ἂν λάβωσιν) Kat μοι tad ἣν προρρητα, 
, “~ , 4 oe "»" » | 7 ᾽ , 
τὸ φάρμακον τοῦτο ow ev ἐμὲ ἕως ἂν ἀρτίχριστον ἁρμόσαιμι που. 
ν ἤ Ὺ Φ Φ 5 > a7 5 4 - 
Sopu. Tr. 687 (see Sehneidewin’s note). Ηξίουν αὐτοὺς μαστιγοῦν 
, “ ν > - .“7)Α ᾽ a , oe rm 
τὸν ἐκδοθέντα ἕως ἂν τάληθη δόξειεν avTots λέγειν. Isoc. xvii. 15. 


ad 


r , > 7 "ἱ 4 » 5 ” 4 > 
Χαίρειν €W7)S αν KUt οὐκ aTOKPLVAto εως GV Ta aT 


» 


ἐκείνης ὁρμηθέντα 
σκέψαιο, you would not answer (you would say) until you should have 
examined, ete. (ws ἂν σκέψωμαιλ. PLAT. Phaed. 101 D. Here we must 
place ὅταν ἐκσῳζοίατο, ΑΈΒΟΗ. Pers. 450, if the text is sound. Ilap- 


: sce : A ; yee μι - 
ἤγγειλεν αὐτοῖς μὴ πρότερον ἐπιτίθεσθαι πρὶν ἂν των σφετέρων ἢ 
πέσοι τις ἢ τρωθείη. Xen. Hell. ii. 4, 18 ; so πρὶν ἂν μετέχοιεν, 
ii. 3, 48. See ἕως ἂν οἱ νόμοι τεθεῖεν. ΑΝΡ. i. 81. Many scholars 
repudiate this use of ἄν and emend the passages: see Dindorf on 
Sopu. Tr. 687. 

It is doubtful whether ἐάν was ever thus used with the optative. 


703. Upon this principle (694) final and object clauses with 
ἵνα, ὡς, ὅπως, ὄφρα, and μή, after past tenses, admit the double 
construction of indirect discourse, and allow the subjunctive or 
the future indicative instead of the optative, to retain the form 
in which the purpose would be originally conceived. (See 315 
and 339.) 

704. The principles of indirect discourse (689, 2 apply to future 
conditional and conditional relative clauses which depend upon final 
and object clauses after past tenses. Κα. 





707] OVS ὅτι WITHOUT A VERB 983 


’ ἢ λθόντες ἐς Λακεδαίμονα (ἔπρασσον) ὅπως ἑτοιμάσαιντο τιμω- 
ρίαν, ἢν δέῃ. THuc. i. 58. (Here εἰ δέοι might have been used.) 
᾿Εφοβεῖτο γὰρ μὴ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι σφάς. ὁπότε σαφῶς ἀκούσειαν, 
οὐκέτι ἀφῶσι Vv. Id. i. 91. (Here ὁπόταν ἀκούσωσιν 15 changed to 
ὁπότε ἀκούσειαν, although ἀφῶσιν is retained.) 


Οἱδ᾽ ὅτι without a Verb. 


705. O78’ ὅτι sometimes means J am sure, when the context 
readily suggests a verb for ὅτ. Lg. 

[Πάρειμι δ᾽ ἄκων οὐχ ἑκοῦσιν, οἶδ᾽ ὅτι, and here I an, against my 
will, and against your will, I am sure. SOPH. Ant. 276. Μὰ τὸν Z ag 
οὔκουν τῷ γε TW, σάφ᾽ ἴσ θ᾽ ὅτι. 1.6, be assured. AR. Pl. 889. Πάντων 
οἶδ᾽ ὅτι φησάντων γ᾽ ἄν, when all, 1 am sure, would say. DEM. 1x. 1. 
Βούλομαι μνημονεύοντας ὑμῶν οἶδ᾽ ὅτι τοὺς πολλοὺς ὑπομνῆσαι, 1.6. 
I wish to remind you, though I am sure most of you remember it. Id. xix. 9. 

In such cases it would be useless or impossible to add the implied 


verb, 


e/ e ad ¢ ᾿ . . 
Οπως, ὅ, οὕνεκα, and ὁθούνεκα in Indirect Quotations. 


706. Ὅπως is sometimes (especially in poetry) used in 
indirect quotations in the sense of ὡς. fg. 

Τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸ μή μοι φράζ᾽, ὅπως οὐκ εἶ κακός, this very thing tell 
me not, that you are not base. Sopu. O. T. 548. "Avaé, ἐρῶ μὲν οὐχ 
ὕπως τάχους ὕπο δύσπνους ἱκάνω, 1 will not say exactly that I come 
breathless with haste. Id, Ant. 223. Μὴ yap ἐλπίσῃς ὅπως eh 
ex Padeis, for do not hope that you will expel me. Eur. Her. 1051. So 
Sopu. ΕἸ. 963. ᾿Ανάπεισον ὅκως pot ἀμείνω ἐστὶ ταῦτα οὕτω 
ποιεόμενα. Hop, 1. 37. Οὐ μὲν οὐδὲ φήσω ὅκως Αἰγύπτιοι παρ᾽ 
Ἑλλήνων ἔλαβον τοῦτο. Id. ii, 49. So iii, 115, 116. See also 
ὕπως οὐ πάντα ἐπίσταμαι, PLAT. Euthyd. 296 E. In most of these, 
the original modal force of ὅπως, how, can be seen. 

In Sopn. Ant. 685, we have ὅπως ov μὴ λέγεις ὀρθῶς τάδε, 
where μή is a standing puzzle. It probably must be classed with the 
very rare ὅτι μή with the indicative, and with the irregular μή with 
the infinitive after verbs of saying and thinking (for all these see 685 
and 686, above). 

707. (Οὐχ ὅπως, οὐχ ὅτι, etc.) Οὐχ ὅπως Or (rarely) μὴ 
ὕπως, and οὐχ ὅτι or μὴ ὅτι, by the ellipsis of a verb of saying, 
often mean I do not speak of or not to speak of. ᾿Αλλά, ἀλλὰ καί, 
GAN οὐδέ, or ἀλλὰ μηδέ usually follows in a clause which expresses 
a strong antithesis. After οὐχ the implied verb of saying would 
be an indicative, after μή it would be an imperative or sub- 
junctive ; but, like most elliptical idioms, this is often used 
where the ellipsis cannot be precisely supplied. What is men- 





284 INDIRECT DISCOURSE [708 


tioned in the former clause as not to be spoken of may be under- 
stood to be either affirmed or negatived by the expression, 
according to the context; so that the force of οὐχ ὅπως may 
sometimes be conveniently given by not only, sometimes by so 
far from (not only not). Εἰ. : 
Οὐχ ὅπως τὰ σκεύη ἀπέδοσθε, ἀλλὰ καὶ αἱ θύραι ἀφηρπάσθησαν, 
not to speak of your selling the furniture (i.e. not only did you sell the 
furniture, but), even the doors were carried off. Lys. xix. 31. (With 
λέγω supplied with οὐχ ὅπως we have I do not speak of your selling the 
furniture ; but this would be awkward, and probably no precise verb 
was thought of.) Ke κατώρθωσεν ἐκεῖνος. οὐχ ὅτι τῶν ὄντων ἂν 
ἀπεστερήμην, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ av ἔζην, if he had succeeded, not to speak of being 
deprived of my property, (not only should [ have been deprived of my prope rty, 
but) I should not even be alive. Dem. xxiv. 7. Οὐκ ἐστιν ἄξια μὴ ὅτι 
δυοῖν ταλάντοιν προσόδου, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ εἴκοσι μνῶν, it is not sufficient to 
represent an wncome even of tae nty minas, not to speak of two talents. Id. 
Xxxvl. 39. Tovoe οὐχ ὅπως κωλυταὶ γενήσεσθε, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς 
ὑμετέρας ἀρχῆς δύναμιν προσλαβεῖν περιόψεσθε, not to speak of (so far 
from) your becoming a hindrance to them, you will even permit them to add 
to thewr power from your own dominions. Tuuc. i.35. M ἢ ὅπως ὀρχεῖ- 
σθαι ἐν ῥυθμῳ, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ὀρθοῦσθαι ἐδύνασθε, not to speak of dancing τὴ 
time, you could not even stand erect. XEN. Cyr. 1. 3, 10. Τοὺς Θηβαίους 
ἡγεῖτο ἐάσειν ὅπως βούλεται πράττειν ἑαυτὸν, καὶ οὐχ ὅπως ἀντι- 
πράξειν καὶ διακωλύσειν. ἀλλὰ καὶ συστρατεύσειν, he thought the Thebans 
would let him do as he pleased, and—not to speak of opposing and hinde ring 
him—would even youn forces with him. Dem. vi. 9. (Here no definite 


‘ 
{ 


> 


, Ἢ » +c Ἂ ra“ Lad 7 
verb can be supplied.) Εδιδασκον " οημον ὡς Ov X OT WS τιμωρη»- 


} 
ῥοὸρίαν, that, so far from having 


T 
> 4 4 > / s , 
CatVvTo, ἀλλὰ και ἐπαινεσαιεν TOV x 


punished S., they had even prarsed him οὐχ ὅπως with an optative 
» ε . . . . - 
after ws in indirect discourse). Xen. Hell. v. 4, 34. 


708. Occasionally one of these expressions stands in the second 
clause : as διὰ τὸν χειμῶνα οὐδὲ πλεῖν, μ ὴ ὅτι al αἱρεῖσθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας, 
δυνατὸν ἦν, on account of the storm at was not possvbl. even to satl, much 
less to pick up the men (not to speak of pu Ϊ ing up the men). Xen. Hell. 
3.2%. se πεπαύμεθ᾽ ἡμεῖς, οὐχ ὅπως σε παύσομεν, we have been 
stopped ourselves: there is no talk: of our stopping "οι. SOPH. Fl. 796. 

Compare Dem. xix. 137: ἐπύθετο αὐτὸν οὐδὲ τοῦ Gv ὄντα κύριον 

“κα 


ε ) ἴω , “a 3 , . , . 
αὐτῷ βεβαιῶσαι, μ Te γ᾽ α εκεινῳ ὑπέσχετο πρᾶξαι, 1.6. not at all much 
less) to do what he had promised him. 


709. 1. In Homer 4, the neuter of és, is used like ὅτι, that. 
fg. 

ον πω eee oe 8 ; , : β 

ιγνώσκων ὃ OL αὐτὸς ὑπείρεχε KELPAS Ἀπόλλων, knowing that 

A pollo himself held over ham his hands. ΕΠ, ν. 433. Kd Vu Kal ἡμεῖς 
ἰὃμεν ὅ τοι σθένος οὐκ ἐπιεικτόν. 1]. vill. 32. Λεύσσετε γὰρ TO γε 

ΓΙ faa 7 wv w ᾽ . ᾿ 
παντες, ὁ μοι YEpas ἐρχεται ἄλλῃ. that my prize goes elsewhere. IL i. 120. 
So Od. xii. 295. (See 663, 1, and 671.) 





711] “Ori BEFORE DIRECT QUOTATIONS 985 


2. In the following cases 6 τ᾽ for ὅ τέ (neuter of ὃς Te) is used in 
Homer like 6 and ὅτι :---Γιγνώσκων 6 τ᾽ ἄναλκις ἔην Geos, knowing 
that the Goddess was weak. Ll. v. 591 : so xvii. 623, Od. viii. 299. ‘Qs 
εἴδονθ᾽ ὅ τ᾽ ἄρ ἐκ Διὸς ἤλυθεν ὄρνις. Ll. vill. 261. Nov δ᾽ ἤδη τόδε 
δῆλον, ὅ τ᾽ οὐκέτι νόστιμός ἐστιν. Od. xx. 333. 

Since ὅτι does not allow elision, it is now customary to write this 
form 6 7° (as above). But Schmitt (after Capelle) writes ὅτ᾽ in all 
these cases, assuming the form to be an elided ὅτε (709, 3). 

3 In a few cases ὅτε, when, is used in Homer in a sense which 
approaches very near that of ὅτι, that. Lg. 

Οὐδ᾽ Ziad’ Αἴαντα Ζεὺς. ὅτε δὴ Τρώεσσι δίδω νίκην. 1.6. nor was 
Ajax unaware that Zeus was giving victory to the Trojans lit. when Zeus 
was giving). 1]. xvii. 626. Compare ll. xxiv. 563, οὐδέ pe λήθεις, 
ὅττι θεῶν τίς σ᾽ ἦγε. See Schmitt, pp. 40-50. 

This occasional use of ὅτε seems hardly to justify the assumption 
that 67’ in all the cases in 709, 2 stands for ὅτε. 


710. 1. Οὕνεκα in Homer, and ὁθούνεκα and οὕνεκα in the 
tragedians, are sometimes used like ὅτι or ws, that. ΚΕ. 

Πεύθετο yap Kum povee μέγα κλέος. οὕνεκ᾽ ᾿Αχαιοὶ ἐς Τροίην 
νήεσσιν ἀναπλεύσεσθαι ἔμελλον, for wm Cyprus he heard a mighty 
rumour, that the Achaeans were about to sau for Troy mn shops. Il. Xl. oi. 
So Od. v. 216, xiii. 309. "“AyyeAAe ὁθούνεκα τέθνηκ᾽ ᾿Ορέστης, 
report that Orestes is dead. Sovu. El. 47; see El. 1478. Ἴσθι τοῦτο, 
οὕνεκα “Ἑλληνές ἐσμεν. know this, that we are Greeks. Id. Ph. 232. 
᾿Εκδιδαχθεὶς οὕνεκα ἄκουσα ἔρξειεν τάδε. Id. Tr. 934. 

9. Διότι is sometimes used in the sense of ὅτι, that, by Aristotle, 
and occasionally by Herodotus and even by Isocrates. ig. 

Διότι μὲν τοίνυν οὐχ ἡ αὐτὴ (se. ἐστί), φανερὸν ἐκ τούτων, i.e. that 
it is not the same, 18 plain from this. ARISTOT. Pol. iil. 4, i. 80 Metaph. 
x. 5. 3. Διότι ἐκ τῶν βαρβάρων ἥκει, πυνθανόμενος οὕτω εὑρίσκω 
ἐόν. Hpr. ii. 50: see ii. 48 (with Stein’s note). See 800. iv. 48 : 
συνειδυῖα OTL τοῦτο. . . ἔφυμεν ἔχοντες, καὶ διότι. . . αὐτῶν 


διηνέγκαμεν. 
“Ὅτι before Direct Quotations. 


711. Even direct quotations are sometimes introduced by 
ὅτι, rarely by ὡς, without further change in the construction. 
Or: or ὡς here cannot be expressed in English. 1.0. 

Ὃ δὲ ἀπεκρίνατο ὅτι Οὐδ᾽ εἰ γενοίμην, ὦ Κῦρε, σοί γ᾽ ἄν ποτε ἔτι 
δόξαιμι. Xen. An. i. 6, 8. ᾿Απεκρίνατο ὅτι Q δέσποτα, οὐ ζη. Id. Cyr. 
vil. 3. 3. Εἶπε δ᾽ ὅτι Els καιρὸν ἥκεις, ey, ὕπως τῆς δίκης ἀκούσῃς. 
Ib. iii. 1, 8. Ἢ ἐροῦμεν πρὸς αὐτοὺς, ὅτι ᾿Ηδίκει yap ἡμᾶς ἡ πόλις, 
καὶ οὐκ ὀρθῶς τὴν δίκην ἔκρινε,---ταῦτα ἢ τί ἐροῦμεν; PLAT. | ‘rit. 50 B; 
so Phaed. 60 A. “Av λέγῃ τις τἀληθῆ, ὅτι Ληρεῖτε, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθη- 
ναῖοι. DEM. Viii. 31; so xviii. 40, 174; xix. 22, 40, 253. See also 





CAUSAL SENTENCES 


Hpt. ii. 115 (the earliest example) ; THuc. i. 137, iv. 38; AND. 1. 
Lys. i. 26 ; AESCHIN. iii. 22, 120; Din. 1. 12, 102 (both with ὡς). 


ἊΨ 


SECTION IX. 
Causal Sentences. 


712. Causal sentences express the cause of something 
stated in the leading sentence. They may be introduced by 
ὅτι, διότι or διόπερ, ὡς, οὕνεκα ΟΥ ὁθούνεκα, because; by 
ἐπεί, ἐπειδή, ὅτε, ὁπότε, εὖτε, and sometimes ὅπου, since, 
seeing that; and in Homer by 6 or ὅ te (6 τ᾽), because. 


713. (Indicative.) Causal sentences regularly take the 
indicative, after both primary and secondary tenses; past 
causes being expressed by the past tenses of the indicative. 
The negative particle is ov. Ly. 

ΚΚήδετο γὰρ Δαναῶν, ὅτι ῥα θνήσκοντας ὁρᾶτο., for she pitied the 
Danaans, because she saw them dying. Ll. 1. 56. Xwopevos, O τ᾽ ἄριστον 
᾿Αχαιῶν οὐδὲν ἔτισας, angry, hecause you did ΤΉ no way honour the hest 
of the Achaeans. Il. 1 244. Δημοβόρος βασι: εὺς, ἐπεὶ οὐτιδανοῖσιν 
ἀνάσσεις. ILi.231. Μὴ δ᾽ οὕτως κλέπτε νόῳ, ἐπεὶ οὐ παρελεύσεαι 

xa’ 4 . " Υ ~ 5 ‘ . 4 > 4 " , 
οὐδέ pe πείσεις. Ili. 132. Νοῦσον ἀνὰ στρατὸν ὦρσε κακὴν, ὁλε- 


ἊΝ 4 ad 4 r 7 > 7 > ~ 5 AG . 
κοντο δὲ λαοὶ, οὕνεκα τὸν Χρύσην ἡτίμασεν ἀρητηρα Ατρεΐδης. 1]. 1. 
» 


, , e « , 
ΕἸ. Τηλέμαχον θαύμαζον, ὃ θαρσαλεως ἀγόρευεν, hecause he spoke 
. Ρ ν» , Ἂ ἢ ΄ 7 Ἂ, 4 7 
boldly. Od. 1. 382. Kat tpuppys ὃε Toe ἢ σεσαγμενη ἀνθρώπων ova TI 
7 , > ΑΔ ὦ ‘ κι ΚΝ , AN " ” , 
ἄλλο φοβερόν ἐστι ἢ ὅτι ταχὺ πλεῖ: διὰ τί δὲ ἄλλο αλυποι ἀλλή- 
> 4 ε » , ν" , " κα , σ΄ eee 
λοις εἰσὶν οἱ ἐμπλεοντες ἢ διότι ἐν τάξει κάθηνται; X en. Occ. villi. 8. 
>, , Γι » , ~ “ ~ ~ ‘ 4 ~ 
Oi ἐμοὶ φίλοι οὕτως ἔχοντες περὶ ἐμοὺυ διατελοῦσιν. οὐ διὰ τὸ φιλεῖν 
ᾧ ἡ > " ὦ Ἢ > , Kn ” ys , 
ἐμέ, ἀλλὰ διόπερ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἂν OLOVTAL βέλτιστοι γίγνεσθαι. Id. Mem. 
° μὰ ε» a , ς A PP ‘ ; , 
iv. 8, ἐ. Ou Αθηναῖοι ἐνόμιζον ἡσσᾶσθαι ὅτι οὐ πολὺ ἐνίκων, the 
Athenians thought they were di feated hecause they were not siqnally 
victorious. THUC. vil. 34. Μᾶλλόν τι ἐδεινολογεῖτο ὅτι μιν ἀπέκτεινε 
Ἢ ae j , > , . ‘ A , ~ 4 ΄ 
TOV αὐτὸς φονοῦυ ἐκάθηρε. Hpr. 1. 44. Πρὸς ταῦτα KpUTTE μῆθεν, WS 


» 


ε , > ε “ \ , 5 > ’ > , , . . 
0 πάνθ OpwV και TAVT GKOVWYV TavT AVaTTVOCE! χρόνον, 1.6, 8176 ὁ 


time de velops all thangs. SOPH. Fr. 280. λ]έγα δὲ τὸ ὁμοῦ TpapynVvat, 

» Ἀ 4 - , - ᾽ > , ~ yy - 

ἐπει και τοις θηρίοις πόθος τις eyytyvetat TWV συντρόφων. XEN. 
~ > ΣΧ 5 


Mem. ii. 3,4. Οτ᾽ οὖν παραινουσ οὐδὲν ἐς πλέον TOLW, LKETLS 
> a rr ) ε , > , ‘ ‘ 5) - ‘ 
aptly par. Sopu. O. T. 918. Ozorte οὖν πόλις μὲν TAS LOLAS ξυμφορὰς 
7” , ἍΝ “ ‘ , , sar , . ~ ᾽ 
οἵα τε φέρειν, εἷς δὲ ἕκαστος τὰς ἐκείνης ἀὀυνάτος \SE. ἐστὶ), πὼς οὐ 
‘ , ’ , > « ν᾿ .- * er , As “ 
χρὴ πάντας GApLUVELV QUT?) Tuuc. 11. 60. Ore τοίνυν τουῦυῦ ovTws 
ἔγχει. προσήκει π ᾿ἡθύμως ἐθέλειν ἀκούειν τῶν βι υλομένων συμβου 
χει, προ KEL T POUVPLWS EVEAELV ἐ € TW VAOPLEVOI μβου- 


1 See Spieker in Am. Jour. Phil. v. pp- 221-227, who has traced the history 
of this construction and collected examples, especially those in the Orators. 


Ὅσον ἘΣ ΟΜ ΊΕΚΕΙΣ (3.0 =o 


i paceman ok 


717] CAUSAL SENTENCES 


λεύειν. DEM il. For dre, since, see Sopu. Aj. 715, O. C. 84; for 


OTOUV (ὅκου) see Hpr. 1. 68. 


714. (Optative.) When, however, the speaker implies 
that a cause was assigned by some other person, the principle 
of indirect discourse (694), after past tenses, allows the verb 
to stand in the optative, in the tense originally used by the 
person who assigned the cause (699). 4.2. 

Tov Περικλέα ἐκάκιζον, ὅτι στρατηγὸς ὧν οὐκ ἐπεξάγοι, they 
abused Pericles, because being general he did not lead them out. THUC. 11. 
21. (This states the reason of the Athenians for reproaching Pericles 
(ὅτι ἡμᾶς οὐκ ἐπεξάγερ ; if Thucydides had wished to assign the 
cause merely on his own authority, he would have used ὅτι οὐκ ἐπεξῆ- 
γεν. Cf. THuc. vii. 34 in 713.) Tovs συνόντας ἐδόκει ποιεῖν ἀπέχεσθαι 
τῶν ἀνοσίων, ἐπείπερ ἡγήσαιντο μηδὲν ἄν ποτε ὧν πράττοιεν θεοὺς 
διαλαθεῖν (see 693). XEN. Mem. i. 4, 19. Oicba ἐπαινέσαντα αὐτὸν 
(Ὅμηρον τὸν ᾿Αγαμέμνονα, ὡς βασιλεὺς εἴη ἀγαθός, because (as he sad) 
he was a good king. 1d. Symp. iv. 6. ExdAee . . . τὸν μὲν ἐπίστιον 
(Δία), διότι φονέα τοῦ παιδὸς ἐλάνθανε (694, 2) βόσκων, τὸν δὲ 
ἑταιρήιον, ὡς φύλακα συμπέμψας αὐτὸν εὑρήκοι τ λεμιώτατον. 
Hor. i. 44. (Croesus would have said διότι ἐλάνθανον and ws εὕρηκα.) 


715. We should suppose that in causal sentences of the latter class 
(714) the mood and tense by which the cause would be originally 
stated might also be retained, as in ordinary indirect discourse ; 50 
that in THvc. ii. 21, above, for example, we might have ὅτι οὐκ eT EEAYEL 
‘n the same sense as ὅτι οὐκ ἐπεξάγοι. This, however, seems to have 
been avoided, to prevent the ambiguity which might arise from the 
three forms, ἐπεξῆγεν, ἐπεξάγοι, and ἐπεξάγει. It will be remembered 
that the form ἐπεξῆγεν, which 15 the most common in the expression 
of a past cause, is also the original form for expressing the corresponding 
time in indirect discourse, although it became exceptional here in the 
later usage (671; 674). 

For causal relative sentences see 580. For the causal participle 


716. The optative in causal sentences is not found in Homer. 


717. A cause may be expressed by a potential indicative or optative 
with ἄν. 
Δέομαι οὖν σου παραμεῖναι ἡμῖν" ὡς ἐγὼ οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἑνὸς ἥδιον ἀκού- 
σαιμι ἢ σοῦ, Ϊ beg you the n to re main with use: as there 1s not one whom 


T should hear more gladly than you. PLAT. Prot. 335 Ὁ. Nov de, ἐπειδὴ 


5 5 , 4 > , 5 , 5 4 ᾿ > vn 4 ἢ » » 

OUK ἐθελεις και εμοίι τις ἀσχολία ἐστι και ουκ αν OLOS T €LypV σοι 
a ; ἢ ς ‘ , > A , , an 5 ἢ 

παραμεῖναι ATOTELVOVTL PAKPOVS λόγους, ἐλθεῖν yap ποι με CEL, εἰμι 


» Ν “a 3 ” » ᾽ ᾽ " ᾽ 5 , »» 

ἐπεὶ καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἂν ἰσως οὐκ ἀηδως TOV 1) KOVOV for ἐπεί see 719, 2). 
QOr ‘ tad ~ 39 ; ” » ’ ‘an « “ ” . 
Ib. 335 C. “Ore τῶν ἀδικημάτων av ἐμεμνῆτο τῶν GUTOV, εἰ TL περὶ 


ἐμοῦ γ᾽ ἔγραφεν. DEM. xviii. 79 ; so xvill. 49. 





288 EXPRESSION OF A WISH [718 


718. A causal sentence may be interrogative, or its verb may 
express a wish or a command. δ... 


"Exel, φέρ᾽ εἰπὲ, ποῦ σὺ μάντις εἶ σαφής ; for—come tell me where 
do you ever show yourself a prophet ? Sopu. O. T. 390. ᾿Επεὶ δίδαξον, ἢ 
μάθ᾽ ἐξ ἐμοῦ, τί μοι κέρδος γένοιτ᾽ ἄν. Id. ΕἸ. 352: s0 Ὁ. C. 969. 
See Prat. Gorg. 474 B: ἐπεὶ σὺ δέξαι᾽ av; ᾿Επεὶ ἄθεος ἄφιλος ὅτι 
πύματον oAotpav, for—may I perish! Sopu. O. T. 662. 


719. 1. A causal sentence may give the cause of something 
that is implied, but not expressed, in the leading sentence. 
Especially it may give the reason for making a statement, rather 
than for the fact stated. In dialogues, a causal sentence may 
refer to an implied yes or no. £9. 

Οὔ νυ καὶ ὑμῖν οἴκοι ἔνεστι γόος, ὅτι μ᾽ ἤλθετε κηδήσοντες ; have 
you now no mourning at home, that you have come to distress me? (i.e. I 
ask this, because you have come). 1]. xxiv. 239. (If the two clauses were 
reversed —have you come because you have no mourning at home ?- -the 
causal relation would be plainer.) Ov μ᾽ ἔτ᾽ ἐφάσκεθ' ὑπότροπον 
οἴκαδ᾽ ἱκέσθαι, ὅτι μοι κατεκείρετε οἶκον, i.e. you thought I should never 
return (as 1s plain), because you wasted my house. Od. xxii. 35. See 
ἐπεί in Od. i. 231. ‘Qs ἔστιν ἀνδρὸς τοῦδε τἄργα ταῦτά σοι, yes 
(answering the preceding question , for here you have the deeds of this 
man. Sopa. Aj. 39: so Ph. 812. 


2. By a natural ellipsis, ἐπεί sometimes has virtually the force 
of although or and yet. Eg. 

Αἰσχυνοίμην ἂν ἔγωγε τοῦτο ὁμολογεῖν, ἐπεὶ πολλοί γέ φασι τῶν 
ἀνθρώπων, I should be ashamed for my part to admit this, and yet many 
men do say so (in full, 1 speak for mys lf alone, since many say thas). 
Puat. Prot. 333 C. See ibid. 335 C quoted in 717), where ἐπεὶ av 

ἤκουον refers to the implied idea Ϊ ani sorry afte r all to qo. In 


Od. 1. 236, ἐπεὶ OV KE... ἀκαχοίμην, and yet I should not be thus 


afllicted by his death, refers to what ἄιστον suggests, 1 am especially 
qrieved by his death in obscurity ef. vss. 241, 242). 


SECTION X. 
Expression of a Wish. 


720. Wishes may be divided into two classes: (a) those re 
ferring to a future object, and (ὁ) those referring to a present or 
past object which (it is implied ) is not or was not attained. To 
the former class belong such wishes as Ὁ that he may come! or 
O that this may happen /—Utinam veniat, Utinam fiat; and to 
the latter, such as O that this had happe ned’ or Ὁ that this were 
true ‘/—Utinam hoc factum esset, Utinam hoc verum esset. 


FUTURE WISHES 9289 


From its use in wishes the optative mood (ἔγκλισις εὐκτική) 
received its name. 


WISHES REFERRING TO THE FUTURE. 


721. A wish referring to the future may be expressed 
in Greek in two ways :— 

I. by the optative alone; as in γένοιτο τοῦτο, may this 
happen, μὴ γένοιτο τοῦτο, may this not happen ; 

II. by the optative with εἴθε or εἰ yap (Homeric also 
αἴθε or at γάρ), sometimes by the simple εἰ, negatively εἴθε 

/ > \ / 3 ° ” / ~ - ’ 
μή, εἰ yap μή, etc.; as in εἴθε γένοιτο τοῦτο, Ο that this 
> \ \ / . 

may happen, εἰ yap μὴ γένοιτο, O that wt may not happen. 


722. I. The pure optative in a wish (with no intro- 
ductory particle) is an independent verb. yg. 

‘Yuiv μὲν θεοὶ δοῖεν ᾿Ολύμπια δώματ᾽ ἔχοντες ἐκπέρσαι ἸΠριάμοιο 
πόλιν εὖ δ᾽ 
city, ete. Ili. 18. Μὴ μὰν ἀσπουδί ye καὶ ἀκλειῶς ἀπολοίμην, may 


ἊΨ ε , 


οἴκαδ᾽ ἱκέσθαι, may the Gods grant you to destroy Priam’s 


I not perish, etc. 1]. xxii. 304. Myxer ἔπειτ᾽ ᾿Οδυσῆι κάρη ὦμοισιν 
ἐπείη, μηδ᾽ ἔτι Τηλεμάχοιο πατὴρ κεκλημένος εἴην, then may the 
head of Ulysses no longer stand on his shoulders, and no longer may I be 
called the father of Telemachus. 11. ii. 259. TeOvainv ὅτε μοι μηκέτι 
ταῦτα μέλοι, may I die when these are no longer my care. MIMN. 1. 2. 
Τὸ μὲν νῦν ταῦτα πρήσσοις τάπερ ἐν χερσὶ ἔχεις, may you for the 
present continue to do what you now have in hand. Hor. vii. 5. Ὦ zat, 
γένοιο πατρὺς εὐτυχέστερος. SOPH. Aj. 550. Οὕτω νικήσαιμί τ᾽ 
ἐγὼ καὶ νομ ιζοίμ nV σοφός, on this condition may I gain the prize (in 
this contest) and be (always) considered wise. AR. Nub. 520. Θήσω 
πρυτανεῖ᾿, ἢ μηκέτι ζῴην ἐγώ, or may I no longer live. Ib. 1255. 
Eivvevey Kot μὲν ταῦτα ὡς βουλόμεθα, may this prosper as we desire. 
Truc. vi. 20. ᾿Αλλὰ βουληθείης, but may you only be willing ! 
Prat. Euthyd. 296 D. Πλούσιον δὲ νομίζοιμι τὸν σοφόν. Id. 
Phaedr. 279 C. Νικῴη δ᾽ 6 τι πᾶσιν ὑμῖν μέλλει συνοίσειν, and 
may that opinion prevail which is to benefit you all. Dem. iv. 51. Ὃ τι 
δ᾽ ὑμῖν δόξειε, τοῦτ᾽, ὦ πάντες θεοὶ, συνενέγκοι (see 561). Id. ix. 76. 
So εἶεν. well, be at so. 

For the relation of the optative in wishes to the optative in its 
most primitive meaning, see Appendix I. 


723. II. The optative in a wish with εἴθε (aide), εἰ yap 
(at γάρ), or εἰ is probably in its origin a protasis with the 
apodosis suppressed. Ly. 

Ai@’ οὕτως ἐπὶ πᾶσι χόλον τελέσει᾽ ᾿Αγαμέμνων, O if Agamem- 
non would thus fulfil his wrath upon all. 1]. iv. 178. Αἴθ᾽ οὕτως, 

U 





290 EXPRESSION OF A WISH [724 


ἪΝ , . . 
Εὔμαιε, φίλον Au πατρὶ γένοιο ws ἐμοί, mayest thow become in like 
manner a friend to father Zeus. Od. xiv. 440. Αἴ yap δὴ οὕτως εἴη, 
φίλος ὦ Μενέλαε, O that this may be so. Il. iv. 189. Al yap ἐμοὶ 
τοσσήνδε θεοὶ δύναμιν περιθεῖεν, O if the Gods would clothe me with 
so much strength! Od. iii. 205. ᾿Αλλ᾽ εἴ μιν ἀεικισσαίμεθ᾽ ἑλόντες, 
τεύχεα τ᾽ ὦμοιιν ἀφελοίμεθα, καί τιν ἑταίρων αὐτοῦ ἀμυνομένων 
δαμασα ίμεθα νήλέι χαλκῷ, but if we could only take him and insult 
him, and strip him of his armour, and subdue, ete. 1]. XV. 559.1 Εἴθε 
μήποτε γνοίης ὃς εἶ, may you never learn who you are. Sopu. O. T. 1068. 
Εἴθ᾽ ὗμιν ἀμφοῖν νοῦς γένοιτο σωφρονεῖν. Id. ΑἹ. 1264. Εἴθε παῖς 
“--ὦ 50 a ” Eu B: 0] οΟκ9 Ei ‘ a , : ἱ Ε΄ : >. ‘ 
εμὸς εὖ ρος εἰιὴ. συ ΒΕ. Bacch. 1252. ul yap γεῖ οἐμὴν, TEKVOV, αντι 
σοῦ νεκρός. Id. Hipp. 1410. Εἴθ᾽, ὦ Awore, σὺ τοιοῦτος ὧν φίλος 
΄ a , r . « Ὰ ν᾿ ‘ , . 
ἡμῖν γένοιο. XEN. Hell. iv. 1, 38. Ki yap γένοιτο. Id. Cyr. vi. 
1, 38. Εἰ γὰρ ἐν τούτῳ εἴη, if it may only depend on this ! Pwat. 
Prot. 310 ἢ. Εἴθε γράψειεν ws χρή, κ.τ.λ. Id. Phaedr. 227 C. 
Φ ᾽ vi ¥ Xf I: e . . 

The simple εἰ (without -θε or yap) with the optative in wishes is 

bd > > ΝΜ 4 , ~ ᾿ , 
poetic. ᾿Αλλ᾽ εἴ τις καὶ τούσδε μετοιχόμενος καλέσειεν. Il. x. 111. 
See three other Homeric examples cited in the footnote? Kit μοι 
Evvein μοῖρα. Soru. O. T. 863. Εἴ μοι γένοιτο φθόγγος ἐν βρα- 

, 5 . 
χίοσιν. Eur. Hee. 836. 

The future optative was not used in wishes. The perfect was 
probably not used, except in the signification of the present (see 48) ; 
as in IL. ii. 259, quoted in 722. 


724. In Homer, as the examples show, both present and 
aorist optative are freely used in future wishes, as in the cor- 
responding future conditions (455). But the present optative 


1 On this passage we have the note Aristarchus in the Scholia: ἡ διπλῆ, 
ὅτι ἔξωθεν προσυπακουστέον τὸ καλῶς ἂν ᾿χοι" -᾿ αὐτὸν ἀνελόντες ἀεικισσαίμεθα, 
καλῶς ἂν ἔχοι. Schol. A. It does not follow necessarily from this that 
Aristarchus explained all optatives with forms of εἰ in wishes by supplying 
καλῶς ἂν ἔχοι as an apodosis (see Lange, p. 6, note 15); but if he explained 
this passage as an elliptical protasis, he can hardly have objected to the 
same explanation of other similar passages. It is surely no more necessary 
or logical to insist on explaining both forms of wishes alike, than it would 
he in English to insist that may J see him again and O if I might see him 
again are originally of the same construction. 

2 The Homeric examples of the optative with various forms of εἰ or ai are 
of the highest importance for the understanding of the construction generally. 
The following is a list of the passages (according to Lange, Partikel EJ, pp. 
19-40) :— 

Simple εἰ with optative : Il. x. 111, xv. 571, xvi. 559, xxiv. 74. (4.) 

Αἱ γάρ or εἰ yap with optative: Il. iv. 189, x. 536, xvi. 97, xvill. 272, 464, 
xxii. 346, 454 ; Od. iii. 205, iv. 697, vi. 244, viii. 339, ix. 523, xv. 156, xvil. 
251, 513, xviii. 235, 366, xix. 22, xx. 169, xxi. 402. (20.) 

Αἴθε or εἴθε with optative: Il. iv. 178 ; Od. ii 33, xiv. 440, xv. 341, xvil. 
494, xviii. 202, xx. 61. (7.) 

Eight examples (five with εἴθε. two with ef yap, one with at γάρ), in which 
the present optative expresses an unattained present wish, are omitted here 
and will be found under 739. The cases discussed in 730 are not included 
here. 

For the use of αἴθε, at γάρ, and ai (for εἴθε, etc.) in Homer, see footnote to 
379. 











730] FUTURE WISHES 291 


in Homer also expresses a present wish implying that it is not 
attained, as it may express a present unreal condition (438). 
Ὕ . at 

For this use, see 739. 


725. In the poets, especially Homer, the simple optative may 
express a command or exhortation, in a sense approaching that 
of the imperative. £.9. 

Ταῦτ᾽ εἴποις ᾿Αχιλῆι, (you may) say this to Achilles. 1]. xi. 791. 
Te@va i ἢ 5» ὦ Προῖτ᾽, ἢ κάκτανε Βελλεροφόντην, (you may) either die, 
or kill Bellerophontes. 1]. vi. 164. ᾿Αλλά τις Δολίον καλέσειε, let 
ona one call Dolios. Od. iv. 735. So in prohibitions with μή: μηδ᾽ 
ἔτι σοῖσι πόδεσσιν ὑποστρέψειας "Ὄλυμπον, Il. iii. 407 (between 
two pairs of imperatives), See also ArscH. Prom. 1049 and 1051. 

For Homeric optatives (without av), which form a connecting link 
between the potential and the wishing optative (like 1]. iv. 18, 19), see 
13 and 233. 


726. The poets, especially Homer, sometimes use ws before the 
optative in wishes. This ὡς cannot be expressed in English, and it 
is probably exclamatory. It must not be confounded with οὕτως used 
asin 727. Κα. 

‘Qs ἀπόλοιτο καὶ ἄλλος ὅτις τοιαῦτά ye ῥέζοι, O that any other may 
likewise perish, ete. Od. i. 47. See Od. xxi. 201. “Os ὁ τάδε πορὼν 
ὀλοιτ᾽, εἴ μοι θέμις τάδ᾽ αὐδάν. ὅορΡηΗ. ΕἸ. 126. Compare ut pereat 
telum, Hor. Sat. 11. 1, 43. 


727. Οὕτως, thus, on this condition, may be prefixed to the optative 
in protestations, where a wish is expressed upon some condition ; the 
condition being usually added in another clause. E.9. 

Ovtrws ovatcGe τούτων, μὴ περιίδιηγτέ με, may you enjoy these on this 
condition, do not neglect me. DEM. xxviii. 20. 

728. When the potential optative is used to express a wish, as in 


~ " 


πως av ὀλοίμην, how gladly should I perish, Eur. Supp. 796, it does 


not belong here, as ὀλοίμην ἄν and ὀλοίμην are, in use, wholly different 


constructions. If εἰ yap KEV μίμνοις, Od. xv. 545, is a wish, εἴ KEV 
may be used as it often is in protasis in Homer (460) in the same 
sense as εἰ, or the optative may be potential in the sense O af you could 
rematn. In Il. vi. 281, WS KE οἱ αὖθι γαῖα χάνοι, if κέ is correct, 
must mean O that the earth could gape for him at once (potential). But 
the exceptional character of these expressions makes both suspicious. 
Hermann and Bekker read εἰ γὰρ καί in Od. xv. 045 ; and Bekker 
reads ws δέ in 1]. vi. 281. 


799. The infinitive occurs twice in Homer in wishes with at γάρ: 
see 786. and 739 (end). For the infinitive used like the simple optative 
in wishes, especially in poetry, see 785. 


730. There are many passages in Homer in which it is open 
to doubt whether the poet intended to express a wish with some 





292 EXPRESSION OF A WISH [731 
form of εἰ, followed by a potential optative in a new sentence, 
or to form a complete conditional sentence. Such are— 
Ki yap ἐπ᾿ ἀρῇσιν τέλος ἡμετέρῃσι γένοιτο" 3 
οὐκ ἄν τις τούτων γε ἐύθρονον Ἠῶ ἵκοιτο. Od. xvul. 496. 
Al γὰρ τοῦτο, ξεῖνε, ἔπος τετελεσμένον εἴη" Ξ 
τῷ KE TAXA Y votns φιλότητά τε πολλά τε δῶρα 
ἐξ ἐμεῦ. Od. xv. 536. 
If we keep the colon after γένοιτο in the former passage, we may 
translate, O that fulfilment may be granted our prayers: not one of these 
would (then) see the fair-throned Dawn. With a comma after γένοιτο, we 
may translate, if fulfilment should be granted Our prayers, not one of these 
would see the fair-throned Dawn. So in the second passage we may 
translate, according to the punctuation, ὦ that this word may be accom- 
plished : then would you quickly be made aware of kindness and many 
gifts from me ;~—or if this word should be accomplished, you would then 
quickly be made aware, etc. These are probably rightly punctuated 
above, especially the second ; and the wish is on the verge of inde- 
pendent existence, being almost ready to dispense with the apodosis. 
The half-independent half-dependent nature of such clauses is best 
seen in a case like the following, where εἰ ἐθέλοι is first stated as an 
independent wish, and is afterwards repeated as the protasis of a 
regular apodosis : fe eet 
Ki yap σ᾽ os ἐθέλοι φιλέειν yAavKwris Αθήνη 
ὡς τότ᾽ ᾿Οδύσσηος περικήδετο κυδαλίμοιο 
δήμῳ ἔνι Τρώων, ὅθι πάσχομεν ἄλγε “A χαιοί" 
εἴ σ᾽ οὕτως ἐθέλοι φιλέειν κήδοιτό τε θυμῳ, 
τῷ κέν τις κείνων γε καὶ ἐκλελάθοιτο γάμοιο. Od. ii. 217. 
The meaning is, ¢f only Athena would love you as she then loved Ulysses ; 
if (I say) she should thus love you, then would many a one (of the 
suitors) cease to think of marriage. Here, instead of leaving a simple 
apodosis like the καλῶς ἂν ἔχοι of Aristarchus to be mentally supplied, 
or to be felt without being actually supplied, the protasis 18 repeated 
(as if by afterthought) and a more precise form of conclusion is then 
actually expressed. | 
Such examples as the first two are sometimes adduced as evidence 
that εἰ with the optative in protasis was originally a form of wish, to 
which an apodosis was afterwards appended. For a discussion of this 
view, see Appendix I. 


WISHES (NOT ATTAINED IN PRESENT OR PAST TIME. 


731. A wish referring to a present or past object, which 
(it is implied) is not or was not attained, may be expressed 
in Greek in two ways :— 

I. by the past tenses of the indicative, used as in unreal 
conditions, with εἴθε or εἰ yap; or 








734] PRESENT OR PAST WISHES 


II. by ὥφελον, aorist of ὀφείλω, owe, with the infinitive. 


732. I. The past tenses of the indicative with εἴθε or εἰ 
γάρ, in present and past wishes, correspond to the optative 
with these particles in future wishes. The construction was 
originally a protasis with its apodosis suppressed, εἰ yap pe 
εἶδες meaning, O if you had seen me! This form of wish 
is common in the Attic writers, but is unknown to Homer 

The imperfect and aorist indicative are distinguished 
here as in the unreal condition (410). Ly. 

Ἰὼ ya ya, εἴθ᾽ ew ἐδέξω, O Earth, Earth, would that thou hadst 
received me. ἈΈΒΟΗ. Ag. 1537. Εἰ γάρ μ᾽ ὑπὸ γῆν ἧκεν, O of he had 
sent me beneath the earth. Id. Prom. 152. Εἴθε σε εἴθε σε μήποτ᾽ 
εἰδόμαν. Sopu. Ὁ. T. 1217. Ei?’ εὕρομέν σ᾽, "Αδμητε, μὴ λυπού- 
μενον. Eur. Ale. 536. Εἴθε σοι, ὦ Περίκλεις, τότε συνεγενόμην, 
would that I had met you then. Xun. Mem. i. 3, 46. Εἴθ’ εἶχες, ὦ 
τεκοῦσα, βελτίους φρένας, O mother, would that you had a better under- 
standing. Eur. El. 1061. Ei yap τοσαύτην δύναμιν εἶχον, would 
that I had so great power. Id. Alc. 1072. Ki?’ ἦσθα δυνατὸς δρᾶν 
ὅσον πρόθυμος εἶ. Id. Her. 731. 

733. The indicative cannot be used in wishes without εἴθε or εἰ 
γάρ, as it would occasion ambiguity; this cannot arise in the case of 
the optative, which is not regularly used in independent sentences 
without ἄν, except in wishes. Sopa. O. C. 1713, ἰὼ, μὴ γᾶς ἐπὶ ξένας 
θανεῖν ἔχρῃ ζες (so the Mss.) is often quoted to show that at least the 
indicative with μή alone can be used in negative wishes, with the 
translation, O that thow hadst not chosen to die in a foreign land. But 
the passage is probably corrupt, as the following words ἀλλ᾽ ἔρημος 
ἔθανες show. See, however, Hermann’s note on this passage, and on 
Eor. Iph. Aul. 575. 

734. 11. The aorist ὥφελον, ought, and sometimes (in 

‘ ᾽ 
Homer) the imperfect ὥφελλον, of ὀφείλω (Epic ὀφέλλω), 
owe, debeo, may be used with the infinitive to express a 
present or past unattained wish. The present infinitive is 
used when the wish refers to the present or to continued 
or repeated past action, and the aorist (rarely the perfect) 
when it refers to the past. 

Ὥφελον or ὥφελλον may be preceded by the particles 
of wishing, εἴθε and εἰ yap, and in negative wishes by μή 
(not ov) Fg. 


"OdeXe τοῦτο ποιεῖν, would that he were (now) doing this (lit. he 
ought to be doing it), or would that he had habitually done this lit. he 





294 EXPRESSION OF A WISH [735 


ought to have done this). φελε τοῦτο ποιῆσαι, would that he had 
done this. 

Ὧν ὄφελον τριτάτην περ ἔχων ἐν δώμασι μοῖραν ναίειν. οἱ δ᾽ 
ἄνδρες σόοι ἔμμεναι οἱ τότ᾽ ὄλοντο, O that I were living with even a 
third part, etc., and that those men were safe who then pe rished. Od. iv. 
97. SoIlLi.415. ᾿Ανδρὸς ἔπειτ᾽ ὥφελλον ἀμείνονος εἶναι ἄκοιτις, 
ὃς 907) νέμεσίν τε καὶ αἴσχεα πόλλ ἀνθρώπων, () that I were the wife of 
a better man, who knew, ete. 1]. vi. 350. Τὴν ὄφελ᾽ ἐν νήεσσι κα- 
τακτάμεν ΓΑρτεμις iw, O that Arte mis had slain her, ete. 1]. xix. 59. 


5 


τ 


Ai? ὥφελλες στρατοῦυ ἄλλου σημαΐίνειν. IL xiv. 84. εἴθ᾽ ἅμα 
πάντες κτορος ὠφέλετ᾽ ἀντὶ θοῃς ἐπὶ νηυσὶ πεφάσθαι , would that 
ye all had heen slain instead of Hector. Ll. XXIV. 253. M15 ὄφελες 
λίσσεσθαι ἀμύμονα Πηλεΐωνα, would that you had not besought the son 
of Peleus. Il. ix. 698. (See 736, below.) So xviil. 86; Od. vill, 312. 
Myxer’ ἔπειτ᾽ ὥφειλον (ἢ ἐγὼ πέμπτοισι μετεῖναι ἀνδράσιν, GAN 
ἢ 1 poo Ge θανεῖν ἢ ἔπειτα γενέσθαι, would that I were no longer 
living with this fifth race of men, but had either died before it or been born 
after it. Hes. Op. 174. ᾿Ολέσθαι ὥφελον τῇδ ἡμέρᾳ, O that I had 
perished on that day. SOPH. Ο. T. 1157. My ror ὦφελον λιπεῖν 
τὴν Σκῦρον, O that I never had left Scyros. Id. Ph. 969. See El. 1021. 
Ei?’ oder ᾿Αργοῦς μὴ διαπτάσθαι σκάφος Κόλχων ἐς αἶαν κυανέας 
Συμπληγάδας. EUR. Med. Σ᾿ Ki yap ὦ pe Aov οἷοί TE εἶναι οἱ πολλοὶ 
τὰ μέγιστα κακὰ ἐξεργάζεσθαι, () that the multitude were able, ete. 
Puat. Crit. 44 ἢ. Ke yap ὥφελον (se. κατιδεῖν). Id. Rep. 432 Ὁ. 
Παθόντων ἃ μή ποτ᾽ ὥφελον (se. παθεῖν). when they suffered what 
would they had never suffered. DEM. xviii. 288; so 320. So ws μήποτε 
ὥφελεν, XEN. Cyr. iv. 6, 3 (see 737). 


735. This form with ὥφελον or ὥφελλον is the only expression 
known to Homer for past wishes, the secondary tenses of the 
indicative being not yet used in this construction, although 
they were already in good use in past (though not in present) con- 
ditions (435). In present wishes, Homer has the present optative 
(739) as well as the construction with ὥφελον. (See 438.) 


736. For an explanation of the origin of the use of wpe ov in 
wishes, see 424, It is there seen to be analogous to ἔδει and χρῆν 
with the infinitive, implying that what ought to be or to have been does 
not or did not happen. Only after its original meaning was obscured 
by familiar use could εἴθε or εἰ yap have been prefixed to it. Μὴ 
ὥφελον may be explained in the same way; or we may suppose that 
μή originally belonged to the infinitive, and afterwards came to negative 
the whole expression. See the examples in 734. 


737. “Qs, used as in 726, often precedes ὄφελον etc. in Homer, 
and rarely in the Attic poets. Fy. 

Ἤλυθες ἐκ πο! ἐμου > ὡς ὥφελες αὐτόθ᾽ ὀλέσθαι, would you had 
perished there. IL. ill. 428, “Ὡς δὴ μὴ ὀφελοὶι νικῶν TOLWO er 
ἀέ λῳ, O that I had not been victorious in such a contest, Od, xi. 548. 








740] PRESENT OR PAST WISHES 295 


‘Qs ὠφελλ᾽ Ἑλένης ἀπὸ φῦλον ὀλέσθαι. Od. xiv. 68. So 1]. iii. 
73, xxii. 481. ‘Qs πρὶν διδάξαι y ὥφελες μέσος διαρραγῆναι, 
would that you had split vn two before you ever taught it. AR. Ran. 955. 

"38. Neither the secondary tenses of the indicative nor the form 
with ὥφελον in wishes can (like the optative) be preceded by the simple 
εἰ (without -Ge or yap). 

739. (Present Wishes in Homer.) In Homer a present un- 
attained wish may be expressed by the present optative, like a 
present unfulfilled condition (438). Here εἴθε or εἰ yap generally 
introduces the wish. .g. 


+> ‘ “Meee. e ‘ , ᾽ , 
OF Yap eyuwv OUTW YE Aws Tats ary lox Ovo 
vw ’ 


εἴην ἡματα πάντα, τέκοι δέ με πότνια Ἥρη, 

τιοίμην δ᾽ ὡς τίετ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίη καὶ ᾿Απόλλων, 

ὡς νῦν ἡμέρη ἥδε κακὸν φέρει ᾿Αργείοισιν, 
O that I were the son of Zeus, and that Hera were my mother, and that I 
were honoured as Athena and A pollo are honoured, etc. Il. ΧΙ. 825. 
(Here τέκοι is nearly equivalent to μήτηρ εἴη : cf. ὦ τεκοῦσα, O mother, 
quoted under 732.) Almost the same wish occurs in Il. vin, 538. 

Ὦ γέρον, εἴθ᾽ ὡς θυμὸς ἐνὶ στήθεσσι φίλοισιν 

ὥς τοι γούναθ᾽ ἕποιτο, βίη δέ τοι ἔμπεδος εἴη : 


» 


» , ~ 7 ε 7 c ἢ ΄ 
ἀλλα σε γηρᾶς TELPEL OPLOLLOV * WS ὄφελεν τις 


4 


ἀνδρῶν ἄλλος ἔχειν, σὺ δὲ κουροτέροισι μετεῖναι, 
would that, even as thy sporit Ls in thy breast, SO thy knees obeyed and thy 
ste ngth Th re firm. [IL iv. 313. At the end we have the more common 
form of a present wish, ὄφελέν τις ἄλλος ἔχειν, would that some other 
man had it (y7pas). 

Kid’ ὡς ἡβώοιμι, βίη δέ μοι ἔμπεδος εἴη ᾿ 

τῷ KE τάχ᾽ ἀντήσειε μάχης κορυθαίολος “κτωρ, 
O that I were again so young, and my strenath were firm, etc. 1]. vii. 157. 
The same wish, in precisely the same words, oceurs also in I]. xi. 670, 
xxiii. 629, and Od. xiv. 468; also ‘n Il. vii. 132 in the form at yap, 
Zev τε πάτερ, a ) Bop ὡς ὅτ᾽... μάχοντο. See Od. xiv. 503, 
ὡς νῦν ἡ ββώοιμι, repeating the idea of VS, A468. In Od. XVill. 19 we have 


"» 


νυν μὲν μήτ εἴης, βουγάιε, μήτε γένοιο, hetter that thou wert not now, 
thou braggart, and hadst never heen horn, where γένοιο looks like a past 
wish ; but not having heen horn may be included in the present wish ot 
εἴης : compare TEKOL in Ll. Xill. 826 (above). For at yap ἐλασαίατο, 
Il. x. 536, see 93 (end). 

For the infinitive with a? vap in a past unattained wish in Homer, 


see 786. 


740. It has been seen that the use of the moods and tenses 
‘1 both classes of wishes with εἰ γάρ and εἴθε is precisely the 
same as in the corresponding forms of protasis (455; 410). 


. 


The analogy with the Latin is also the same as in protasis :— 





296 EXPRESSION OF A WISH [740 


εἰ γὰρ τοῦτο π Loin (or ποιήσειεν), O si hoe faciat, O that he may 
do this ; εἰ yap τοῦτο ἐποίει, Ὁ si hoc faceret, O that he were doing 
this ᾽ εἰ γὰρ τοῦτο ἐποίησεν, O si hoc fecisset, O that he had done 
this; εἰ yap μὴ ἐγένετο, utinam ne factum esset, O that it had not 
happened. 

It must be remembered that it is the futurity of the object of 
a wish, and not its probability or possibility, that requires the 
optative. No amount of absurdity or extravagance in a future 
wish can make anything but the optative proper in expressing 
it. As Aristotle says (Eth. 11]. 2, 7), βούλησις δ᾽ ἐστὶ τῶν ἀδυνά- 
των, οἷον ἀθανασίας, wish may refer to impossibilities, as that we may 
live for ever ; but this very wish would require the optative. So 
no amount of reasonableness in a present or past wish can make 
the imperfect or aorist indicative improper; for we may wish 
that the most reasonable thing were or had been ours, only such 
wishing implies that we do not or did not have it. 














CHAPTER V. 
THE INFINITIVE. 


741. The infinitive is originally a verbal noun, express- 
ing the simple idea of the verb. As a verb, it has voices 
and tenses; it has a subject (expressed or understood), 
which may define its number and person; it may have an 
object and other adjuncts ; and, further, it is qualified by 
adverbs, and not by adjectives. It may have ἄν im a 
potential sense. It thus expresses the verbal idea with 
much greater definiteness than the corresponding substan- 


/ 


tives; compare, for example, πρώττειν and πρᾶξαι with 


πρᾶξις, as expressions of the idea of doing. 


742. The origin of the infinitive in a verbal noun is beyond 
question. In the oldest Sanskrit certain verbal nouns in the 
dative express purpose, that is, the object fo or for which some- 
thing is done, and are almost identical in form with the equivalent 
infinitives in the older Greek. Thus vidmdne, dative of vidman, 
knowledge (from root vid), may mean for knowing or in order to 
know (old English for to know) ; and in Homer we have ἔδμεναι 
(= Attic ἰδεῖν) from the same root F.d. So Sanskrit ddvane, 
dative of davan, giving (from root da), is represented in Greek by 
the Cyprian δόξεναι (= Attic δοῦναι) from root do.1_ It is safe 
to assume, therefore, that the Greek infinitive was originally 
developed in a similar way, chiefly from the dative of a primitive 
verbal noun ; that in the growth of the language this case-form 
became obscured, its origin as a dative was forgotten, and it 


1 Whitney (Sanskrit Grammar, p. 314) says of these primitive Sanskrit 
datives: “It is impossible to draw any fixed line between the uses classed as 
infinitive and the ordinary case-uses,” See Delbriick, Synt. Forsch. iv. p. 
121; and Monro, Hom. Gr. p. 163. 





998 THE INFINITIVE (74: 


ame to be used for other cases of the verbal noun, especially 
the accusative ; that it was allowed to take an object, like the 
corresponding verb, and afterwards a subject (in the accusative) 
to make the agent more distinct; that in course of time, as 
its relation to the verb became closer, it developed tenses like 
those of the verb, so as to appear as a regular mood of the verb. 
The final step, taken when the use of the definite article was 
established, was to allow the half-noun and half-verb to have the 
article and so be declined like a noun in four cases, while it still 
retained its character asa verb. This last step was taken after 
Homer ; but the earlier stages were already passed, more or less 
decidedly, before the Homeric period, so that they cannot be 
traced historically. Thus, although the infinitive in Homer re- 
tained some of its uses as a dative more distinctly than the 
later infinitive, it is hardly possible that those who used the 
Homeric language retained any consciousness of the original 
dative ; for the infinitive was already established as an accusative 
and a nominative, it had formed its various tenses to express 
present, past, and future time, and it could even be used with 
ἄν (683). Indeed, the condition in which the infinitive appears 
τῇ indirect discourse in Homer seems utterly inconsistent with any 
conscious survival of its force as a dative (see examples in 683). 


743. The later addition of the article enlarged the uses of 


the infinitive and extended it to new constructions, especially to 
the use with prepositions. It thus cained a new power of taking 
adjuncts, not merely single words, but whole dependent clauses. 
(See examples in 806.) In all the constructions which were 
developed before the article came into use with the infinitive, 
as when it is the subject or the object of a verb, or follows 
adjectives or nouns, the infinitive continued to be used regularly 
without the article, although even in these constructions the 
article might be added to emphasise the infinitive more especially 
as a noun, or to enable it to carry adjuncts which would other- 
wise be cumbrous; in other words, all constructions in which 
the original force of the noun had become obscured or forgotten 
before the article began to be used generally remained in their 
original form. On the other hand, newer expressions, in which 
the infinitive was distinctly felt as a noun in the structure of the 
sentence, generally added the article to designate the case. 

744 The subject of the infinitive, if expressed, is in the 
accusative. The most indefinite infinitive, so far as it is a verb, 
must at least have a subject implied ; but as the infinitive has 
no person or number in itself, its subject can remain more obscure 
than that of a finite verb. Thus καλὸν ἐστιν ἀποθανεῖν, it is 











745] INFINITIVE AS SUBJECT, PREDICATE, ETC 299 


glorious to die, may imply a subject in any number or person, 
according to the context, while ἀποθνήσκεις OF ἀπέθανε 18 restricted 
to thou or he as its subject. Still, in the former case, ἀποθανεῖν 
must have an implied subject in the accusative ; and if this is 
not pointed out by the context, we can supply τινά or τινάς, as 
sometimes appears when a predicate word agrees with the omitted 
subject, as in φιλάνθρωπον εἶναι δεῖ (86. τινά), one must be humane, 
Isoc. ii. 15, and δρῶντας ἥδιον θανεῖν (50. τινάς), it is sweeter to die 
acting, Eur. Hel. 814. The ‘nfinitive of indirect discourse, which 
seems to have been developed originally by the Greek language, 
must always refer to a definite subject, as it represents a finite 
verb in a definite mood, tense, number, and person. Other 
infinitives, both with and without the article, may have a subject 
whenever the sense demands it, although sometimes the meaning 
of the leading verb makes it impossible to express an independent 
subject, as in πειρᾶται μανθάνειν, he tries to learn. In general, 
when the subject of the infinitive is the same as the subject or 
object of the leading verb, or when it has been clearly expressed 
elsewhere in the sentence, it is not repeated with the infinitive.! 


A. INFINITIVE WITHOUT THE ARTICLE. 
Infinitive as Subject, Predicate, ov A ppositive. 


745. The infinitive may be the subject nominative of a 
finite verb, or the subject accusative of another infinitive. 
[0 is especially common as subject of an impersonal verb or 
of éori. It may also be a predicate nominative or accusa- 
tive, and it may stand in apposition to a noun in the 
nominative or accusative. Ly. 


Συνέβη αὐτῳ ἐλ θεῖν. it happe ned to ham to Go. Οὐκ ἔνεστι TOUTO 


a , ᾿ . . 5 | , , 5 ~ 
ποιησαι, it as not possvbl to do this, AdvvaTtov ἐστι τοῦτο ποιησαι. 


Keay LUTW LEVEL, he might have re mained 1.e. to remain was possible 
ι : 


for him). et μένειν. Οὐ μὴν γάρ τι κακὸν βασιλευέμεν, for ut 


1 A few exceptional cases are quoted by Birklein (p. 93) in which the 
infinitive with the article appears to have a subjective genitive, like an 
ordinary verbal noun, instead of a subject accusative. These are γιγνώσκω 
τὰς τούτων ἀπειλὰς οὐχ ἧττον σωφρονίζουσας ἢ ἄλλων τὸ ἤδη κολάζειν, ΧΕΝ. 
An. vii. 7. 24; τὸ εὖ φρονεῖν αὐτῶν μιμεῖσθε, DEM. xix. 969: and εἰ τῆς 
πόλεως τέθνηκε τὸ τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας μισεῖν, Ib. 289. In the first case the 
parallelism between τούτων and ἄλλων caused the anomaly ; in the second, 
αὐτῶν has a partitive force, as if it were τοῦτο αὐτῶν μιμεῖσθε ; and in the 
third. πόλεως is separated from the infinitive by the verb, and the idea is 
whether the hatred of evil-doers has died out i.e, disappeared from ) the state. 
In none of these cases would a subject accusative be the exact equivalent of 
the genitive. For undoubted examples in later Greek, see Trans. of Am. 
Phil, Assoc, for 1877, p- 7° 





300 THE INFINITIVE [746 


is no bad thing to be a king. Od. i. 392. “Aci yap ἡβᾷ τοῖς γερουσιν 
i Ἂ ; 
εὖ μαθεῖν. AESCH. Ag. 584. Πολὺ γὰρ ῥᾷον ἔχοντας φυλάττειν 
ἢ κτήσασθαι πάντα πέφυκεν. Dem. ii. 26. (Compare i. 23, quoted 
in 790.) “Hdd πολλοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἔχειν; Id. xix. 221. Δοκεῖ oixo- 
νόμου ἀγαθοῦ εἶναι εὖ οἰκεῖν τὸν ἑαυτοῦ οἶκον. XEN. Oec. i. 2. Φησὶ 
δεῖν τοῦτο ποιῆσαι, he says that it is necessary to do this. (Here 
ποιῆσαι as accusative is subject of δεῖν) Td γνῶναι ἐπιστήμην που 
λαβεῖν ἐστιν, to learn is to acquire knowledge (pred. nom.), Puat. Theaet. 
209 E. ZuveBy τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους θορυβηθῆναι, it chanced that the 
Athenians fell into confusion. Tauc. v.10. Οὐ φάσκων ἄνεκτον εἶναι 
ξυγκεῖσθαι κρατεῖν βασιλέα τῶν πόλεων. Id. viii. 52. (Here κρα- 
τεῖν βασιλέα τῶν πόλεων is subject οἵ ξυγκεῖσθαι, which is subject of 
εἶναι, the whole being object οἵ φάσκων) Eis οἰωνὸς ἄριστος, 
ἀμύνεσθαι περὶ πάτρης, one omen 18 best, to fight for our country. 1]. 
xii. 243. 
For the subject infinitive in indirect discourse, see 751. 


ΩΣ itive as Object. 


746. The infinitive may be the object of a verb, generally 
appearing as the accusative of the direct object, sometimes 
as the accusative of kindred meaning. Here belong (1) the 
infinitive after verbs of wishing, commanding, and the like 
(not in indirect discourse), and (2) the infinitive in indirect 
discourse as the object of verbs of saying and thinking. 


For the infinitive in indirect cliscourse, see 751. 


Object Infinitive not un Indirect lnscourse. 


747. The verbs which take the ordinary object infinitive 
are in general the same in Greek as in English. Any verb 
whose action directly implies another action or state as its 
object, if this object is to be expressed by a verb and not 
by a noun, may take the infinitive. 


Such are verbs signifying to wish, ask, advise, entreat, exhort, 
command, persuade, compel, teach, learn, accustom, CAUSE, inte nil, begin, 
attempt, effect, permit, decide, dare, prefer, choose ; those expressing 
willingness, unwillingness, eagerness, caution, neglect, danger, postpone- 
ment, forbidding, hindrance, escape, etc.; and all implying ability, 
fitness, desert, qualification, sufficiency, necessity, or their opposites. 
ἔν. 

ιδάσκουσιν αὐτὸν βάλλειν. they teach h um to shoot. "Epa Gov TOUTO 
ποιῆσαι, they learned to do this. Βούλεται ἐλθεῖν. Llapacvovpev σοι 








749] ORDINARY OBJECT INFINITIVE 501 


πείθεσθαι. Αἱροῦνται πολεμεῖν. ἫἩ πόλις κινδυνεύει διαφθαρῆναι, 
the city is in danger of being destroyed. Δύναται ἀπελθεῖν. Τοῖς ξυμ- 
μάχοις ἔφραζον ἰέναι ἐς τὸν ᾿Ισθμόν, they told the allies to go to the 
Isthmus. Tuve. iii. 15. Δέομαι ὑμῶν συγγνώμην μοι ἔχειν. Εἶπε 
στρατηγοὺς ἑλέσθαι, he proposed to choose generals. ᾿Απαγορεύουσιν 
αὐτοῖς μὴ τοῦτο ποιῆσαι, they forbid them to do this (81,1). Τί κωλύ- 
oe. αὐτὸν βαδίζειν ὅποι βούλεται, what will prevent him from marching 
whither he pleases? ᾿Αξιῶ λαμβάνειν τοῦτο, I claim the right to take 
this. ᾿Αξιοῦται θανεῖν, he is thought to deserve death, Ov πέφυκε dov- 
λεύειν, he is not born to be a slave. ᾿Αναβάλλεται τοῦτο ποιεῖν, he 
postpones doing this. 

Λαοὺς δ᾽ ᾿Ατρεΐδης ἀπολυμαίνεσθαι ἄνωγεν. and the son of Atreus 
ordered the hosts to purify themselves. 11. i. 313. Βούλομ᾽ ἐγὼ λαὸν 
σόον ἔμμεναι ἢ ἀπολέσθαι, I wish that the people may be safe, rather 
than that they perish. Tl. i, 117. "Ἔπειθεν αὐτὸν πορεύεσθαι. XEN. 
An. vi. 2, 13. Kd0€e πλεῖν τὸν ᾿Αλκιβιάδην, it was decided that 
Alcibiades should sail. Tuuc. vi. 29. Φυλακὴν εἶχε μήτ᾽ ἐκπλεῖν 
μηδένα μήτ᾽ ἐσπλεῖν. he kept guard against any one’s sailing out or in 
(815, 1). Id. ii. 69. Τί δῆτα μέλλεις μὴ οὐ γεγωνίσκειν τὸ πάν; 
why do you hesitate to speak out the whole? Arscu. Prom. 627. 

This use of the infinitive is too familiar to need more illustration. 
The tenses commonly used are the present and aorist (87), for examples 
of which see 96 ; for the perfect see 109 and 110; for the exceptional 
future see 113; and for the infinitive with av (seldom used in this 
construction) see 211. For μή and μὴ ov with the infinitive (as used 
above) see 815-817. 


748. The poets, especially Homer, allow an infinitive after 
many verbs which commonly do not take this construction. 
The meaning of the verb, however, makes the sense clear. Δ... 


7 


᾿Οδύρονται οἶκόνδε νέεσθαι, they mourn (i.e. long) to go home. 1]. 
ii, 290. ᾿Επευφήμησαν ᾿Αχαιοὶ αἰδεῖσθαι ἱερῆα, the Achaeans 
shouted with applause, (commanding) that they should reverence the priest. 
Ll. 1. 22. “( )φρα τις ἐρρίγῃσι κακὰ ῥέξαι, that one may shudder (dread) 
᾿ “ee ‘ ~ « isd ‘ ~ ~ , Wa Ὕ 

to do evil. 11. in. 353. KxTopa μειναι μοιρα TEONTEV, Fate bound 
fettered) Hector to re main. 11]. xxii. 5. 

For the infinitive of direct object after verbs of fearing and caution, 

= . > °,° . . ᾿ . Ἢ > , 

see 373. For the infinitive (not in indirect discourse) after ypaw and 


other verbs meaning to give an oracle, see 98. 


749. When anoun and a verb (especially ἐστί) form an 
expression which is equivalent to any of the verbs above men- 
tioned (747), they may take the infinitive. Some other expres- 
sions with a similar force may have the infinitive. £.9. 


- rf 5 > “ ~ 
᾿Ανάγκη ἐστὶ πάντας ἀπελθεῖν. Kivdvvos ἣν αὐτῷ παθεῖν τι. 


» , ~ > χὰ > a > 
Oxvos ἐστί μοι τοῦτο ποιῆσαι. Φόβος ἐστὶν αὐτῴ ἐλθεῖν. Ov 
μάντις εἰμὶ τἀφανῆ γνῶναι, I am not enough of a prophet to decide, ete. 

. , ἢ» . . . . / > ΄ a > 
Eur. Hipp, 346, (Here ability is implied in μάντις εἰμί.) “Apaga ev 





902 THE INFINITIVE [750 


αὐταῖς ἦν, κώλυμα οὖσα (τὰς πύλας) ΡΕΣΤΕΕΣ a wagon, which 
prevented them from shutting the gates. Tuuc. iv. 67. So ἐπ ἐγένετο δὲ 
ἄλλοις τε ἄλλοθι κωλύματα μὴ αὐξηθῆν at, haha to their increase. 
Id. i. 16. (See 815, 1.) Τοῖς στρατ ιώταις ὁρμὴ ἐνέπεσε EKTEL χίσαι 
τὸ χωρίον. Id. iv. 4 Td ἀσφαλὲς καὶ μένειν καὶ ἀπελθεῖν αἱ 
νῆες παρέξ ξουσιν, safety both to remain and to depart. Id. vi. 18. "ἔχοντα 
τιθασεύεσθαι φύσιν, capable by nature of being tamed ( πεφυκότα 
τιθασεύεσθαι). Prat. Polit. 264 A. Tis μηχανὴ μὴ οὐχὶ πάντα κατα- 
ναλωθῆ ναι εἰς τὸ τεθνάναι; i.e. how can it be effected that all things shall 
not be destroyed in death? Id. Phaed. 72 D. (See 815 , 2.) Δέδοικα 
py πολλὰ Kat χαλεπὰ εἰς ἀνάγκην ἔλθωμεν ποιεῖν, lest we may come 
to the necessity of doing. Dem. i. 15. “ὥρα ἀπιέναι, it is time to go away 
(like x χρὴ ἀπιέναι, we must go away). Piav. Ap. 42 A. ᾿Ἐλπίδας ἔχει 
τοῦτο ποιῆσαι (= ἐλπίζει τοῦτο ποιῆσαι x he hopes to do this. But 
ἐλπὶς τοῦ ἑλεῖν, Tuve. ii. 56 (798). Οἱ δὲ ζῶντες αἴτιοι θανεῖν. 
and the living are those who caused them to die. SopH. Ant. 1173. We 
might also have αἴτιοι τοῦ τούτους θανεῖν or αἴτιοι τὸ τούτους θανεῖν. 
(See 101.) So in phrases like πολλοῦ (Or μικροῦ δέω ποιεῖν Tt, I want 
much (or little) of doing anything ; παρὰ μικρὸν ἦλθον ποιεῖν τι, they 
came within a little of doing anyth ing ; where the idea of ality, inability, 
or sufficiency appears: so in THvc. vii. 70, βραχὺ yap ἀπέλιπον διακό.- 
σιαι γενέσθαι. So ἐμποδὼν τούτῳ ἐστὶν ἐλθεῖν (-- κωλύει τοῦτον 
ἐλθεῖν), ut prevents him from going; where τοῦ ἐλθεῖν may be used (807 
The infinitive depending on a noun is generally an adnominal 
genitive with the article τοῦ. See the examples above, and 798. 


750. In laws, treaties, proclamations, and formal commands, the 
infinitive is often used in the leading sentences, depending on 
some word like ἔδοξε, it is enacted, or κελεύεται, it is commanded ; 
which may be either expressed in a preceding sentence or under- 
stood. δ... 

Tapias δὲ τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτ ων αἱρεῖσθαι μὲν ἐκ τῶν prey LOT OV 


/ 
καθάπερ ἡ Ἶ τῶν στρατ "γῶν ἐγίγνετο, and it 15 enacted that treasurers of 
the sacred funds be chosen, ete. Puat. Le ”, 759 E. So in most of the 


laws (genuine or spurious) standing as quotations in the text of the 
Ξ ἰ 


τιμημάτων' τὴν δὲ αἵρεσιν. τούτων καὶ τὴν δοκιμασίαν yt vero Gat 


orators, as in Dem. xxiii, 22: δικάζειν de τὴν ev ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ φόνου 
καὶ τραύματος ἐκ προνοίας, κ κιτιλ. See AR. Av. 1661. "ἔτη δὲ εἶναι 
τὰς σπονδὰς πεντήκοντα, and that the treaty shall continu fifty years 

Tuuc. v.18. ᾿Ακούετε dew" τοὺς ὁπλίτας νυνμενὶ ἀνελομένους Gor λ᾽ 


ἀπιέναι πάλιν οἴκαδε. ΑΚ. Αν. 448. 


Infinitive an Indirect Discourse. 


751. The infinitive in indirect. discourse is generally the 
object of a verb of saying or thinking or some equiv: alent e xpre S- 
sion. It may also be the subject of a passive verb of this class 








INFINITIVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 303 


(as λέγεται), or of such a verb as φαίνεται, it appears, or δοκεῖ, it 


seems (see 754). Here each tense of the infinitive represents the 


corresponding tense of the indicative (with or without ἄν) or the 
optative (with dv). (See 664, 2.) 

For examples see 683 and 689. For the various tenses of the 
infinitive with av, representing the indicative or optative with ἄν, see 
204-210. 

752. Verbs of hoping, expecting, promising, swearing, and a few 
others of like meaning, form an intermediate class between this 
construction and that of 747. For examples of the infinitive (in 
both constructions) after these verbs, see 136. 


753. 1. Of the three common verbs signifying fo say, φημί is 
regularly followed by the infinitive in indirect “dscoures, εἶπον 
by ὅτι or ὡς and the indicative or optative, while λέγω allows 
either construction. The active voice of λέγω, however, generally 
has ὅτι or ὡς. 

2. Exceptional cases of ὅτε or ὡς after φημί are very rare and 
strange : one occurs in Lys. V1. 19, ὅς φ ησιν ὡς ἐγὼ μὲν παρειστήκειν 
οἱ δ᾽ οἰκέται ἐξέτεμνον τὰ πρέμνα. See also Xen. Hell. vi. 3, 7, and 
PLat. Gorg. 487 D (where a clause with ὅτι precedes φής). 

3. Cases of εἶπον with the infinitive of indirect discourse are less rare, 
but always exceptional. See 1]. xxiv. 113, xviii. 9, quoted in 683 ; 
Hpr. ii. 30; Tuuc. vii. 35; Pat. Gorg. 473 A, εἶπον τὸ ἀδικεῖν τοῦ 
ἀδικεῖσθαι κάκιον εἶναι. A remarkable case of οὐ μή with the infini- 
tive after εἶπε occurs in Eur. Phoen. 1590 (quoted in 296). Εἶπον 
aml the active voice of λέγω take the infinitive chiefly as verbs of 
commanding (747). 

754. After many verbs of this class in the passive both a personal 
and an impersonal construction are allowed : thus, we can say λέγεται 


ὃ Κῦρος ἐλθεῖν, ὁ, yr ws 1s said to have gone, or λέγεται τὸν Κῦρον ἐλθεῖν. 
it is said that Cyrus went. Δοκέω in the me aning J seem (videor) 
usually has the personal construction, as in English; as οὗτος δοκεῖ 


εἶναι, he seems tobe. When an infinitive with ἄν follows a personal verb 
like δοκέω, this must be translated by an impersonal construction, to 
suit the English idiom: thus, δοκεῖ Tus ἂν ἔχειν τοῦτο must be trans- 
lated it seems that some one would have this, although Tis is the subject 
of δοκεῖ since we cannot use would with our infinitive to translate 
ἔχειν ἄν. 

755. When an indirect quotation has been introduced by an 
infinitive, a dependent relative or temporal clause sometimes 
takes the infinitive by assimilation, where we should expect an 
indicative or optative. The temporal particles ws, ὅτε, ἐπεί, ἐπειδή, 
as well as the relative pronouns, are used in this construction. 
Herodotus uses even εἰ, if, and διότι, because, in the same way. 


£4. 





304 THE INFINITIVE [756 


Mera δὲ, ὡς οὐ παύεσθαι, ἄκεα δίζησθαι (λέγουσι), and afterwards, 
when it did not cease, they say that they sought for remedies. Hor. 1. 94. 
(Here we should expect ws οὐκ ἐπαύετο) “Qs δ᾽ ἀκοῦσαι τοὺς παρόν- 
τας, θόρυβον γενέσθαι (φασίν), they say that, when those present heard τ, 
there was a tumult. Dem, xix. 195. ᾿Επειδὴ δὲ γενέσθαι ἐπὶ τῇ οἰκίᾳ 
τῇ ᾿Αγάθωνος, (ἔφη) ἀνεωγμένην καταλαμβάνειν τὴν θύραν. Par. 
Symp. 174 D. “Edy δὲ, ἐπειδὴ οὗ ἐκβῆναι τὴν ψυ χὴν, πορεύεσθαι. 
Id. Rep. 614 B. So ὡς φαίν εσθαι, « as it appeared, ὁ 359 D. Λέγεται 
᾿Αλκμαΐίωνι, ὅτε δὴ ἀλᾶσθαι αὐτὸν, τὸν ‘Ar πόλλω ταύτην τὴν γῆν 
χρῆσαι οἰκεῖν. THUC. li. 102. Kai ὅσα αὖ μετ᾽ ἐκείνων βουλεύε- 
σθαι, οὐδενὸς ὕστερον γνώμῃ φανῆναι (ἔφασαν). ‘Id. i, 91. (Here 
ἐβουλεύοντο would be the common form.) ᾿Ηγουμένης δὴ ἀληθείας 
οὐκ ἄν ποτε φαῖμεν αὐτῇ χορὸν κακῶν ἀκολουθῆσαι, ἀλλ υγίες 
τε καὶ δίκαιον ἦθος, ῳ καὶ σωφροσύνην ἕπεσθα be PLAT. Rep. 490 C. 

it γὰρ δὴ ὁ δεῖν πάντως περιθεῖναι ἄλλῳ τέῳ τὴν βασιληίην, (ἔφη) 
δικαιότερον εἶναι Μήδων τέῳ περιβαλεῖν τοῦτο, for if he was bound 
(= εἰ ἔδει) to give the kingdom to any other, etc. Hor. i. 129. Ki ὦ ὧν 
εἶναι re Jew TOUTO py φίλον, if this were (= εἰ ἣν) not pleasing to 
God. Id. 64. So iii, 108 (εἰ μὴ γίνεσθαι = εἰ μὴ ἐγίνετο, had 
there not al - vii. 229 (εἰ ἀπονοστῆσαι, if he had returned) ; ii. 
172 (εἰ εἶναι, if he was), iii. 105 (εἰ μὴ προλαμβάνειν = εἰ μὴ 
ϑενλημβννιμων Τιμᾶν δὲ a ἔφη, διότι ταφῆναί οἱ Tov 

πάππον δημοσίῃ ὑπὸ Σαμίων. Id. iii, 55 

756. In some cases, ahaors en the provisions of a law are 
quoted, a relative is used with the infinitive, even when no infinitive 
precedes. δ. Ξ 

ἔθηκεν ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἐ ἐξεῖναι ἀποκτιννύναι. he enacted on what conditrons 
it is allowed to kill. Dem. xx. 158. Kai διὰ ταῦτα, ἄν τις ἀποκτείνῃ 
τινὰ, τὴν βουλὴν δικάζειν ἔγραψε, καὶ οὐχ ἅπερ, ἂν ἅλῳ, εἶναι. and, 
he did not enact what should be done if he should be convicted. Id. xxiii. 
26. (Here εἶναι, the reading of Cod. Σὲ, is amply defended by the pre- 
( eding exé unple, in which all allow ἐξεῖν αι.) Δέκα 1 γὰρ ἄν ὃρας 7 προσείλον ΤΟ 
αὐτῷ ᾿ξυμβού λους, ἄνευ ὧν μὴ κύριον εἶναι ἀπάγειν στρατιὰν ἐκ τῆς 
σόλοως. Tuuc. v. 63. 


757. In narration, the infinitive often appears to stand for the 
indicative. It depends, however, on some word like λέγεται, if 
is saul, expressed (or at least implied) in something that precedes. 
E.4q. 

᾿Απικομένους δὲ τοὺς Φοίνικας ἐς δὴ τὸ Apyos τοῦτο. διατίθεσθαι 
τὸν φύρτον, and (they say) that the Phoenicians, when now they had come 
to this Argos, were setting out their cargo for sale. Hpr. 1. 1. (Here 
διατίθεσθαι is imperfect.) “᾿Αλλ᾽, ὦ wai,” φάναι τὸν ᾿Αστυάγην, 
“οὐκ ἀχθόμενοι ταῦτα περιπλανώμεθα." aii AXXa καὶ σε, φάναι 
τὸν Κῦρον, «ἐ ὁρῶ," K.T.A. Kai τὸν ᾿Αστυάγην ἐπερέσθαι, “ καὶ τίνι 


δὴ σὺ τεκμαιρόμενος λέγεις; “Ort oe,” φάναι, “opw,” K.7.A. Πρὸς 
ταῦτα δὲ τὸν ᾿Αστυάγην εἰπεῖν, κιτιλ. Kat τὸν Κῦρον εἰπεῖν, x.7.A. 
Xen. Cyr. i. 3, 5 and 6. (Here all these infinitives, and twelve 

















59] INFINITIVE AFTER ADJECTIVES ETC. 305 


others which follow, depend on λέγεται in § 4.) Kai τὸν κελεῦσαι 
δοῦναι, and he SESE αν him to give it. Id. i. 3, 9. Soin Ηρτ. i. 24 
the story of Arion and the dolphin is told in this construction, the 
infinitives all depending on λέγουσι at the beginning. 


Infinitive after Adjectives, Adverbs, and Nouns. 


758. The infinitive may depend on adjectives denoting 
ability, fitness, desert, qualification, sufficiency, readiness, and 
their opposites ; and, in general, those expressing the same 
relations as the verbs which govern the infinitive (747). 
The omitted subject of the infinitive is the same as the 
substantive to which the adjective belongs. Eg 

Avvaros ποιεῖν. able to do. Δεινὸς λέγειν, skilled in speaking. 
᾿Αξιός ἐστι ταῦτα LaBety, he deserves to receive this. "Αξιος τιμᾶσθαι, 
olla to be honoured. Οὐ Χ οἷός τε ἣν τοῦτο ἰδεῖν, he was not able to 
see this. Πρόθυμος λέγειν, eager to speak. "Revgus κίνδυνον ὑπο- 
μένει V, ready to endure danger. 

Θεμιστοκλέα, ἱκανώτατον εἰπεῖν καὶ γνῶναι καὶ πρᾶξαι. Lys. 
11. 42. Ai yap εὐπ ραξίαι δειναὶ συ γκρύψαι τὰ τοιαῦτα ὀνείδη. Deo. 
ii. 20. Kupiav ἐποίησαν ἐπ ιμελεῖσθαι τῆς εὖ ταξίας, they gave it 
(the Areopagus) power to superintend good order. Isoc. vii. 39. Binv δὲ 
ἀδύνατοι ἦσαν π προσφέρειν. Hor. iii. 138. Μαλακοὶ “καρτερεῖν, 
too effeminate to endure. Puar. Rep. 556 B. Ἰαπεινὴ ὑμῶν ἡ διάνοια 
ἐγκαρτερεῖν ἃ ἔγνωτε, your minds are too dejected to persevere, etc. THUuc. 
11.61. (Inthe lasttwoexample 8, μαλακοί and ταπεινή govern the infinitive 
by the idea of inability καρ ἀρὰν in them.) Χρήματα π ορίζειν ε εὐπορώ- 
τατον γυνή. Ar. Eccl. 236. Σοφώτεροι ὃ δὴ συμφορὰς τὰς τῶν πέλας 
πάντες διαθρεῖν ἢ τύ χας τὰς οἴκοθεν. Eur. Fr. 103. ᾿Ἐπιστήμων 
λέγ γειν τε καὶ σιγᾶν. Ρ LAT. Phaedr.276 A. Τάλλα εὑρήσεις ὑπουρ- 
γεῖν ὄντας ἡμᾶς οὐ κακούς. AR. Pac. 430. 


For examples of nouns followed by the infinitive in a similar sense, 
see 749 (See also 766.) 


759. The infinitive, after τοιοῦτος οἷος and τοσοῦτος ὅσος, depends 
on the idea of ability, fitness, or sufficency which is expresse ἃ in these 
combinations. The antecedent may be omitted, leaving οἷος with the 
infinitive in the sense of able, fit, Like ely, and ὅσος in that of sufficient. 
Eq. 

Τοιοῦτοι οἷοι πονηροῦ τινος ἔργου ἐφίεσθαι, capable of aiming 
at any vicious act. XEN. Cyr. i. 2,3. Τοιαύτας οἵας χειμῶνός τε 
στέγειν καὶ θέρους ἱκανὰς εἶναι. Prat. tep. 415 E. "EdOace 
τοσοῦτον ὅσον ΠΠάχητα ἀνεγνωκέναι τὺ ψήφισμα, it came enough 
an advance of the other ship for Paches to have already read the decree 
(the fact that he had read it is inferred, but not expressed : see 584). 
THUC. iii. 49. 

ἶπεν ὡς ἐγώ εἰμι οἷος ἀεί ποτε μετα βάλλεσθαι. that I am (such) 

X 





306 THE INFINITIVE (760 


a man (as) to be always changing. XeN. Hell. ii. 3, 45. Ov yap ἦν ὥρα 
οἵα τὸ πεδίον ἄρδειν, for it was not the proper season to trrigate the land. 
Id. An. ii. 3, 13. Νεμόμενοι τὰ αὑτῶν ἕκαστοι ὅσον ato (nv, each 
cultivating their own land enough (to an extent sufficient) to live upon τί. 
Taue. 1. 3. ᾿Ελείπετο τῆς νυκτὸς ὅσον σκοταίους διελθεῖν τὸ πεδίον. 
there was left enough of the night for crossing the plain in the dark. XEN. 
An. iv. 1, 5. 

This construction suggests at once the analogous use of οὕτως ὥστε 
or ὥστε alone, in the sense of so as, with the infinitive (see 593). 
Here, as with ὥστε, the subject of the infinitive is not restricted as it 
is in 758. 

760. In Homer, the pronominal adjectives τοῖος, τοιόσδε, τοιοῦτος, 
τόσος, τηλίκος, and ποῖος, without a relative, sometimes take an 
infinitive in the same way (759) ; as ἡμεῖς δ᾽ οὔ νύ τι τοῖοι ἀμυνέμεν, 
but we are not able to keep it off, Od. ii. 60; ποῖοι κ᾽ εἶτ᾽ Ὀδυσσῆι 
ἀμυνέμεν ; Od. xxi. 195. See also 1]. vi. 463; Od. iii, 205, vii. 309, 
xvil. 20. 

761. Certain impersonal verbs (like ἔνεστι, πρέπει, προσήκει), 
which regularly take an infinitive as their subject (745), are used in the 
participle in a ‘personal sense with the infinitive, the participle having 
the force of one of the adjectives of 758. Thus τὰ ἐνόντα εἰπεῖν is 
equivalent to ἃ ἔνεστι εἰπεῖν, what it is permitted to say; τὰ προσήκοντα 
ῥηθῆναι is equivalent to ἃ προσήκει ῥηθῆναι, what is proper to be said, 
as if it represented a personal construction like ταῦτα προσῆκει ῥηθῆναι, 
these th ings are becoming to be said. Eq. 

Κατιδὼν τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐνόντων εἰπεῖν, seeing the number of 
things that may be said. Isoc. ν. 110. Τὸν θεὸν καλεῖ οὐδὲν προσή - 
κοντ᾽ ἐν γόοις παραστατεῖν., she is calling on the God who ought not 
to be present at lamentations. Anscu. Ag. 1079. (Προσήκοντα is used 
like adjectives meaning jit, proper.) Ppal’, ἐπεὶ π ρέπων ἔφυς πρὸ 
τῶνδε φωνεῖν. ϑορη. Ο. Τ΄. 9. So τὰ ἡμῖν παραγγελ θεντα διεξελ- 
θεῖν (=a παρηγγέλθη ἡμῖν διεξελθεῖν). ῬικΑτ. Tim. 90 E. 

762. In the same way { 61) certain adjectives, like δίκαιος, 
ἐπικαίριος, ἐπ ιτήδειος, ἐ πίδοξος, may be used personally with 
the infinitive : as δίκαιός ἐστι τοῦτο ποιεῖν. it is right for him to do 
this (equivalent to δίκαιόν ἐστιν αὐτὸν τοῦτο ποιεῖν). Eq. 

Φημὶ πολλῳ μειζόνων ἔτι τούτων δωρεῶν ὃ ίκαιος εἶναι Tuy- 
χάνειν, I say that I have a right to receive even far qreater rewards 
than these. Dem. xviii. 53. ᾿Ηδόκουν ἐπιτήδειοι εἶναι ὑπεξαιρεθῆ- 
ναι, they seemed to be convenient persons to be disposed of. THUce, viii. 70. 
Ocparever Oar ἐπ ικαΐίριοι, ἡηρογίαηί persons to be taken care of. 
XEN ‘ C yr. vill. ¢ 2. 25. Tade Tol ἐξ av ‘TOV ἐπ Lo &a γεν έσθαι, it ἐξ to 
be expected that this will result from ut. Hor. i. 89. Πολλοὶ ἐπ ἰδοξοι 
τωὐτὸ τοῦτο πείσεσθαί εἰσι, it is to be expected that many will suffer 
this same thing. Id. vi. 12 (for the future infinitive see 113). 


763. Any adjective may take an infinitive to limit its 











765] INFINITIVE AFTER ADJECTIVES ETC. 307 


meaning to a particular action ; as αἰσχρὸν ὁρᾶν, disgraceful 
look upon. The infinitive is here regularly active or 
middle, even when the passive would seem more natural. 
The omitted subject of the infinitive (except when it is 
passive) is distinct from that of the adjective. £g. 


Αἰσχρὸν yap τόδε γ᾽ ἐστὶ καὶ gees πυθέσθαι, for this ts 
disgraceful even for future men to hear. 11]. 11.119. So 1]. i. 107 and 
589. Τοὺς yap ὑπὲρ τούτων λόγους ἐμοὶ μὲν ἀναγκαιοτάτους προει- 
πεῖν ἡ γοῦ "μαι, ὑμῖν δὲ χρησιμωτάτους aKO ῦσαι. i.e. most NECESSATY for 
me to speak, and most useful for you to hear. Drm. xxi. 24. Φοβερὸν 
προσπολεμῆσαι, a terrible man to fight against. Id. ii. 99. (Οἰκία) 
ἡδίστη ἐνδιαιτᾶσθαι, a house most pleasant to live in. XEN. Mem. iii. 
8, 8. Xaderwrata εὑρεῖν, hardest to find: ῥᾷστα ἐντυγχάνειν, 
easiest to obtain. Ib. i. 6, 9. (Ἰ]ολιτεία) χαλεπὴ συζῆν. a form of 
government hard to live under: ἄνομος δὲ (μοναρχία) χαλεπὴ καὶ βαρυ- 
rary § ξυνοικῆσαι. Puat. Polit. 302 Band E. Ao γος δυνατὸς KaTa- 
vo ῆσαι, a speech capable of being understood (which it is possible to under- 
stand). Id. Phaed. 90 D. ‘O χρόνος βραχὺς ἀξίως διηγήσασθαι. the 
tume is too short for narrating it properly. Id. Menex. 239 B. Ἢ ὁδὸς 
ἐπιτηδεία πορευομένοις καὶ λέγειν καὶ ἀκούειν, convenient both for 
speaking and for hearing. Id. Symp. 173 B. Πότερον δὲ λούσασθαι 
ψυχρότερον ᾿ whach of the two (waters) as colder for bathing ? XEN. Mem. 
lll. 13, 3. 

(Passive.) (KX ives) αἰσχραὶ ὁρᾶσθαι (instead of ὁρᾶν). Id. Cyn. 
iii, 3. Ἔστι δ᾽ ὁ λόγος φιλαπεχθήμων μὲν, ῥηθῆναι δ᾽ οὐκ dovp- 
φορος. Isoc, xv. 115. 

The infinitive with adjectives (here and in 758) shows distinct 
traces of its origin as a dative, though this origin was already forgotten. 
See 742 (end) and 767. 

764. («) The infinitive after the comparative with ἢ depends on 
the idea of ability or inability implied in the expression. E.g. 

Ὁ γὰρ Spe μεῖζον ἢ φέρει V, for the disease 18 too heavy to bear. 
SopuH. O. T. 129 (See 763, above.) ἊἋἪ ἀνθρωπίνη φύσις ἀσθενε- 
στέρα ἢ ἸΣ τέχνην ὧν ἂν ἢ ἄπειρος, human nature is too weak to 
acquire the art of those things of which it has no experience. Puat. Theaet. 
149 C. (See 158) 

(6) “Ὥστε or ὡς is sometimes expressed before this infinitive ; as in 
XEN. Hell. iv. 8, 23, ἤσθοντο αὐτὸν ἐλάττω ἔχοντα δύ VOJLLV ἢ ὥστε 
τοὺς φίλους 6 φελεῖν, and Cyr. vi. 4, 17, τὰς ἀσπίδας μείζους ἔχουσιν 
ἢ WS ποιεῖν τι καὶ ὁρᾶν. (See 588.) 


765. The infinitive may be used after adverbs which correspond to 
the adjectives of 763. Eq. 

Συνεβουλεύετο αὐτῷ πῶς av τοῖς μὲν εὔνοις κάλλιστα ἰδεῖν ποιοῖτο 
τὴν ἐξέλασιν, τοῖς δὲ δυσμενέσι φοβερώτατα, he took counsel with him 
how he might proceed forth in a manner most splendid for the friendly to 


behold, and most terrible for the indisposed. XEN. Cyr. viii. 3, 5. 





308 THE INFINITIVE [766 


766. Certain nouns, which correspond in meaning to adjectives 
which take the infinitive as in 763, may themselves have the same 
construction. Eg. 

Θαῦμα ἰδέσθαι. a wonderful thing to behold (like θαυμαστὸν ide 
σθαι). Od. viii. 366. See the examples under 749. 


767. In Homer, verbs expressing excellence or fitness sometimes take 
a limiting infinitive, like adjectives of similar meaning. Ey. 

Ἕκτορος ἥδε γυνὴ, ὃς ἀριστεύεσκε μάχεσθαι, this is the wife of 
Hector, who was the _Surst (= ἄριστος ἦν) an Sighting. Il. vi. 460. ὋὉμη.- 
λικῶν ἐκέκαστο ὄρνιθας γνῶναι καὶ ἀναίσιμα μυθήσασθαι, he 
excelled all of his age in knowledge of birds and in declaring fate. Od, 
158. Οἱ περὶ μὲν βουλὴν Δαναῶν, περὶ δ᾽ ἐστὲ μάχεσθαι. ye who 
excel the Danai in counsel and excel them in battle. Il. i. 258. (Here 
βουλήν shows that μάχεσθαι was already felt as a limiting accusative, 
notwithstanding its primitive force as a dative. See 763, and 742, end.) 


768. Even in Attic Greek a limiting infinitive, like the Homeric 
infinitive just mentione: ἱ (767), is sometimes found. E specially ἀκούειν, 
ἀκοῦσαι, in sound, and ὁρᾶν, ἰδεῖν, in appearance, are used in this w ay. 
Eg. 

Δοκεῖς οὖν τι διαφέρειν αὐτοὺς idetv χαλκέως φαλακροῦ καὶ 
σμικροῦ; do you think that they differ at all in appearance from a bald 
little tinker? Puat. Rep. 495 E. ᾿Ακοῦσαι πα γκάλως ἔχει, it is very 
fine to hear. Drm. xix. 47. [lpaypara 7 παρέξουσιν (οἱ ἵπποι) ἐπιμέ- 
Aer Oat, the horses will be troublesome to tend. XEN. Cyr. iv. 5, 46. 


769. The Homeric use of ὁμοῖος, equal, like, with the infinitive 
belongs here. Κ᾽. 

Λευκότεροι χιόνος, θείειν δ᾽ ἀνέμοισιν ~~ (horses) whiter than 
snow, and like the winds in swiftness (lit. to run). 1]. x. 487. Οὐ yap 
οἵ Tis ὁμοῖος ἐπϊὶσπέσθαι ποσὶν ἦεν, ἀνδρῶν τρεσσάντων, for none was 


like him for following with his feet when men fled. Tl. xiv. 521. 


In fin itive of Pu rpose, 


770. The infinitive may express a purpose. 


Τρώων. ἄνδρα ἕκαστον (εἰ) ἑλοίμεθα οἰνοχοεύειν, if we should 
choose every man of the Trojans to be our cup-bearers. Il. ii.127. Χέρνιβα 
δ᾽ ἀμφίπολος προχόῳ — φέρουσα, Ag geeks Le. brought and 
poured water for washing. Od. 1.136. So 1]. 1. 338, δὸς ἄγειν, and II. 
107, 108. “Τὴν ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου βουλὴν ἐπ ἐστησαν ἐπ ἐμελεῖσθαι 
τῆς εὖ κοσμίας, i.e. to guard good order. Isoc. vii. 37. Οἱ ἄρχοντες, ovs 
ὑμεῖς εἵλεσθε a ἄρχειν μου, the rulers, nme you chose to rule me. Puar. 
Ap. 28 E. Aéxa δὲ τῶν νεῶν προὔπ πεμψαν ἐς τὸν μέ as λιμένα πλεῦ- 
σαΐ τε καὶ κατασκέψασθαι, καὶ κηρὺ ἕξ fat, κιτιλ., Le. e. they sent them 
to sail and examine, and to proclaim, ete. Tuv C. Vi. 50. Τοὺς ἱππέας 
παρείχοντο Πελοποννησίοις ξυστρατεύειν. Id. ii. 19. Ἐυνέβησαν 
τοῖς "Πλαταιεῦσι παραδοῦναι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ τὰ ὅπλα, χρήσασθαι 





τὸ bls YW 


aoa’ 


ee net ue 








INFINITIVE OF PURPOSE 309 


ὅ τι dv βούλωνται, i.e. to do with them whatever they pleased. Id. ii. 4. 
Εἰ βουλοίμεθά τῳ ἐκετρέψαι καὶ ἢ παῖδας παιδεῦσαι ἢ χρήματα διασῶ- 
σαι, Uf we should wish to entrust to any one etther children to instruct or 
money to keep. XEN. Mem. i. 5, 2. Θεάσασθαι παρῆν τὰς γυναῖκας 
πιεῖν φερούσας, women bringing (something) to drink. Id. Hell. vii. 2, 
9. Τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν ἄκραν φυλάττειν αὐτοῖς παρέδωκαν, they 
delivered the city and the citadel to them to guard. Ib. iv. 4,15. “Os yap 
av ὑμᾶς λάθῃ, τοῦτον ἀφίετε τοῖς θεοῖς κολάζειν. Dem. xix. 71. 

Ἢ θύρα ἡ ἐμὴ ἀνέῳκτο εἰσιέναι τῷ δεομένῳ τι ἐμοῦ. XEN. Hell. 
v. 1, 14. Οὐκ εἶχον ἡ ΤᾺ ἐπ ισιτίζεσθαι, they had no money to 
buy provisions, Id. An. vii. Pes ᾿Αριστάρχῳ ἔδοτε ἡμέραν ἀπολο- 
γήσασθαι, Le. a day to defend himself in. Id. Hell. i. 7, 28. “Ewav- 
τόν σοι ἐμμελετᾶν i παρέχειν οὐ πάνυ δέδοκται, i.e. to practise on. 
Prat. Phaedr. 228 E, Οἷς ἐνευδαιμον σαι τε ὁ βίος ὁμοίως καὶ 
τε τιν THT AL ξυνεμετρήθη, 1.6. for enjoyment as well as for death. 
THuce. ii. 44. 


771. Here, as in 763, the infinitive is generally active or middle, 
even where the passive would seem more natural; as κτανεῖν ἐμοί 
μιν ἔδοσαν, they gave her to me to be killed. Eur. Tro. 87 4. 


772. (a) The infinitive is thus used in prose chiefly after verbs 
signifying to choose or appoint, to give or take, to express the purpose 
for which anythitig is given or taken ; and also after those signifying 
to send or bring. (See examples in 770.) With the last class the 
future participle is still more common (840), A final clause after 
iva etc. may also be used in the same sense. 


) In poetry, the same construction occurs after verbs of motion, 
. «“ ¢ 7 5 , » 
like εἶμι, ἥκω, and Baivw; and also after εἰμί, ἐπειμι, and 
πάρε ue (to be, to be at hand), expressed or understood. E.9. 
᾿Αλλά Tis εἴη εἰπεῖν ᾿Ατρεΐδῃ ᾿Αγαμέμνονι, ποιμένι λαῶν, but let 
some one go to tell Agamemnon. Od. xiv. 496. By δὲ θέειν, and he 
** 7 , 4 > “~ 
started to run. IL. ii. 183. Οὐδέ τις ἔστιν ἀρὴν καὶ λοιγὸν ἄμυναι, 
᾽ . \ 
nor vw there any one to keep off curse and ruin. 1]. xxiv. 489. Πολλοὶ 
δ᾽ αὖ cot’A Karol ἐναιρέμεν OV κε δύνηαι, 1.6, for you to slay whomso- 
; . > 4 » 5 5 4 Β ce ; 5 “ Ἅ ” 
ever you can. Il. vi. 229. Ov yap ex ἀνὴρ οἷος ᾿Οδυσσεὺς ἔσκεν, 
ee ag Ce ” > * KC , ‘ ¢ e 
apyVv ἀπὸ οἰκου ἀμῦναι. Od. ii. 59. Μανθάνειν yap ἤκομεν, for 
we are come to learn. ΞΟΡΗ. O. C. 12, 


(c) Even in prose, the infinitive occasionally occurs after εἰμί in 
this sense, as in Prat. Phaedr. 229 A, ἐκεῖ σκιά τ᾽ ἐστὶ, καὶ πόα 
καθίζεσθαι ἢ ἂν βουλώμεθα κατακλιθῆναι, there is grass to sit 
upon, etc. See also Xen. An. ii. 1,6, πολλαὶ δὲ καὶ πέλται καὶ ἅμαξαι 
ἦσαν φέρεσθαι ἔρημοι, ie. they were left to be carried away. 


773. In Homer and Herodotus εἶναι is often introduced to denote 
a purpose, where in Attic Greek a simple noun, connected directly 
with the leading verb, would be sufficient. Fg. 

Θώρηκα, τόν ποτέ ot Κινύρης δῶκε ξεινήιον εἶναι, ie. which they 


. ye ᾿ . , 77 
gave him as a present (lit. to be a present), 1]. xi. 20. AiOov εἵλετο 





310 THE INFINITIVE [774 


χειρὶ παχείῃ, TOV ῥ᾽ ἄνδρες πρότεροι θέσαν ἔμμεναι οὖρον ἀρούρης, 
which former men had placed (to be) as a boundary of the land. 1]. xxi. 
405. Δαρεῖος καταστήσας ᾿Αρταφέρνεα ὕπαρχον εἶναι Σαρδίων. 
Hor. v. 25. So in the passive construction: Γέλων ἀπεδέχθη πάσης 


τῆς ἵππου εἶναι ἵππαρχος. Id. vii. 154, 


774. Even in Attic prose, this use of εἶναι (773) sometimes occurs ; 
as in Dem. xxix. 25, μνημονεύουσιν ἀφεθέντα τοῦτον ἐλεύθερον εἶναι 
τότε, they remember his having been then manumitted (so as) to be a free- 
man. So ἀφίησιν αὐτὰ δημόσια εἶναι, he gives them up to be public 
property, THuc. ii. 13. 

775. The simple infinitive in Homer may express a result as well 
as ἃ purpose, as ὥστε is seldom used there in the sense of so as (589), 
It thus follows many expressions which would not allow it in Attic 
Greek. Eg. 

Tis τ᾽ ἄρ odwe θεῶν ἔριδι ξυνέηκε μάχεσθαι; ie. who brought 
them into conflict, so as to contend? 1]. 1. 8, Soi. 151 ; and ἐριζέμεναι, 
ii. 214, ᾿Αλλ’ ὅτε δὴ κοίλη νηῦς ἤχθετο τοῖσι νέεσθαι. when now 
their ship was loaded, so as (to be ready) to sail. Od. xv. 457. 

For the infinitive in consecutive sentences with ὥστε or ws, and ἐφ᾽ 
ᾧ or ἐφ᾽ OTE, see 582-600; 608-610. 

For the infinitive with πρίν, see 626-631. 


Absolut Infin tive 1 


776. The infinitive may stand absolutely in certain paren- 
thetical phrases, expressing a limitation or qualification of some 
word or of the whole sentence. 


111. 1. Most frequent are the simple ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν and ὡς 


εἰπεῖν, 80 to speak ; and ὡς εἰπεῖν or εἰπεῖν with an adverb or other 


adjunct, sometimes with an object. δ... 

Kat ἔργου, ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν. ἢ οὐδενὸς προσδέονται ἢ Bpa χέος πάνυ, 
and of action, so to speak, they need either none or very little. PLAT. Gory. 
450 ἢ. Plato uses ws ἔπος εἰπεῖν 77 times. Ὥς εἰπεῖν ἔπος, so to 
speak, ArscH. Pers. 714: so Eur. Hipp. 1162, Her. 167 (see Or. 1), 
‘Qs δὲ συντόμως εἰπεῖν, to speak concisely. Isoc. vii. 26: so Puar. 
Tim. 25 E. ‘Qs συνελόντι εἰπεῖν. Xen. Mem. iii. 8,10, ‘Os εἰπεῖν. 
Puat. Phaedr. 258 E: so Rep. 619 D. ‘Qs ἁπλῶς εἰπεῖν, to speak 
simply. Isoc. iv. 154. Ὡς ev κεφαλαίῳ εἰπεῖν. PLat. Symp. 186 C. 
‘Qs τὸ ὅλον εἰπεῖν γένος. Id. Crat. 199 C. ‘Qs ἐπὶ τὸ πᾶν εἰπεῖν. Id. 


-- . ε 4 er , ~ 
Leg. 667 D.. So ws περὶ oAns εἰπεῖν ¥ 
( 


UX7S, Rep. 557 E. "Os ye TO 
δικαιότατον εἰπεῖν. Id. Leg. 624 A. ‘Os πόλιν εἰπεῖν, speaking of a 
state. Id. Rep. 5121. &. Without ws: τὸ σύμπαν εἰπεῖν. Hpt. ii. 91: 


Truc. i. 138, vii. 49. Ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς εἰπεῖν. Id. vi. 82. Σὺν θεῴ 


. See Griinewald, Der frei formelhafte Infiniti v di r Limitation wm Griech- 
ischen, in Schanz’s Beitriige, Heft 6. 





Mid νὰ seg eee 


779] ABSOLUTE INFINITIVE 311 


εἰπεῖν. Pua. Prot. 317 B. TS δ᾽ ὀρθὸν εἰπεῖν, dvérvevoa, Sopu. 
OQ. T. 1220. 

2. Other verbs of saying are used in the same way with ὡς. 
Eg. 

‘Qs τορῶς φράσαι. Amsco. Ag. 1584. ‘Qs ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα 
λέγειν. Prat. Crat. 399 Ὁ. “ὥς ye ἐν τῷ viv παρόντι λέγειν. Id. Leg. 
857 C. ‘Os ev dpdfev. Id. Polit. 282 B. ‘Qs πρὸς ὑμᾶς εἰρῆσθαι, 
i.e. between ourselves. Id. Rep. 595 Β. “Qs ye πρὸς σὲ εἰρῆσθαι τἀληθῆ. 
Id. Prot. 339 E, ‘Qs ev τύπῳ, μὴ δι᾿ ἀκριβείας, εἰρῆσθαι. Id. Rep. 
414 A, 

For ws λόγῳ εἰπεῖν in Herodotus, see 782. 


778. “Eyoi δοκεῖν or (less frequently) ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν means in 
my opinion, it seems to me. Other similar expressions are (ws) 
εἰκάσαι, to make a Guess , (ws) συμβάλλειν, to compare, if Wwe Uy 
compare , (ws) ἀκοῦσαι, to the ear ; ws ἰδεῖν or ὅσον ἰδεῖν, to the eye, 
in appearance ; ὅσον ἐμὲ εἰδέναι, so far as my knowledge goes; ws 
0. 

᾿Αλλ᾽ ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν, τάχ᾽ εἴσει, but, methinks, you will soon know. 
ἈΑΈΒΟΗ. Pers. 246: so SopH. El. 410. Αὐτόχθονες δοκέειν ἐμοί εἰσι. 
Hor. i. 172. ᾿Απεπέμπετο ἡ στρατιὴ, ws ἐμοὶ δοκέειν, ἐπὶ Λιβύης 
καταστροφῃ. Id.iv.167. Δοκεῖν δ᾽ ἐμοί. ΤΉσο. viii. 64 : so vii. 87. 
᾿Αληθῆ, ἔμοιγε δοκεῖν. Puat. Men. 81 A. See Id. Rep. 432 B, ὥς 


γε οὑτωσὶ δόξα l. 


τεκμήρασθαι, so far as one can judge. E 


ea? ε 4 


Xwpos 00 pos, ws ἀπεικάσαι. Sopn.0.C.16. ‘Os θύραθεν εἰκά- 
σαι. Eur. H. F. 713. See Hor. i. 84. ‘Qs μικρὸν μεγάλῳ εἰκά- 
σαι. ΤῊσα iv. 36. Once εἰκάσαι alone : Sopu. O. T. 82. Ydwp γε 
ἕν πρὸς ἕν συμβάλλειν, ie. to compare the waters one with the other. 
Hor. iv. 50 (cf. ἕν πρὸς ἕν, Tuuc. ii. 97). "ἔστι δὲ τοῦτο οὑτωσὶ μὲν 
ἀκοῦσαι λόγον τιν᾽ ἔχον. Le, on first hearing it, Dem. xx. 18. "Atora, 
ws οὕτω γ᾽ ἀκοῦσαι. PLAT. Euthyph. 3B. ὥς ye ἐντεῦθεν ἰδεῖν, 
as τὲ looks from this point. Id. Rep. 430 E. “Oooov ἴδην. SAPPH. Fr. 
101. Ὅσα γ᾽ ὧδ᾽ ἰδεῖν. AR. Pac. 856. Οὐχ, ὅσον γέ μ᾽ εἰδέναι, 
no, αϑ far as I know. Id. Nub. 1252. See also Eccl. 350, 6 τι κἄμ᾽ 
εἰδέναι, and Thesm. 34, ὥστε (1.6. ὥς Te) κἄμ᾽ εἰδέναι, in the same 
sense, “Qs ye tw ποδὲ τεκμήρασθαι. Prat. Phaedr. 230 B. 

See also ὥς γ᾽ ἐμοὶ χρῆσθαι κριτῇ, Eur. Alc. 801; ὥς γε κατὰ 
τὴν ἐμὴν δόξαν ἀποφήνασθαι, Piat. Polit.272 D. See further, for 
Herodotus, 782. 


779. (a) Here belong ὀλίγου δεῖν and μικροῦ δεῖν, wanting Little 
g oAty Nd pkg 

almost, and the rare πολλοῦ δεῖν, Jar Jrom. E94. 
Πολλῶν λόγων γιγνομένων ὀλίγου δεῖν καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἐκκλη- 
; γων ὙιΎνΟΙ you « jv ἐκκλη 
σίαν, when many speeches are made almost in every asse mbly. Drm. ix. 1. 

Y 81 " | 
Μικροῦ δεῖν ὅμοιόν ἐστι τῳ ὀνειδίζειν. Id. xvill. 269: so Isoc. iv. 
144, viii. 44, 89. “Iy’ εἰδῆτε πολλοῦ δεῖν ἄξιον ὄντα, that you may 
know that he is far from de serving, etc. Dem. xxiii. 7 (the only case of 
πολλοῦ δεῖν ; 





912 THE INFINITIVE [780 


(ὁ) Here δεῖν is often omitted, leaving ὀλίγου Or μικροῦ in 
the sense of almost. Eg. 

‘OXriyou φροῦδος γεγένημαι, I am almost gone myself, AR. Nub. 722, 
and μικροῦ κατηκόντισαν ἅπαντας, they came near shooting them all. 
Dem. xviii. 151. 


780. In many expressions εἶναι is used absolutely, and it often 
seems to us superfluous. The most common case is that of ἑκὼν 
εἶναι, 80 far as being willing goes, or willingly, used almost lus- 
ively in negative sentences. ΚΕ. 

Οὔτε αὐτὸς ἔφη ἑκὼν εἶναι δουλεύσειν. Hp. viii. 116. See THvc. 
li. 89, vi. 14. “Exav γὰρ εἶναι οὐδὲν ψεύσομαι, willingly I will tell 
no falsehood. Prat. Symp. 215 A. Οὐκ ᾧμην ye κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ὑπὸ σοῦ 
ἑκόντος εἶναι ἐξαπατηθήσεσθαι. Τὰ. Gorg. 499 Ο. ( ᾿Ανάγκῃ ἔχειν) 
τὴν ἀψεύδειαν καὶ τὸ ἑκόντας εἶναι μηδαμῇ προσδέχεσθαι τὸ ψεῦδος. 
Id. Rep. 485 C: see 336 E. One positive sentence occurs, Hpr. vii. 164. 
781. Other cases of absolute εἶναι are TO ἐπὶ σφᾶς (ἐπὶ ἐκείνοις. ἐπὶ 


\ 


τούτοις, κατὰ τοῦτον) εἶναι, so far as they were concerned, etc. THvc. iv. 
28, viii. 48; Xen. An. i. 6, 9, Hell. iii. δ, 9 ----κατὰ (εἰς) δύναμιν 
εἶναι, Isak. ii. 32; Prat. Polit. 300 C :---κατὰ τοῦτο εἶναι, so far as 
concerns this, Id. Prot. 317 A ;---τὴν πρώτην εἶναι, at first, Hp. i. 153. 
So especially TO νῦν εἶναι. at present (τό belonging to vuv): see Isoc. 
xv. 270; Puat. Lach. 201 ©, Rep. 506 E; Xen Cyr. v. 3, 42; also 
TO τήμερον εἶναι, to-day, Prat. Crat. 396 E. In Aristotle’s τὸ τί ἦν 
εἶναι, the εἶναι is probably absolute, and τί ἦν may be a “ philo- 
sophic”” imperfect (40), the expression meaning the original essence (the 
“what was it ?”), 

Two expressions have ὡς: ws πάλαια εἶναι. considering their antiquity, 
THuc. i. 21; and ὥς ye διακόνους εἶναι πόλεως, considering that they 
were servants of a state, 1.6, for servants, Phat. Gorg. 517 B. 


782. Herodotus has a remarkable variety of expressions of 
this kind. Besides those already quoted, see the following :— 

To Δέλτα ἐστὲ κατάρρυτόν τε καὶ νεωστὶ, ὡς λόγῳ εἰπεῖν, ἀνα- 
πεφηνός, and recently, so to speak, has appeared above water. ii. 15. (‘Qs 
λόγῳ εἰπεῖν is peculiar to Herodotus.) Καὶ ὡς ἐμὲ εὖ μεμνῆσθαι τὰ 
ὁ ἑρμηνεύς μοι ἔφη. so far as I remember rightly what the interpreter told 
me, ete. 11.125. ‘Qs ἐμὲ κατανοέειν, as I understand it. ii, 28. ‘Qs 
μέν νυν ev ἐλαχίστῳ δηλῶσαι. πᾶν εἴρηται" ὡς δὲ ἐν πλέονι λόγῳ 
δηλῶσαι, ὧδε ἔχει. ii. 34 and 25. Μετὰ δὲ, οὐ πολλῳ λόγῳ εἰπεῖν, 
χρόνος διέφυ. i. 61. ‘Os ἐμὲ συμβαλλόμενον εὑρίσκειν, so far 
as I find by conjecture. vii. 24. Ὥς ἐμοὲ δοκέειν συμβαλλομένῳ. 
iv. 87. ‘Qs εἶναι ταῦτα σμικρὰ μεγάλοισι συμβάλλειν, so far as I 
may (εἶναι) compare these small th ings with great ones. iv. 99: see ii. 10. 
Ὥς Σκύθας εἶναι. for Scythians, considering that they are Scythians. iv. 
81. ‘Qs εἶναι Αἰγύπτου, for Egypt, ie. for a land like Egypt. ii. 8. 
Μεγάλα ἐκτήσατο χρήματα ὡς ἂν εἶναι ‘Podorw, she gained great 
sums of money for a Rhodopis. ii. 135. (The force of ἄν is very doubtful 





IN COMMANDS, WISHES, ETC. 313 


here ; and ‘Podarvwy is often emended to Ῥοδώπιος or “Poder, neither 
of which is satisfactory.) 


783. The absolute infinitive was probably felt as a limiting ac- 
cusative; and in Ar. Pac. 232, ἐξιέναι γνώμην ἐμὴν μέλλει, we 

" Ἢ » 5 A “ A ν ’ » ’ l c 
might substitute ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν for γνώμην éujv.! ‘Os as used here can 
hardly be expressed in English ; but it resembles some uses of ὥστε 
and ws with the infinitive after adjectives in 588. It cannot be 
demonstrative, as might be supposed from our inadequate translation 
of ws εἰπεῖν, so to speak. 


Infinitive in Commands and Proh untions for the Imperative. 


Infin itive in Wishes and Exclamations. 


784. 1. The infinitive is sometimes used in the sense of the 
second person of the imperative, especially in Homer. £.¢. 

Τῷ νῦν μή ποτε καὶ σὺ γυναικί περ ἤπιος εἶναι" μή οἱ μῦθον 
ἅπαντα πιφαυσκέμεν,. ὃν κ᾽ ἐὺ εἰδῃς, ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν φάσθαι. τὸ δὲ 
καὶ κεκρυμμένον εἶναι, NOW therefore be thou never indulgent to thy wife, 
etc. Od. xi. 441. So I]. i. 20, 582, ii. 10, xvii. 501; Od. x. 297, xi. 
72, xvii, 278, xviii 106, xxii. 287. Οἷς μὴ πελαΐζειν, do not 
approach these (= μὴ πέλαζε). Aescu. Prom. 712. Πρὶν δ᾽ ἂν τελευ- 
THY, ἐπισχεῖν μηδὲ καλέειν κω ὄλβιον, wait, and do not yet call 
him happy. Hor. i. 32. Σὺ δὲ ras πύλας ἀνοίξας ὑπεκθεῖν Kat 
ἐπείγεσθαι. and do you open the gates, and rush out and press on. 
Tauc, ν. 9. ᾿Εὰν οἷοί τε γενώμεθα εὑρεῖν, φάναι ἡμᾶς ἐξευρηκέναι, SHY 
that we have found it, Par. Rep. 473 A. Τοῦτο παρ᾽ ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς 
βεβαίως γνῶναι, understand this in your own minds. DEM. viii. 39. 

2. In the cases of the second person just given (1), the subject 
is in the nominative. But when the infinitive is equivalent to 
the third person of the imperative, its subject is in the ac- 
cusative, as if some word like δός, grant, were understood. E.g. 

Ki μέν κεν Μενέλαον ᾿Αλέξανδρος κακαπέφνῃ, αὐτὸς ᾿λένην ἐχέτω: 
εἰ δέ κ᾽ ᾿Αλέξανδρον κτείνῃ Μενέλαος, Τρῶας ἔπειθ᾽ “Ἑλένην ἀπο- 
δοῦναι, i.e. let him keep Helen himself,—and let the Trojans survender 
Helen, 1. iii, 281-285, Tevxea συλήσας φερέτω, σώμα δὲ οἴκαδ᾽ ἐμὸν 
δόμεναι πάλιν (se. αὐτόν), Il. vii. 78. 

These examples follow the construction of the infinitive in wishes 
785). 

785. The infinitive with a subject accusative is sometimes 
used for the optative in the expression of a wish referring to the 
future. This occurs chiefly in poetry. Eg. 

Zev πάτερ, 7) Αἴαντα λαχεῖν ἢ Τυδέος υἱόν, Father Zeus, may the 
lot fall on Ajax or on the son of Tydeus (= Αἴας λάχοι . Il. ν 179. Zev 


c 


” ~ , » =~ , , , 
ἄνα, Τηλέμαχόν μοι ἐν ἀνδράσιν ὄλβιον εἶναι, καί οἱ πάντα γενοιθ᾽ 


1 See Griinewald, page 17. 





914 THE INFINITIVE 


ὅσσα φρεσὶν ἧσι μενοινᾷ (εἶναι -- εἴη is followed by γένοιτο). θὰ XVii. 
354. My πρὶν ἐπ᾽ ἠέλιον δῦναι καὶ ἐπὶ κνέφας ἐλθεῖν. 17]. ii, 413. 
Αἰεὶ δὲ τοιαύταν αἶσαν διακρίν ειν ἔτυμον λόγον ἀνθρώπ ων. on 
Py. i. 67. Θεοὲ πολῖται, μή με δουλείας τυχεῖν ( (-- μὴ τύ χοιμι). 
AESCH. Sept. 253. Δήμητερ, εὐδαιμον εῖν με Θησέα τε παῖδ᾽ ἐμόν. 
Eur. Supp. 3. “Eppa ‘prodaie, τὰν γυ ναῖκα τὰν ἐμὰν οὕτω μ᾽ 
ἀποδόσθαι τάν τ᾽ ἐμαυτοῦ ματέρα, O that I could sell my wife and my 
mother at this rate! Ar. Ach. 816. Ὦ Zev, ἐκγενέσθαι μοι ᾿Αθη- 
vaiovs τίσασθαι, may it be permitted me to punish the Athenians. Hor. 

105. “Οκότεροι δ᾽ ἂν ἡμέων νικήσωσι, τούτους TW ἅπαντι στρατο- 
πέδῳ νικῶν, i.e. let their victory count for the whole army. Id. ix. 48. 

This construction, like the preceding 784, 2), is often explained 
by an ellipsis of δός, grant; see Il. iii. 351, δὸς τίσασθαι. Aristarchus 
supplied γένοιτο or εἴη. 

786. In two passages of the Odyssey, we find the infinitive in a wish 
introduced by at yap, once in the sense of the optative and once in 
that of a past tense of the indicative, with the subject (understood) in 
the nominative :— 

At yap, τοῖος ἐὼν οἷός ἐσσι, . . . παῖδά τ᾽ ἐμὴν ἐχέμεν καὶ ἐμὸς 
γαμβρὸς καλέεσθαι, O that, being such as you now are, you might have 
( = ἔχοις) my daughter and be called my son-in-law, Od. vii. 311. Ai 
yap, οἷος Νήρικον εἷλον, . . . τοῖος ἐών τοι χθιζὸς ἐφεστάμεναι καὶ 
ἀμύνειν ἄνδρας μνηστῆρας" τῷ κε σφέων γούνατ᾽ ἔλυσα, U that I had 
stood by you yesterday and had punished the suitors; then would I have 
loosened their knees. Od. xxiv. 376. 

These passages agree in construction with the second person of the 
infinitive in commands (784, 1). 

787. The infinitive, with its subject accusative, may be used 
in exclamations of surprise or indignation. 1.0. 


ΓῪ ΤΟΝ ~ >, 4 ΄ a nw " » 
μὲ παθεῖν τάδε, φεῦ, ἐμὲ παλαιόῴφρονα, κατά τε yav οἰκεῖν, 


ἀτίετον, φεῦ, μύσος, that I should suffe r this, alas! I, with my thoughts of 


old Ἦ and that I should dwell Ὑ this land, alas i an unhonoured plaque i 
AgscH. Eum. 837. ᾿Αλλὰ τούσδ᾽ ἐμοὶ ματαίαν γλῶσσαν ὧδ᾽ ἀπαν- 
θίσαι κάκβα λεῖν ἔπη τοιαῦτα, that these should thus cast at me the 
flowers of their idle tonques, ete. Id. Ag. 1662. ἾὮ δυστάλαινα, τοιάδ᾽ 
ἄνδρα χρησιμὸν φωνεῖν. ϑορΡη. Aj. 410, Τοιουτονὶ τρέφειν κύνα, 
to keep a dog like that ! A R. Vesp. 835. Τοῦτον δὲ ὑβρίξειν'" ἀνα- 
πνεῖν de, and that he should he thus insulting, and should draw his 
breath ! DEM. xxi. 209, 

Compare Mene incepto desistere victam ! VERG, Aen. 1. 37. This 
infinitive often has the article τό (805). 


b. INFINITIVE WITH THE ARTICLE! 
788. It has been seen that the infinitive without the article 


| See Gildersleeve, Contributions to the History of the Articular Infinitive, 


788] INFINITIVE WITH THE ARTICLE 315 


was already established in the Homeric language, in nearly all 
the constructions in which it was most frequently used in later 
times. In this simple form it developed its various tenses, and 
their uses became fixed, especially in indirect discourse ; so that 
the infinitive gradually came to be more of a verb and less of a 
noun. 

When the definite article had become common with nouns, 
it was soon prefixed to the infinitive, which thus, with all its 
attributes as a verb unimpaired, was restored to new life as a 
neuter verbal ποῖ. As a nominative and accusative, it could 
be used with τό in all the constructions in which the simple 
infinitive was already familiar as subject or object, although here 
the older form was preferred except when it was desired to 
emphasise the infinitive especially as a nominative or accusative. 
δῦ in other constructions (especially in the genitive, dative, and 
accusative with prepositions), and in its wonderful capacity for 
carrying dependent clauses and adjuncts of every kind, the 
articular infinitive appears as a new power in the language, of 
which the older simple infinitive gave hardly an intimation. 

As might be expected, the articular infinitive found its chief 
use in the rhetorical language, as in Demosthenes and in the 
speeches of Thucydides. It appears first in Pindar (for 76 in 
Od. xx. 52 and Hes. Frag. clxxi. can hardly be the article), but 
always as a subject nominative, with one doubtful exception. In 
the dramatists and Herodotus it is not uncommon, being generally 
a nominative or accusative with τό, although it occurs also as a 
genitive or dative with τοῦ or τῷ ; and it is found even with 
prepositions. In Thucydides (especially in the speeches), we find 
the nominative, accusative, genitive, and dative all used with the 
greatest freedom (in 135 cases), besides the accusative, genitive, 
and dative with prepositions (in 163 cases). Its fully developed 
power of taking dependent clauses must be seen in the Orators, 
especially in Demosthenes.’ 


in 7rans. of Am. Phil. Assoc. for 1878, pp. 5-19 ; and The Articular Infinitive 
in Xenophon and Plato, in Am. Jour. Phil., ill. pp. 198 -202 ; sirklein, 
Entwickelungsgeschichte des substantivirten Infinitivs, in Schanz's Beitrige, 
Heft 7. 

| «By the substantial loss of its dative force the infinitive became ver- 
balized ; by the assumption of the article it was substantivized again with a 
dee ided. increment of its power. ' Am, Jour, Phil. iii. p. 198. 

* See the statistics given by Gildersleeve in the Am. Jour. Phil. viii. p. 
332. It appears that the average number of articular infinitives in a Teubner 
page of Demosthenes is 1.25 ; of the speeches of Thucydides, 1.00 ; of Xenophon 
(whole), 1.02; of Isocrates, .60; of Antiphon, 50; of Aese hines, .30; of 
Andocides, .20; of Isaeus, .25; of Lysias, 12. Hypereides even exceeds 
Demosthenes. For the actual number of articular infinitives in each author 
before Aristotle, see Birklein’s table, p. 91. 





THE INFINITIVE 


Articular Infinitive as Subject or Object. 


789. Although the infinitive, as subject or object of a verb, 
generally stands without the article, the article may be prefixed 
to make the infinitive more prominent as a noun in the structure 
of the sentence. 


790. The infinitive with τό may stand as a subject, especially 
of ἐστίν. Κ΄... 


Τὸ γνῶναι ἐπιστήμην που λαβεῖν ἐστιν, to learn is to acquire 
knowledge. Puat. Theaet. 209 E. Td δίκην διδόναι πότερον πά- 
σχειν τί ἐστιν ἢ ποιεῖν ; Id.Gorg.476 D. (In the last two examples 
the subject infinitive has the article to emphasise it, while the predicate 
infinitive stands alone.) Τὸ δὲ παθεῖν εὖ πρῶτον ἀέθλων. Ῥινν. Py. 

‘ 


i. 99. Οὗτοι ἡδύ ἐστι TO ἔχειν χρήματα οὕτως ὡς ἀνιαρὸν τὸ 
ἀποβάλλει ν. XEN. Cyr. viii. 3, 42. Πολλάκις δοκεῖ τὸ φυλάξαι 
τἀγαθὰ τοῦ κτήσασθαι χαλεπώτερον εἶναι, to keep advantages often seems 
to be harder than gaining them. Dem. i. 23 (cf. ii. 26, quoted in 745, 
for both construction and sense), Τοῦτό ἐστι τὸ ἀδικεῖν. TO πλέον 
τῶν ἄλλων ζητεῖν ἔχειν. Piav. Gorg. 483 C. ᾿Αλλ᾽ οἶμαι, νῦν μὲν 
ἐπισκοτεῖ τούτοις τὸ κατορθοῦν. Dem. ii. 20. To yap θάνατον 
δεδιέναι οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἐστὶν ἢ δοκεῖν σοφὸν εἶναι μὴ ὄντα δοκεῖν 
γὰρ εἰδέναι ἐστὶν ἃ οὐκ οἶδεν. PLAT. Ap. 29 A. See also 29 C, 

It will be seen by comparison that most of these examples would 
admit the construction without the article by making the infinitive 
less prominent as a subject nominative. Compare οὔτε κλαίειν οὔτ᾽ 
ὀδύρεσθαι πρέπει, AESCH Sept. 656, with τοῖς δ᾽ ὀλβίοις γε καὶ τὸ 
νικᾶσθαι πρέπει, Ag. 941. 


191. The infinitive with τό can stand as an accusative of the 
direct object, sometimes as an accusative of kindred meaning. 
The relation of such an infinitive with τό to the verb is often 
less close than that of the simple infinitive in a similar case (see 
811). 


Τ λήσομαι τὸ κατθα νεῖν. Ϊ shall dare to dive. A ESCH, Ag. 1290. 
Ἔστιν Tts, ἔστιν. Os Oe κωλύσει τὸ δρᾶν, who wall pre vent you from 
acting. SopH. Ph. 1241. So ἐπισπεύδειν τὸ δρᾶν, El. 467. Tod 

nN a ~ , > rye Ss ‘ ~ 5 > ΄ 
σπεύδειν oe gor παραινω. Id. Ph. 620. Τὸ δρᾶν οὐκ ἠθέλησαν, 
they were unwilling to act (would not act). Id. Ὁ. C. 449. Τὸ δ᾽ αὖ 
ΕΝ : a was Ps ~ , ” 4 a 
SUVOLKELY THO ὁμοῦ TLS ἂν γυνὴ δύναιτο, what woman would be able 
to live with her ? to live with her what woman could do at ?), Id. Tr. 
.- -" ΥΓΙΧ ε \ » κ , > 7 
545. ὁ UTO OLVOU μὴ σφάλλεσθαι ἐπιμελεῖσθαι, to take care not 
to be upset by wine. XeN. Rep. Lac. v. 7. Αἰσχύνονται τὸ τολμᾶν. 
Piat. Soph. 347 C. Συνεθίξσθαι ταῖς ψυχαῖς τὸ τὴν πατρίδα 
δι : a ry - ~ 4 ‘ > ‘ > ᾽ , 
φιλεῖν. Lycura. 100. Kai πῶς ὃ) TO ἀρχιχοὺς εἶναι ἀνθρώπων 

“ 7 “εὖ . ΗΠ - , 7 
παιδεύεις ; XEN. Oec. xiii. 4: see also ix. 12. (So παιδεύω τινά τι. 
᾽ , 4 > , - ; , ; ~ rrr es oe . 
Eréryov τὸ εὐθέως τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις ἐπιχειρεῖν. Tuve. vii. 33 (ef. 





794] ARTICULAR INFINITIVE AS SUBJECT OR OBJECT 317 


τοῦτο ἐπέσχον, ii. 76). Οὐδέ τοι τῇ χειρὶ πείθομαι τὸ δρᾶν, nor am 
I persuaded by your violence to act (as you bid me). Sopa. Ph. 1253 
(cf. οὐ πείθομαί σοι ταῦτα). Καρδίας ἐξίσταμαι τὸ δρᾶν, I withdraw 
from my resolution (1.6. I consent) to do it. Id. Ant. 1105: ef. φρονεῖν 
μετέγνω, i.e. changed his purpose (and resolved) to contemplate, AESCH. 

For τὸ μὴ οὐ with the infinitive after negatived verbs in this con- 
struction (eg. Ar. Ran. 68), see 815, 2, and 814. 


792. The infinitive with τό as an object accusative may follow 

verbs which would not allow the simple infinitive in its place. 
Eg. 
To τελευτῆσαι πάντων i) πεπρωμένη κατέκρινε, τὸ δὲ καλῶς 
ἀποθανεῖν ἴδιον τοῖς σπουδαίοις ἀπένειμεν, Fate condemned all man- 
kind to death; but a glorious death she reserved for the virtuous. Isoc. i. 
43. Μόνον ὁρῶν τὸ παίειν τὸν ἁλισκόμενον, seeing only the beating 
of the captive. Xen. Cyr. i. 4,21. Τὸ μὲν εὐνοέειν TE καὶ προορᾶν 
ἄγαμαί σευ. Hpv. ix. 79. 

The double character of the articular infinitive, as noun and verb, 
permits it to stand as an object wherever the object accusative of a 
noun would be allowed. 


793. A few of the verbs included in 747, which govern the genitive 
of a noun, allow also the genitive of the infinitive with τοῦ (798), as 
well as the simple infinitive. This applies chiefly to ἀμελέω, ἐπι- 
μελέομαι, and to the verbs of hindrance ete. included in 807. Kg. 

᾿Αμελήσας τοῦ ὀργίξσθαι. XEN. Mem. ii. 3, 9. (But ἀμελήσας 
λέγειν, ῬικΑτ. Phaed. 98 D.) Most verbs of desiring and neglecting take 
only the simple infinitive. ᾿Επιμελέομαι, which usually takes ὅπως 
with the future indicative (339), allows also the simple infinitive 
(Tuuc, vi. 54), the infinitive with τό (Xen. Rep. Lac. v. 7), and the 
infinitive with τοῦ (Id. Mem. iii. 3, 11). (See 361, 791, and 798.) 


794. The infinitive of indirect discourse after verbs of saying and 
thinking sometimes takes 76. Here each tense of the infinitive pre- 
serves its time, and even the infinitive with ἄν occurs. Eg. 

ἮΜμεν δ᾽ ἑτοῖμοι θεοὺς ὁρκωμοτεῖν τὸ μήτε δρᾶσαι μήτε Τῳ 
ξυνειδέναι τὸ πράγμα βουλεύσαντι, to swear that we neither had done 
it (ἐδράσαμεν) nor were in the secret (ξύνισμεν of any one who had plotted 
the deed. Sopu. Ant. 264. ᾿Βξομεῖ τὸ μὴ εἰδέναι; will you swear that 
you have no knowledge? Ib. 535. Kat ro προειδέναι γε τὸν θεὸν τὸ 
μέλλον καὶ τὸ προσημαίνειν ᾧ βούλεται, τοῦτο πάντες καὶ λέγουσι 
καὶ νομίζουσιν. XEN. Ap. 13. See also Hell. v. 2, 36 814). 

With av.) Tas ἐλπίδος yap ἔρχομαι δεδραγμένος. TO μὴ παθεῖν 
ἂν ἄλλο πλὴν τὸ μόρσιμον, for I come clinging to the hope that I could 
suff r nothing except what is fated. SoPH. Ant. 235. For the articular 
infinitive with ἄν in other constructions, see 212. 





THE INFINITIVE 


Infinitive with κό after Adjectives and Nouns. 


795. In some constructions in which the simple infinitive 
appears to preserve most distinct traces of its origin as a dative, 
especially after adjectives or nouns (758 ; 763 ; 766), the articular 
infinitive takes τό as an accusative. 1... 


To δὲ Bia πολιτῶν δρᾶν ἔφυν ἀμήχανος, but I am helpless to act 
in defiance of the citizens. SopH. Ant. 79. Maxpos TO κρῖναι ταῦτα 
χὠ λοιπὸς χρόνος, it long teme to settle this. Id. EL 1030 (cf. χρόνος 


βραχὺς διηγήσασθαι, a time short for narrating, under 763). 
βλέπειν ἑτοίμα, ready to cease beholding the light. lb. 1079 (see 7 
To προσταλαιπ ωρεῖν οὐδεὶς πρόθυμος ἣν. THue. ii. 53. Τὸ μὲν 
ἐς τὴν γὴν ἡμῶν ἐσβάλλειν, κἂν μὴ ἐκπ λεύσωμεν,. ἱκανοί εἰσι. Id. 

i. 17. ‘Ks δέον πάρεσθ᾽ ὅδε Κρέων τὸ πράσσειν καὶ τὸ βουλεύειν, 
he as here at the right moment to act and advise. Sopu. O. T. 1416. 
Aitws τὸ σὲ ἀπ οκρίνεσθαι μὴ τοῦτο. Pat. Lach. 190 E. (This 
is rare, but see Dem. viii. 56, ix. 63. Αἴτιος generally has the infini- 
tive with tov, 798, or the simple infinitive, 749. 

Ἢ ναυμαχία οὐχὶ δικαίαν ἔχει τέκμαρσιν τὸ ἐκφοβ σαι, the sea- 
Sight offers no just ground for alarm. Tuuc. ii. 87. Οὐδὲ το vEav ι- 
στάναι ἐστὶ θάρσος, nor have I courage to remove you. ὅΟΡΗ. O. C. 47. 

The exact force given to these accusatives by those who used them 
is not always clear ; but they come nearest to the accusative of respect 
or limitation (as εἶδος κάλλιστος. most beautiful in form). Sometimes 
the infinitive with τὸ has this force, where the simple infinitive could 
not be used; as in Lycura. 91, ἐπεί ye TO ἐλθεῖν τοῦτον, οἶμαι 


» » 


΄ » \ » κ 5 ~ 
θεόν TLVa αὐτὸν ἐπ AUTIV αγάγειν τὴν τιμωρίαν, for, as to his departun . 


I think that some God led him directly to punishment. 


796. We occasionally find τό with tlie infinitive in the Mss. in a 
similar loose construction, where we should expect the infinitive with 
Tov or τῷ in apposition with a preceding yenitive or dative. See 
THuc. Vil. 36, τῇ πρότερον ἀμαθίᾳ δοκούσῃ εἶναι. τὸ ἀντίπρῳρον 
ξυγκροῦσαι, and viii. 87, καταβοῆς ἕνεκα τῆς ἐς Λακεδαίμονα, τὸ 
λέγεσθαι ὡς οὐκ ἀδικεῖ, where most editors now read τῷ and τοῦ 
against the Mss. But Birklein defends the Mss. readings by Hyper. 
Epitaph. 2.4 ξιον δέ ἐστιν ἐπαινεῖν τὴν μὲν πόλιν ἡμῶν τῆς προαιρέ- 
σεως ἕνεκεν, τ προελέσθαι ὅμοια, ... τοὺς δὲ τετελεὺυτ τηκότας 
τῆς ἀνδρείας, τὸ μὴ καταισχῦ Vat τὰς τῶν προγόνων ἀρετάς, where 


the two infinitives with τό e xplain προαιρέσεως and ἂν δρείας. (See 804. 


797. The infinitive with τό ap = in its greatest variety of mean- 
ings in the construction of τὸ μή or τὸ μὴ ov after verbs implying a 
negative (811). See also 813 and 814. 





799] INFINITIVE WITH Tov, 


> . ᾿ ‘ 7 ~ A ͵ ‘ ᾽ 
Infinitive with TOU, TQ, and TO, as t Noun, 17. VAPTLUUS 


Constructions. 


798. The infinitive with τοῦ appears as an adnominal genitive, 
a genitive after verbs and adjectives and with comparatives, a 
partitive genitive, a genitive absolute, and a genitive expressing 
cause, purpose, or motive. Eg. 


Τοῦ πιεῖν ἐπιθυμία. the desire to drink. Tuc. vil, 84. Πόνους 


δὲ τοῦ ζῆν NOEWS ἡγεμόνας νομίζετε. XEN, Cyr. Ι. ‘3 ΕΣ. Πρὸς τὴν 
πόλιν 1 προσβαλόντες ἐ ες ἐλπίδα ἦλθον τοῦ ἑλεῖν, Ὁ hope of taking 
the city. Tuuc. ii. 56 (see 749). To γὰρ εὖ ἡἠράγτειν παρὰ τὴν ἀξίαν 
ἀφορμὴ τοῦ "κῶς φρονεῖν τοῖς ἀνοήτοις yen, for doing τὰ 
hy yond their deserts sets fools to thinking ill, Dem. 1. 23. Ἢ δὲ διαγνώμη 
“UT ΤΊ τῆς ἐκκλησίας τοῦ τὰς σπονδὰς λελύ σθαι. this vote of the as~ 
St mbly that the treaty had been broken. Truc. 1.87. See XE n. C V2. 34,4. 

Δόξετε αἴτιοι εἶναι, ἄρξαντες τοῦ διαβαίνειν, by having begun the 
passage of the river. Xun. An. i. 4 4, 15. boyy ate TOV πρῶτος ἕκα- 
στος γί γνεσ θαι. I ἮΝ, eager each to In Sirst. THUG. il. 65. ΠΠαρεκάλει 
ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τοῦ ws φρονιμώτατον εἶναι. XEN, ml 1 2,55: so 
11. 3,11. (See 793. ᾿᾿πέσχομεν TOV δακρύειν, we ceased to weep. 
Pat. Phaed. 117 Ε΄. 


GZKOVELV TLVOS εἰσιν. for the Yy are unused to obe Yi any. one. Dem. 1. 93 


= 


(See below, 807. Kat yap ἀήθεις τοῦ κατ. 


See xan. 37. Σ A ξιος αὐ τοῖς ἐδόκεις εἶν at T Ov τοιαῦτ᾽ ἀκούει V. Id, XXL. 
134. Τοὺς καρποῦς, οἱ τοῦ μὴ θηριωδῶς ζὴν ἡμᾶς αἴτιοι γεγόνασι, 
the fruits of the earth, which are the cause of our not living like beasts. 
[3006.ὕ iv, 98, Κατηράσατο τῷ αἰτ ίῳ τοῦ μὴ πάλαι ἀπ οδεδόσθαι τὸν 
po Gov, he cursed him who was respons hl. for the αὐ τος not having been 
paid long before. Xen, An. vii. 7, 48. Atrios mav take the sinple 
infinitive and even the infinitive with 76. See 749 and 795, ΠΟολ- 


λάκις ὅοκει TO φυλάξαι τάγαθα Tov κτήσασ Gut χα, λεπώ ὠτέρον εἶναι. 
δ 9° : = cs ‘ 
Dem. i, 23. So XrEv. ( vr. 1.5, 13. Neou Τὸ σιγαν κρεῖττόν ἐστι 


᾽ 


τι 


Του λαλεῖν. MEN. Mon. 387. Tov Gapoeiv TO πλεῖστον εἰλη- 
φότες, Le. having become most emboldened, Tuvc. iv. 34. Οὐδὲν οὔτε 
ἀναιδείας οὔτε τοῦ ψεύδεσθαι παρα, λείψει. ΠῈΜ. xxxvil. 45. “is 
TOUT ᾿ἐλή) Avlle τοῦ νομίζειν. Id. xxii. 16. Td μεγάλου ἔργου OVTOS 


TOV €auv TH τὰ δέον Τα 7 αρασκειυ ἀΐειν μὴ ἀρκεῖν TOUTO, XEN. Mem. ll. 
1, 8 (see 806). 

Ζηλῶ σε μᾶλλον ἢ ᾽μὲ τοῦ μηδὲν φρονεῖν, for want of knowledge, 
EuR. § A. 677. (Μίνως τὸ λῃστικὸν καθιέρει, τοῦ τὰς προσόδους 
μᾶλλον ἰέναι αὐτῳ, an ovder that revenues might come in to him more 
abundantly. Tuuc. 1. 1, So ll. tp τὰ Ν ἐῶ 93: XEN. Cyr. 1. 3, 9. 
Τοῦ μὴ τὰ δίκαια ποιεῖν. to ὁ50(1}})6 doing what was gust, Drm. XVill. 
107. IT pods TO T pay μα φιλονεικοῦντα λέγειν τοῦ καταφανὲς γενέ- 
σθαι. Puat. Gorg. 467 E. This final use appears first and chie fly in 
Thucydides. 


799. The infinitive with τῷ May express cuuse, manner, or 





320 THE INFINITIVE [300 


means ; or it may follow verbs, adjectives, and adverbs which 
take the dative. E.¢. 

Οὐδὲ ro δύνασθαι καὶ εἰωθέναι λέγειν ἐπαρθείς. Lys. ΧΧΧΙ. 2. 
Οὐδενὶ τῶν πάντων πλέον κεκράτηκε Φίλιππος ἢ τῷ πρότερος πρὸς 
τοῖς “πράγμασι γίγνεσθαι. Dem. viii. 11. See Xxill. 9, τῷ μὲν 
ἀκοῦσαι, τῳ δ᾽ ἔργῳ. ᾿Αλλὰ τῷ φανερὸς εἶναι τοιοῦτος ὦν, by 
making it plain that he was such a man, XEN. Mem, i. 2, 3. So C yr. 
iv. 5, 9. Ov yap δὴ τῷ γε κοσμίως ζῆν ἄξιον πιστεύειν, to trust in 
an orderly life. Isoc. χν. 34, “Iva ἀπιστῶσι τῷ ἐμὲ τετιμῆσθαι ὑπὸ 
δαιμόνων, that they may distrust my having been honoured by divine 
powers, XEN. Ap. 14. Μεῖζον μέρος νέμοντες τῷ μὴ βούλεσθαι 
ἀληθῆ εἶναι. THuc. iii. 3. Ἴσον δὲ τῷ προστένειν. AgscH. Ag, 
253. To ζῆ ν ἔστι τι ἐναντίον, ὥσπ ερ τῷ ἐ ypy yopev at TO μων. 
Piat. Phaed. 71 Ο “Ὅμοιόν ἐστι τῳ ὀνειδίζειν. Dem. xviii. 969. 
Τῷ πλουτεῖν ὑπήκοα, obedient to wealth. Ar. Pl. 146. “Apa τῳ 
τιμᾶσθαι. Puat. Rep. 468 Ὁ ; so ἅμα tw τιμᾶν, 468 E, 


800. The infinitive with the article, as genitive, dative, or 
accusative, very often follows prepositions, or adverbs used as 
prepositions. Fg. 

Τοὺς yap λόγους περὶ τοῦ τ τιμωρήσασθαι Φίλιππον ὁρῶ γιγνο- 
μένους, for I see that the speeches are made about punishing Philip. Dem. 
iii. 1. Πρὸ τοῦ τοὺς 5 ὅρκους ἀποδοῦναι, before taking the oaths. Id. 
XVill. 26. Ἔκ τοῦ πρὸς χάριν δημηγορεῖν ἐνίους. Id. iii. 3. ᾿Αντὶ 
τοῦ πόλις εἶναι φρούριον κατέστη. ΤΗῦσ. vii. 28; so i. 60. ᾿Απὸ 
TOU πεῖραν διδοὺς ᾿ξυνετὸς pa iveo@Oac. 1d. i. 138, Kvexa Tov πλείω 
ποιῆσαι τὴν v7 πάρχουσαν οὐσίαν. [soc, 1. 19, Πρὸς τῷ μηδὲν ἐκ τῆς 
πρεσβείας λαβεῖν, besides receiving nothing from the embassy. DeEM. xix. 
229. °*Ev τῳ πολίτην π οιεῖσθαι( (Χαρίδημον), in making Charidemus 
a citizen. Id. xxiii. 188. Ἔ "ϑαυμάζετο ἐπὶ τῷ εὐθύμως ζῆν. XEN, 
Mem. iv. 8,3. Ὅμως διὰ τὸ ay εἶναι οὐκ ἂν οἴει ἀδικηθῆναι, on 
account of being a stranger, Ib. ii. 1, 15. Πάντων διαφέρων ἐφαίνετο 
καὶ εἰς TO ταχὺ μανθάνειν ἃ So καὶ εἰς TO καλῶς ἕκαστα ποιεῖν. 
Id. Cyr. i. 3,1. Πρὸς τὸ μετρίων δεῖσθαι πεπαιδευμένος. Id. Mem. 
i. 2,1; so Dem. i. 4. Παρὰ ro αἰσχρόν τι ὑπομεῖναι. PLat. Ap. 
28 C. 

801. The infinitive is not found with ἀνά in any case, with ἀμφί 
in accusative or dative, with κατά in genitive, with παρά in genitive 
or dative, with περί in dative, with πρός in genitive, with ὑπέρ 
accusative, or with ὑπό in accusative or dative. 

802. The genitive of the infinitive with ὑπέρ is often equivalent 
to a final clause. 1.5. 

Tas δεήσεις αἷς κέχρην ταί TLVES ὑπὲρ τοῦ τὰ μέτρια καὶ τὰ συν nOn 
μὴ γί γν εσθαι ἐν ΤΊ πόλει (=iva μὴ γίγ vytat), the solicitations which 
some have employed in order that moderate counsels and the ordinary prin- 


ciples may not prevail in the state, AESGHIN. iii. 1. Eis ras τριήρεις 
ἐμβάντες ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ τὸ κελευόμενον ποιῆσαι (-- ἵνα μὴ ποιήσωσιν), 


806] INFINITIVE WITH τοῦ, τῷ, AND τό 321 


embarking on shipboard that they might avoid doing what was bid. Dem. 
XVilil. 204, , 


803. The article cannot ordinarily be omitted, when the infinitive 
follows a preposition. 

a) A singular exception occurs in a few cases of ἀντί with the 
simple infinitive in Herodotus. See ὃς ἀντὶ μὲν δούλων ἐποίησας 
ἐλευθέρους Πέρσας εἶναι, ἀντὶ δὲ ἄρχεσθαι ὑπ᾽ ἄλλων ἄρχειν 
ἁπάντων, i. 210, where the antithesis of ἀντὶ μὲν δούλων makes ἀντὶ 
δὲ ἄρχεσθαι more natural ; also vi. 32 (with no antithesis). So vii. 
gi (but with a various reading ἀντὶ TOD), 

) Πλήν, except, as an adverb, may have the simple infinitive ; as 
Ti Hae πλὴν ψευδῆ λέγειν, ϑοΡρη. Ph. 100. So πλὴν γάμου 
τυχεῖν, AESCH. Eum. 737. 


804. An infinitive, with the article in any case, may stand in 
apposition to a noun in the same case. 7... 


Ἢ τῶν παίδων ἀρχὴ, τὸ μὴ ἐᾶν ἐλευ θέρους εἶναι, ἕως, κιτ.λ., the 
government of children »—not permitting them to be free, until, ete. PL AT. 
Rep. 590 E. Τοῦτό ἐστι τὸ ἀδικεῖν, τὸ πλέον τῶν ἄλλων ζητεῖν 
ἔχειν. Id. Gorg. 483 C. Τοῦτο προσόμοιον ἔχουσι τοῖς τυράννοις, 
τὸ πολλῶν ἄρχειν. Id. Rep. 578 Ὁ. ‘t τούτου μακαριώτερον, τοῦ 
γῇ μιχθῆναι; Χεν. Cyr. viii. 7, 95. Δοκεῖ τού τῳ διαφέρειν ἀ ἀνὴρ 
τῶν ἄλλων ζώων, τῷ τιμῆς ὀρέγεσθαι. Id. Hier, vil. 3; so O5cc, 
xiv. 10, 

For a few doubtful cases of the infinitive with τό, in apparent 
apposition with a genitive or dative, see 796. 


805. The infinitive with τό is used in exclamations of surprise 
or indignation. £.¢. 


Τὸ δὲ μηδὲ κυνῆν οἴκοθεν ἐλθεῖν ἐμὲ τὸν κακοδαίμον᾽ ἔχοντα, but 
to think that I, wretched fellow, should come from home without even my 
cap! Ar, Nub. 268. Τῆς μωρίας" τὸ Δία ths stp Saeed. ὄντα τηλικου- 
τονί, what folly ! to believe in Zeus, now you are so big! Ib. 819. 

For the simple infinitive in these exclamations, see 787. 


806. The infinitive with its subject, object, or other adjuncts 
(some times including dependent clauses) may be preceded by st 
article τό, the whole sentence standing as a single noun, either 
the subject or object of a verb, as the object of a preposition, « or 
In apposition with a pronoun like τοῦτος Eg. 


ὃ μὲν γὰρ πολλὰ ἀπολωλεκέναι κατὰ τὸν π πόλεμον τῆς ἡ ἡμετέρας 
ἀμελείας ἄν τις θείη δικαίως" τὸ δὲ μ ἦτε πάλαι τοῦτο πεπονθέναι, 
Τ εφ nv év Gat 1 τί ὟΝ a ἡμῖν σι ΤᾺ" χίαν τού TWV av τίρροπον, ἂν βουλώμεθα 
χρῆσθαι, τῆς Ti Tap ἐκείνων εὐνοίας εὐεργέτ nye av ἔγωγε θείην. Dem. i. 10. 
Τὸ γὰρ πρὸὺς ἄνδρα θνητὸν καὶ διὰ καιρούς τινας ἰσχύοντα γράφον- 
Tas εἰρήνην ἀθάνατον συνθέσθαι τὴν κατὰ τῆς πόλεως αἰσχύ νην, 


καὶ ἀποστερῆσαι μὴ μόνον τῶν ἄλλων ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν παρὰ τῆς 
= 





922 THE INFINITIVE [807 


~ 4 4 7 7, ~ 
τύχης εὐεργεσιῶν τὴν πόλιν, καὶ τοσαύτῃ περιουσίᾳ χρῆσθαι πονη- 
, {2 Ν ’; 4 » » ; 5 4 4 4 o , 
pias ὥστε μὴ μόνον τοὺς ὄντας Αθηναίους ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ὕστερόν 
, , > ΄Ν » 4 Δ 
ποτε μέλλοντας ἔσεσθαι πάντας ἠδικηκέναι, πὼς οὐχὲ πάνδεινον ἐστίν ; 
Id. xix. 55. 


Simple Infinitive and Infinitive with τοῦ after Verbs of 
Hindranee, ete." 


807. After verbs and other expressions which denote hindrance 
or freedom from anything, two forms are allowed, the simple 
infinitive, and the genitive of the infinitive with τοῦ. 

Thus we can say (a) εἴργει σε τοῦτο ποιεῖν (747) and (0) εἴργει 
σε τοῦ τοῦτο ποιεῖν (798), both with the same meaning, he prevents 
you from doing this. As the infinitive, after verbs implying a 
negation, can take μή to strengthen the previous negation without 
otherwise affecting the sense (815, 1), we have a third and a 
fourth form, still with the same meaning: (c) εἴργει σε μὴ τοῦτο 
ποιεῖν, and (d) εἴργει σε τοῦ μὴ τοῦτο ποιεῖν, he prevents you from 
doing this. (For a fifth form, εἴργει σε τὸ μὴ τοῦτο ποιεῖν, with 
the same meaning, see 811.) 

If the leading verb is itself negatived (or is interrogative with 
a negative implied), the double negative μὴ οὐ is generally used 
instead of μή in the form (c) with the simple infinitive, but 
probably never in the form (d) with the genitive of the in- 
finitive ; as οὐκ εἴργει σε μὴ οὐ τοῦτο ποιεῖν, he does not prevent 
you from doing this (815, 2), but not τοῦ μὴ οὐ τοῦτο ποιεῖν. (See 
also 81 l, for τὸ μὴ οὐ.) Eq. 

(a) Κακὸν δὲ ποῖον εἶργε τοῦτ᾽ ἐξειδέναι; ΞΟΡΗ. O. T. 129. 
ΠΠαιδὸς Φέρητος, ὃν θανεῖν ἐρρυσάμην. Eur. Ale. 11. Ἐπὶ Ὀλύνθου 
ἀποπέμπουσιν, ὅπως εἴργωσι τοὺς ἐκεῖθεν ἐπιβοηθεῖν. Tuve. i. 62. 
"AAXAws de T WS πορίζεσθαι τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ὅρκους ἤδη κατέχοντας ἡμᾶς 
(ηδειν). XEN. An. iii. 1, 20. Ὁ ὑδοκιμεῖν ἐμποδὼν σφίσιν εἶναι. 
Piat. Euthyd. 305 D. Εἰ τοῦτό τις εἴργει δρᾶν ὄκνος, if any hesitation 
prevents you from doing this. Id. Soph. 242 A. Τὴν ἰδέαν τῆς γῆς 
οὐδέν με κωλύει λέγειν. Id. Phaed. 108 Ὁ. Τὸν Φίλιππον παρελ- 
θεῖν οὐκ ἐδύναντο κωλῦσαι. Dem. ν. 90. 

(ὁ) Tov δὲ δραπετεύειν δεσμοῖς ἀπείργουσι ; XEN. Mem. ii. 1, 
16. To γὰρ ψευδόμενον φαίνεσθαι καὶ τοῦ συγγνώμης τινὸς τυγ- 


χάνειν δμποδὼν μά; στα ἀνθρώποις γίγνεται. Id, Cyr. li. l, 9. 


ὙΦ [7 , ” ᾿ - . συ sv’ 7 
Kiev OTL KWAVCELE (αν) TOU KQ@LELV €ETLOVTAS., Id. An, . S. ἃ ἔὑπέ. 
σχομεν τοῦ δακρύειν. ῬιΑτ. Phaed. 117 E (ef. 117 (Ὁ quoted in 811), 

, “~ - ~ “~ , or . « 
᾿Απεσχύόμην του λαβεῖν του ὁὀικαίου EVEKG, Dem. xx. 223. 
‘ ) : , > ‘ \ 7 ? —s γ 
(c) € νήητους Y ἐπαυσα μὴ προσ OEP KET Gat μόρον. AESCH. I rom. 


' See Madvig’s Bemerkwngen iiber einige Puncte der griechischen Wortfiig- 
ungslehre, pp. 47-66. 


810] INFINITIVE AFTER VERBS OF HINDRANCE ETC, 323 


248. Tovpov φυλάξει σ᾽ ὄνομα μὴ πάσχειν κακῶς. SoPH. O. C. 
667. Ὅπερ ἔσχε μὴ τὴν Πελοπόννησον πορθεῖν, which prevented 
him from ravaging the Peloponnesus. Tuc. i. 73. Διεκώλυσε μὴ δια- 
φθεῖραι. Id. iii, 49, ‘Ezreyévero κωλύματα μὴ αὐξηθῆναι. Id. i. 
16. Πέμπουσι κήρυκα, ὑποδεξάμενοι σχήσειν τὸν Σπαρτιήτην μὴ 
ἐξιέναι. Hor. ix. 19. Kipye μὴ βλαστάνειν. Prat. Phaedr. 
251 B. 

Ov yap ἔστι Ἕλλησι οὐδεμία ἔκδυσις μὴ οὐ δόντας λόγον εἶναι 
σοὺς δούλους. Hor. viii. 100. (See 815, 2; 816.) Οὐ δυνατοὶ αὐτὴν 
ἴσχειν εἰσὶ ᾿Αργεῖοι μὴ οὐκ ἐξιέναι. Id. ἰχ. 19, Ὥστε ξένον γ᾽ ἂν 
οὐδέν ὄνθ᾽. ὥσπερ σὺ νῦν. ὑπεκτραποίμην μὴ οὐ συνεκσῴζειν. 
SOPH. Ὁ. Ο 565. Ti ἐμποδὼν μὴ οὐχὶ ὑβριζομένους ἀποθανεῖν ἰς 
XEN, An. iii. 1. 15, (Ti ἐμποδών implies οὐδὲν ἐμποδών.) Tivos ἂν 
δέοιο μὴ οὐχὶ πάμπαν εὐδαίμων εἶναι; what would hinder you from 
being perfectly happy? Id. Hell. iv. 1, 36, 


(d) Ilas yap ἀσκὸς δύο ἄνδρας ἕξει τοῦ μὴ καταδῦναι, ie. will 
keep two men from sinking. XEN. An. 11]. 5, ee “Ov οὐδείς TW προθεὶς 
τοῦ μὴ πλέον ἔχειν ἀπετράπετο. THuc. i. 76. Ei δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἐμποδών 
τι αὐτῷ ἐγένετο τοῦ μὴ εὐθὺς τότε δικάσασθαι. ΠῈΜ. xxxiii. 25. 
‘Hriotato τὴν πόλιν μικρὸν ἀπολιποῦσαν τοῦ μὴ ταῖς ἐσχάταις 
συμφοραῖς περιπεσεῖν. Isoc. xv. 122. ᾿Αποσοβοῦντες ἂν ἐμποδὼν 
γίγνοιντο τοῦ μὴ ὁρᾶν αὐτοὺς τὸ ὅλον στράτευμα. XEN. Cyr. ii. 4 
23. Εἰδότες ὅτι ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ εἰσι τοῦ μηδὲν παθεῖν. Ib. iii. 3, 31 
(ef. ΤΗῦο. vi. 18, quoted in 749), Τοῦ δὲ μὴ (κακῶς) πάσχειν 
αὐτοὶ TWACGAV GAOELaV YETE, you were entirely Free from fear of suffering 
harm. Dem. xix. 149, ᾿Κνούσης οὐδεμιᾶς ἔτ᾽ ἀποστροφῆς τοῦ μὴ τὰ 
χρήματ᾽ ἔχειν ὑμᾶς, there be ing no longer any escape from the conclusion 
that you have taken bribes (from your having bribes). Id. xxiv. 9. 

The last two examples show that the genitive of the infinitive can 
take μή, even after nouns implying hindrance or freedom. In the two 
following, the addition of μή is more peculiar :— 

Ἢ ἀπορία τοῦ μὴ ἡσυχάζειν, the mahility to rest. ΤΉσο. ii. 49. 
Ty τοῦ μὴ ξυμπλεῖν ἀπιστίᾳ, through distrust of sailing with them ; i.e. 
through unwillingness to saul, caused by distrust. Id. iii. 75. 


9 


808. The infinitive with τοῦ μή can be used as a genitive in its 
ordinary negative sense ; as οὔτε ἔστιν οὐδεμία πρόφασις ἡμῖν τοῦ μὴ 
ὁρᾶν ταῦτα, no ground for not doing this. Prat. Tim. 20 CG. See also 
examples in 798, 


809. Although μὴ οὐ is more common than μή after negatives in 
the form (c), the simple μή sometimes occurs, E.q. 

Οὐ πολὺν χρόνον pe ἐπέσχον μή με ναυστολεῖν ταχύ. ϑὅοΡΗ. Ph. 
349. Οὐδέ μ᾽ ὄμματος φρουρὰν παρῆλθε, τόνδε μὴ λεύσσειν στόλον. 
Id. Tr, 226. 


810. The infinitive in the forms (a), (6), and (d), (but, according to 
Madvig, not in the form (6), with τοῦ without μή) may follow negatives 
in the construction of 807. See the examples. 





THE INFINITIVE 


Infinitive with τὸ μή or τὸ μὴ od. 


811. The infinitive with τὸ μή is used after many verbs and 
expressions which denote or even imply hindrance, prevention, 
omission, or denial, the μή merely strengthening the negative idea 
of the leading verb. If the leading verb is itself negatived, or is 
interrogative with a negative implied, τὸ μὴ οὐ is generally used 
with the infinitive instead of τὸ μή (compare 807). 

This infinitive with τὸ μή or τὸ μὴ οὐ is often less closely 
connected with the leading verb than the simple infinitive (see 
791), and it sometimes denotes merely the resulé of a prevention 
or omission. It is sometimes an object accusative, as after 
expressions of denial; but it oftener resembles the accusative of 
respect or limitation. It adds a fifth expression, εἴργει σε τὸ μὴ 
τοῦτο ποιεῖν, to the four already given in 807 as equivalents of he 
prevents you from doing this ; and a corresponding form, οὐκ εἴργει 
σε τὸ μὴ οὐ τοῦτο ποιεῖν, for he does not prevent you from doing this. 
Eq. 

Tov πλεῖστον ὅμιλον εἶργον τὸ μὴ προεξιόντας τῶν ὅπλων τὰ ἐγγὺς 
τῆς πόλεως κακουργεῖν, they prevented them from injuring, etc. THUC.iii. 
Ι. To δὲ μὴ λεηλατῆσαι ἑλόντας σφέας τὴν πόλιν ἔσχε τόδε, this 
prevented them from plundering the city. Hpr. v. 101. Οἷοί re ἦσαν 
κατέχειν τὸ μὴ δακρύειν, to restrain their tears. Puar. Phaed. 117 ( 
(cf. 117 E, quoted in 807). Po Bos TE ξυγγενὴς τὸ μ ἢ ἀδικεῖν 
σχήσει, will check injustice, ΑἜΒΟΗ. Eum. 691. Οὗτοί εἰσιν μόνοι ἔτι 
ἡμῖν ἐμποδὼν τὸ μὴ ἤδη εἶναι ἔνθα πάλαι ἐσπεύδομεν. XEN. An. iv. 
8, 14. Κίμωνα παρὰ τρεῖς ἀφεῖσαν ψήφους τὸ μὴ θανάτῳ ζημιῶ- 
σαις 1.8, by three votes they allowed Cimon to eSCCLpe the punishment of 
death. Dem. xxiii. 205. Τρεῖς δὲ μόναι ψῆφοι διήνεγκαν τὸ μὴ θανά- 
του τιμῆσαι, and only three votes prevented you from condemning him to 
death (lit. made the difference about condemn ing, etce.). Ib. 167. See Xen. 
Cyr. v. 1, 25, An. ii. 3, 2. Φόβος yap ἀνθ᾽ ὕπνου παραστατεῖ τὸ μὴ 
βεβαίως βλέφαρα συμβαλεῖν ὕπνῳ, ie. stands by to prevent my closing 
my eyes in sleep. ἈΈΒΟΗ. Ag. 15. 

Οὐκ ἐναντιώσομαι τὸ μὴ οὐ γεγωνεῖν πᾶν ὅσον Tpor x py (ere. 
Id. Prom. 786. Οὐδὲν yap αὐτῷ ταῦτ᾽ ἐπαρκέσει τὸ μὴ οὐ πεσεῖν 
ἀτίμως πτώματ᾽ οὐκ ἀνασχετά, thas will not suffice to prevent ham from 
falling, ete. ΤΌ. 918. Λείπει μὲν οὐδ᾽ ἃ πρόσθεν ἤδεμεν τὸ μὴ οὐ 
βαρύστον᾽ εἶναι. they have no lack: of being heavily grievous, Sopu. O. T. 
1232. Μήτοι, κασιγνήτη. μ ἀτιμάσῃς τὸ μὴ οὐ θανεῖν τε σὺν σοὶ 
τὸν θανόντα Θ᾽ ἁγνίσαι, do not think me too unworthy to die with thee. 
ete. Id. Ant.544, (Compare Ant. 22, and 0.C. 49.) Οὐκ ἀπεσχόμην 
τὸ μὴ οὐκ ἐπὶ τοῦτο ἐλ θεῖν, I did not refrain from proceeding to this 
subject. Puat. Rep. 354 B; see Crit. 43 C. Οὐκ ἀπέσχοντο οὐδ᾽ 
ἀπὸ τῶν φίλων τὸ μὴ οὐχὶ πλεονεκτεῖν αὐτῶν πειρᾶσθαι. XEN. 
Cyr. 1. 6, 332. Αὐτὴν μὲν οὐ μισοῦντ᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν πόλιν τὸ μὴ οὐ 


814] INFINITIVE WITH τὸ μή OR τὸ μὴ οὐ 325 


’ 4 > , . . . . 
μεγάλην εἶναι κεὐδαίμονα, not grudging that city its right to be great, 
etc. Ar. Av. 36. (Compare μίσησέν μιν κυσὶ κύρμα γενέσθα ἐς Τὶ 
—— Ν Or O 986. ἡ » , 4 Ἀ > , “ “ 
Xvil. 272.) voels ἀντιλέγει τὸ μὴ οὐ λέξειν O τι ἕκαστος 
ε A ΄ "ν 5 , . . 
ἡγεῖται πλείστου ἄξιον ἐπίστασθαι, no one objects to saying, etc. XEN. 
᾿ eee ‘ - ‘ . . 
Symp. iii. 3. Μὴ παρῇς τὸ μὴ οὐ φράσαι, do not omit to speak of it. 
‘ ml ς 5. “7 , \ 4 b] eas Ἂ 
SopH. O. T. 283. Οὐδένα δύνασθαι κρύπτειν TO μὴ οὐχ ἡδέως ἂν 

4 > “a 5 7 > “~ Ἢ 

καὶ ὠμὼν ἐσθίειν αὐτῶν. that no one is able to prevent people from 
knowing that he would gladly even eat some of them raw. XEN. Hell. iii. 
3, 6. 


812. The form τὸ μὴ is more common here when the leading verb 
is negative, where regularly τὸ μὴ οὐ would be used, than μή for μὴ 
ov in the corresponding case (809), Eg. 

Οὐκ ἂν ἐσχόμην τὸ μὴ ἀποκλῇσαι τοὐμὸν ἄθλιον δέμας. Sopn. 
O. T. 1387. Tis σοῦ ἀπελείφθη τὸ μή σοι ἀκολουθεῖν; ie. who 


failed to follow you? Xun. Cyr. ν. 1,25. "Akos δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἐπήρκεσαν TO 


4 ’ 4 Lad > ” 7 = r 
μὴ πόλιν μὲν ὥσπερ οὖν ἔχει παθεῖν. AxscH. Ag. 1170. Kat φημὶ 
~ ~ » ”~ , ‘ ‘é 
ὁρασαι KOUK ATAPVOUVUAL TO μὴ. ΟΡΗ. Ant. 443. Οὐδ᾽ ἄρνησις ἔστιν 
-- 4 4 ~ > ε 4 7 , . . , 
αὐτοῖς τὸ μὴ ταῦθ ὑπὲρ Φιλίππου πράττειν, it ὦ not even possible 


for them to deny that they did these th ings tn the interest of Ph iliup. Dro. 


xix. 163 ; so xx.135. So perhaps we may explain τὸ μὴ ἐπιβουλεύειν 
in Hpr, i. 209 (see καὶ 814), 


813. Although the infinitive with τὸ μή is most frequently used 
as in 811) after verbs containing a negative idea, it can also have a 
negative sense as the object of other verbs or with adjectives. See τὸ 
μὴ σφάλλεσθαι ἐπιμελεῖσθαι (quoted in 791), and τὸ μὴ βλέπειν 
ἑτοίμα (quoted in 795), in both of which the infinitive is really nega- 
tived by μή. We must distinguish also the use of τοῦ μή with the 
infinitive as an ordinary negative expression (see examples in 798) 
from that which is explained in 807. Compare, likewise, τὸ μὴ οὐ 
with the infinitive in 814 and in 811. The nature of the leading 
verb will always make the force of the negative plain. We have the 
same distinction, with the simple infinitive, between ἀναγκάζει σε μὴ 
ἐλθεῖν, he compels you not to go (747), and εἴργει σε μὴ ἐλθεῖν, he 
prevents you from going (807). 


814. The infinitive with τὸ μὴ οὐ may be used in a negative 
sense in various constructions with verbs and expressions 
which do not have a negative meaning, provided these are them- 
selves negatived or are interrogative implying a negative. Though 
τὸ μὴ οὐ 18. More common here, τὸ μή is also allowed. Eg. 


” , > , 4 . » » A p> > ‘4 
av πείσειεν ἀνβρώπων TO μὴ οὐκ ἐλθεῖν ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν, 
and no man can persuade me not to go after him. AR. Ran. 68. Οὐ 
μέντοι ἔπειθέ γε τὸ μὴ οὐ μεγαλοπράγμων τε καὶ κακοπράγμων εἶναι, 
but he did not persuade then that he was not full of great and evil under- 
. ΄ δ “Ὁ , e ° . . a 
takings. XEN. Hell. v. 2, 36. (For similar expressions with μὴ ov 
. - A ἊΝ ” » , 
without τό, see 749 and 815, 2.) Τοῖς θεοῖς οὐδὲν ἂν ἔχοιμεν μέμψα- 
Oj ‘ 4 » ‘ / , ¥ i 
σθαι TO μὴ οὔχι πάντα πεπραχέναι, we cannot blame the Gods for not 


Κουδείς γέ μ 





326 THE INFINITIVE [815 


having done everything. Id. Cyr. vii. 5, 42 (cf. ταῦτ᾽ οὖν ὑμῖν μέμφο- 
aa - a oe » > , 4 4 
pat, AR, Nub. 525). Οὐδὲ ὅσιον ἔμοιγε εἶναι φαίνεται τὸ μὴ οὐ βοη- 
fad A A ὃς ὧν λ / / ” BN P Ἢ i Ἢ ( \ ” AX 
εἰν τούτοις τοῖς λόγοις πάντα ἄνδρα. Piat. Leg. 891 A. “AAoyor 
τὸ μὴ οὐ τέμνειν. Id. Soph. 919 Εἰ (see 817). Τοῖς δὲ οὐδὲ όγος 
λείπεται τὸ μὴ οὐ πονηροῖς εἶναι. Dem. xxiv. 69.1 
μὴ 7 


Οὔκων ἐστὲ μηχανὴ οὐδεμία τὸ μὴ ἐκεῖνον ἐπιβουλεύειν ἐμοί, there 
1s then no way by which I can believe that he is not plotting against me. 
Hor. i. 209 (cf. Prat, Phaed. 72 ἢ). Ἕξει τίνα γνώμην λέγειν τὸ 
μὴ εὐρύπρωκτος εἶναι; AR. Nub. 1084. "Edy οὐχ οἷόν τε εἶναι τὸ 

‘ 


> a , ‘ ᾿ . 
μὴ ἀποκτεῖναί με, he said it was not possible not to condemn me to death. 


Prat. Ap. 29 C. 


Μὴ ov with INFINITIVE AND PARTICIPLE, AND (RARELY) 
WITH Novuns, 


815. 1. The use of μή with the infinitive in the forms (c) and 
(7) in 807 is to be referred to the general principle, by which the 
infinitive after all verbs expressing a negative idea (as those of 
lenying, distrusting, concealing, forbidding, preventing, etc.) can 
always take μή, to strengthen the negation implied in the leading 
verb. Thus we say ἀρνεῖται μὴ ἀληθὲς εἶναι τοῦτο, he denies that 
this is true ; ἀπηγόρευε μηδένα τοῦτο ποιεῖν, he forbade any one to 
lo this. This μή can, however, be omitted without affecting the 
sense. 

2. An infinitive which for any reason would take μή (either 
affecting the infinitive itself, as an ordinary negative, or 
strengthening a preceding negation, as in the case just mentioned) 
generally takes the double negative μὴ οὐ, if the verb on which 
it depends is itself negatived or is interrogative with a negation 
implied. Thus the example given above, ἀρνεῖται μὴ ἀληθὲς εἶναι 
τοῦτο, if we negative the leading verb, generally becomes οὐκ 
ἀρνεῖται μὴ οὐκ ἀληθὲς εἶναι τοῦτο, he does not di ny that this is 
true. So, when the original μή really negatives the infinitive, as 
in δίκαιόν ἐστι μὴ τοῦτον ἀφιέναι, it is gust not to acquit him, if we 
negative the leading verb, we commonly have οὐ δίκαιόν ἐστι μὴ 
οὐ τοῦτον ἀφιέναι, it is not just not to acquit him. E.q. 

‘Qs οὐχ ὅσιόν σοι dv μὴ οὐ βοηθεῖν δικαιοσύνῃ, because (you said) 
at would he improus for you not to bring aid to Justice. Puart. Rep. 427 E. 
Οὐκ ἂν πιθοίμην μὴ οὐ τάδ᾽ ἐκμαθειν σαφῶς, I cannot consent not to 
learn the whole. Sopn. O. T. 1065. "Avépa δ᾽ οὐκ ἔστι μ ἢ οὐ κακὸν 
ἔμμεναι, ἐξ is not possible for a man not to be base, Stuon. v. 10. See 
also Puat. Phaed. 72 D (in 749). For examples in which μὴ οὐ 
strengthens the negation of the leading verb, see 807. 

' This is cited by Birklein (p. 67) as the only case of the article with μὴ οὐ 
in the Orators ; and no case occurs in either* Herodotus or Thucydides. 


818] Μὴ οὐ WITH INFINITIVE AND PARTICIPLE 


This applies also to the infinitive with τὸ μή. See 811 and 814. 


816. When μή or μὴ οὐ with the infinitive follows a verb of 
hindrance, etc. (807), neither μή nor μὴ od can be translated. When 
μή really negatives the infinitive (as in the examples last given), μὴ 
ov must be translated by one negative. In PLat. Rep. 368 B, the 
passage quoted in 427 E (815, 2, above), Socrates had said δέδοικα μὴ 
οὐδ᾽ ὅσιον ἢ... ἀπαγορεύειν καὶ μὴ βοηθεῖν, being prevented 
from saying μὴ οὐ βοηθεῖν by the previous μὴ οὐδ᾽, In XEN, Ap. 34 
we have οὔτε μὴ μεμνῆσθαι δύναμαι αὐτοῦ οὔτε μεμνημένος μὴ οὐκ 
; “ 
ἐπαινεῖν. 


817. Verbs and expressions which contain such negative ideas 
as tnpossibility, difficulty, unwillingness, or impropriety sometimes 
take μὴ οὐ (instead of the simple μή) with the infinitive, to express 
a real negation, even when the leading verb is not negatived. E.g. 

Δήμου ἄρχοντος ἀδύνατα μὴ οὐ κακότητα ἐγγίνεσθαι, it is ηιρο8- 
stble that vice should not come in (as if it were οὐ δυνατά). Hor. iii. 82. 
Δεινὸν ἐδόκεε εἶναι μὴ οὐ λαβεῖν αὐτά. Id. i. 187. Ὥστε πᾶσιν 
αἰσχύνην εἶναι μ ἣ οὐ συσπουδάζειν, so that all were ashamed not to jon 
heartily in the work, Xen, An. ii. 3,11. So ἠσχύνετο μὴ οὐ φαίνεσθαι, 
Cyr. viii. 4, ὅ. Αἰσχρόν ἐστι μὴ οὐχὶ φάναι. Prat. Prot. 352 Ὁ. 
Πολλὴ ἄνοια μὴ ο Vx ἡγεῖσθαι. Id. Symp. 210 B. So after ἀνόητον, 
ib. 218 C; after ἄλογον, id. Soph. 219 E (see 814). For χαλεπός 
followed by μὴ οὐ, see example under 819. 


818. Μὴ οὐ is occasionally used with participles in negative 
sentences, in place of the simple μή, to express a negative con- 
dition. The following cases are quoted :— 

Οὔκων δίκαιον εἶναι (Δαρεῖον ἀνδριάντα) ἱστάναι μὴ οὐκ ὑπερ- 
βαλλόμενον τοῖσι ἔργοισι, i.e. he said that Darius had no right to set 
up his statue (in front of that of Sesostris), unless he surpassed him in his 
exploits (= εἰ μὴ ὑπερβάλλεται ‘ Hor. 1 110. Καταρρώδησαν μὴ οὐ 

τὴν Μίλητον οἷοί τε ἔωσι ἐξελεῖν μὴ οὐ ἐόντες ναυκράτορες 
they feared that they might not be able to capture Miletus without being masters 
of the sea (their thought was εἰ μὴ ναυκράτορές ἐσμεν). Id. vi. 9. 
Kivary de οὐκ ἐξελεύσεσθαι ἔφασαν μὴ οὐ πλήρεος ἐόντος τοῦ κύκλου. 
they refused to march out on the ninth of the month (and thereafter) untol 
the moon should be full (ἐὰν μὴ πλήρης 7). Id. vi. 106. Δυσάλγητος 
γὰρ ἂν εἴην τοιάνδε μὴ οὐ κατοικτείρων ἕδραν, for I should be hard 
of heart (817) should I feel n0 pity for such a band of suppliants (εἰ μὴ 
κατοικτείροιμι). ὥϑοΡΗ. O. T. 19. Οὐ γὰρ ἂν μακρὰν ἴἤχνευον αὐτὸς, 
μὴ οὐκ ἔχων τι σύμβολον, for I should not have traced it far, of I had 
attempted it by myself without any clue. ΤῸ. 220. (For the force of 
the subordinate condition of μὴ οὐκ ἔχων in its relation to the real pro- 
tasis in αὐτός, see 511.) “Hxess yap ov κενή γε, TOUT ἐγὼ σαφῶς ἔξοιδα, 
μὴ οὐχὶ δεῖμ᾽ ἐμοὶ φέρουσά τι, ie. you have not come empty-handed, 
(not at least) without bringing me some cause for alarm (i.e. οὐκ εἰ μὴ 


φέρεις). 14,0, Ὁ, 359. (Μὴ οὐχὲ φέρουσα adds a condition as ἃ quali- 





928 THE INFINITIVE [819 


fication to κενή.) Οὐκ ἄρα ἐστὲ φιλὸν τῷ φιλοῦντι οὐδὲν μὴ οὐκ 
ἀντιφιλοῦ Vy unless τὲ loves in return. Prat. Lys. 212 D. (Cf. dirou 
δέ γε οὐκ ἂν εἶεν μὴ περὶ πολλοῦ πο ιούμενοι ἑαυτού 5 215 5B.) Τίς 
γὰρ ἂν ἡβουλήθη μικρὰ κερδᾶναι, x.t.r.; οὐδ᾽ ἂν εἷς μὴ οὐ συνειδὼς 
ἑαυτῷ συκοφαντοῦντι, not a man (would “have wished for this) if he had 
not been conscious that he was a sycophant (= εἰ μὴ συν ἤδει). Dem. Iviii, 
13. Οὔτε γὰρ vavayos, av μὴ γῆ λάβηται “φερόμενος, οὔποτ᾽ ἂν 
σώσειεν αὑτόν" οὔτ᾽ ἀνὴρ πένης γεγὼς μὴ οὐ τέχνην μαθὼν δύναιτ᾽ 
ἂν ἀσφαλῶς ζῆν τὸν βίον (i.e. εἰ μὴ μάθοι, corresponding to ἂν μὴ 


λάβηται). ῬΗπΕμΜ. Fr. 213. 


819. Μὴ οὐ occasionally occurs with nouns, in the same 
general sense as with participles, to express a negative condition 
to a negative statement. 7.5. 

Ai τε πόλεις πολλαὶ καὶ χαλεπαὶ λαβεῖν, μὴ οὐ χρόνῳ καὶ 
πολιορκίᾳ, the cities were many, and difficult ( = not easy, 817) to capture 
except by time and stege. De. xix. 123, Τοιαύτης δὲ τιμῆς τυχεῖν 
οὐχ οἷόν τε μὴ οὐ τὸν πολὺ τῇ γνώμῃ διαφέροντα, to attain such honour 
as not possible except for one who is of far transcendent wisdom. Isoc. x. 
47. (If τόν is omitted, διαφέροντα as a participle belongs under 818. 


820. It may be noted that μὴ οὐ in poetry always forms one 


syllable, 


CHAPTER VI. 
THE PARTICIPLE. 


821. As the infinitive is a verbal noun, so the participle is 
a verbal adjective ; both retaining all the attributes of a verb 
which are consistent with their nature. 

822. The participle has three uses :—first, it may express 
an attribute, qualifying a noun like an ordinary adjective 
(824-831); secondly, it may define the civcwmstances under 
which the action of the sentence takes place (832-876) ; 
thirdly, it may be joined to a verb to supplement its mean- 
ing, often having a force resembling that of the infinitive 
(877-919). 

823. The distinction between the second and third of these classes 
is less clearly marked than that between the first and the two others : 
thus in ἥδεται τιμώμενος, he delights in being honoured, the participle 
is generally classed as supplementary (881), although it expresses 
eause (838). Even an attributive participle may also be circum- 
stantial ; as ὁ μὴ δαρεὶς ἄν θρωπ os, the unflogged man (824), involyes a 
condition. The three classes are, nevertheless, sufficiently dative for 
convenience, though the lines (like many others in syntax) must not 
be drawn so strictly as to defeat their object. 


A. ATTRIBUTIVE PARTICIPLE. 


824. The participle may qualify a noun, like an attri- 
butive adjective. Here it may often be translated by a 
finite verb and a relative, especially when it is preceded by 
the article. Fg. 

Πόλις κάλλει διαφέρουσα, ὦ city excelling in beauty. ᾿Ανὴρ Ka- 
AGs πεπαιδευμένος, a man (who has been) well educated, Ot πρέ- 





330 THE PARTICIPLE 


e 4 , , 
o Bets οἱ i. jd Φιλίππου πεμῴθεντες, the ambassadors (who had been) 
Ἶ » a ε ~ , . 
προ Phalip. Avépes οἱ τοῦτο ποιήσοντες, men who will do this 
, 4 yw “ . : 
Μ = τῇ Μεσσηνίᾳ ποτε οὐσῃ yn, Mm the land which was once 
Messenia. PHue. lv. ὃ. Στρατεύουσιν ἐπὶ τὰς Αἰόλου νήσους καλου- 
_ they τὶ against the so-called Aeolian islands, lit. the islands called 
τ : . ἢ “.». > ε ” Ἃ ΄ > 

a of “ὌΝ Id. iii. 88. ΑἹ ἄρισται OOKOVTaL εἶναι φύσεις 
natures which see 2 best. XEN 2m. iV : i ὺ ; 
eae which seem to be best. XEN. Mem. iv. Bey tee 7 πρὸ TOV 

aTOS VIES ναυμαγου ‘HUC. vii. 9: Ἐπ f 4 
. μ wee ) μ AXON σαι. T HUC. vu. 23. Krereiopnv μεγαν 
εἶναι τὸν κατε ἐληφότα κίνδυνον τὴν πόλιν, the danger which had 
overtaken the city. Dem. xviii. 220. Ὁ μὴ δαρεὶς ἄνθρωπος οὐ παι- 
δεύεται. MEN. Mon. 499. 

825. The participle with tl 

ἷ » participle with the article may be used sub- 
stantively, like any adjective. Here it may generally be 
translated by a finite verb and a relative. the verb expressing 
the tense of the participle. Ey. | 


ε ~ 
Οἱ κρατοῦντες, the conquerors, Of 
᾿ δ 1" the CONgUErOTS, Oi TET ELT [LEVOL, those who have bee n 
convinced. UTOS ἐστι ὁ UTO ποιγ . le καὶ 7 . 
OSeel ee af Suk od ΤΕ οἰῶν", ey this is the one who did it. 
arty οἱ τ κῶμον TAVTAS AOLKYTOVTES, these are the men who will 
awre dstnianidin ε oni / la ” 
wrong ee all. Πάντες of π aPOVTES τοῦτο ἑώρων, all who were present 
> > . αν ΜᾺ ΄ . : 
= Τὸ κρβρατουν THS πόλεως. the ruling part of the state 
4 ‘a ‘ , ag . P = 
μὴ λαβὼν και ὀδεαφθαρεὶς νενίκηκε τὸν ὠνούμενον, he who 
ud wee take (the bribe) and become corrupt has ale feated the one who would 
δ" him. Dem. XV1ll. 247 (see 841). Tov ἐργασομ ένων ἐνόντων 
Ire ) y > . “ . . , 
there being un the country those who would cultivate 1} 1.6, men to cultivate 
a ). XEN | 7S 29° sc ς > . . ον Φ 
) XEN. An. nu ἃ, 32. (See 826 and 840. Παρὰ τοις ἀρίστοις 
ὁοκουσιν €tval, among those who seem to he hest ] | M . ἕω & Ν 
alge glioma Rey ee yest. Id. Mem. iv. 2, 6. 
a > pel ΤΊ)} γνωμὴν TAUTHV ELT WV [leioavépos, and Pe tsander 
was the one who aqave this 14, Terran itt 20 | aN 
oda ᾿ Ps F ws opinion. Tau . Vili. 68, l'ots Ἀρκάδων 
IOLS ) ‘OWS oT πον 
᾿ ς ᾿ σι ΕΜ ΝΣ 7 PO€LTTOV, they proclaimed to those of the 
Arcadians who were 17 es r @ ; , ‘2 "9 
μεν Z 7 ther allies, Id. Vv. 64. Adexréov eyw φημι é€ivat 
Ψ σωφρονεῖν ὀυνησομένῳ, 1.6, one who ἐξ to be able to ἣν discreet. XEN. 
Symp. iv. 26. 


826. When the participle, in either of these constructions 
refers to a purpose, intention, or expectation, it is generally 
future, though sometimes present. δ᾽. Z : 


a 


and ~ , Ἢ κι ὸ ὃ 
: Νόμον ὀημοσίᾳ τὸν ταῦτα κωλύσοντα τεθεινται τουτονί. they 
vave publicly enacted this law, which + : 
49. See Xen. An. ii. 4, 22 in 825 


- - 


s to pre vent theses things. Dem. XXl. 
Ὁ ἡγησόμενος οὐδεὶς 2 
: , Ἰσομεὶ OS OVOELS EC TAL 
there will be nobody who οἱ Lae he Manas 
aga : ἐΟΘΟ ΓΟ who will lead us, Ib. ll, 4. ὃ. [Πολλοὺς ἐξομεν 
τοὺς ἑτοίμως συναγωνιζομένους ἡμῖν. Isoc. viii, 139 
Sa > . . di . . . - 5 ᾿ 
See the more common use of the circumstantial future participle to 
express a purpose, in 840. 


articipies, like adjectives, are occasionally use 
827. (a) Participles, like idjectives, are occasionally used 


substantively even without the article, in an indefinite sense - 
generally in the plural. ΚΕ. 


899] ATTRIBUTIVE PARTICIPLE 331 


Ἔπλει δώδεκα τριήρεις ἔχων ἐπὶ πολλὰς ναῦς κεκτημένους, he 
sailed with twelve triremes against men who had many ships. XEN. Hell. 
v. 1,19. Ὅταν πολεμούντων πόλις ἁλῷ, whenever a city of 
belligerents is taken. Id. Cyr. vii. 5, 73. Mera ταῦτα ἀφικνοῦνταί μοι 
ἀπαγγέλλοντες ὅτι ὃ πατὴρ ἀφεῖται, there come messengers an- 
nouncing, ete. Isoc. xvii. 11. Δύναιτ᾽ ἂν οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἰσχύων φυγεῖν, 
not even a strong man could escape. Sopu. El. 697. Οὐκ ἔστι φι- 
λοῦντα (a lover) μὴ ἀντιφιλεῖσθαι; Prat. Lys. 212 B. 

(b) This use in the singular appears especially in θνητὸν ὄντα, one 
who is a mortal. This indefinite expression, though masculine, may 
refer to both sexes. LE.g. 

Ἔν ποικίλοις δὲ θνητὸν ὄντα κάλλεσιν βαίνειν ἐμοὶ μὲν ovda- 
pos ἄνευ φόβου, ie. for a mortal (like myself) to walk on these rich 
embroideries, etc. ArscH. Ag. 923. Kovdws φέρειν χρὴ θνητὸν ὄντα 
συμφοράς, (one who is) a mortal (like yourself) must bear calamities 
lightly (addressed to Medea). Eur. Med. 1018. So in Sopu. Ant. 455 
θνητὸν ὄνθ᾽ means a mortal (like myself), and refers to Antigone, not 
to Creon ; she means that Creon’s proclamations could not justify her 
in violating the edicts of the Gods. 


828. In the poets, the participle with the article sometimes becomes 
so completely a substantive, that it takes an adnominal genitive rather 
than the case which its verbal force would require. A few expressions 
like οἱ προσήκοντες, relatives, τὸ συμφέρον or τὰ συμφέροντα, gain, 
advantage, τὰ ὑπάρχοντα, resources, are thus used even in prose. Eg. 

‘O ἐκείνου τεκών, his father (for 6 ἐκεῖνον texwv). Eur. El. 335. 
Ta μικρὰ συμφέροντα τῆς πόλεως, the small advantages of the state. 
Dem. xviii. 28. Βασιλέως προσήκοντές τινες, certain relatives of 
the king. ΤῊσο. i. 128. 

829. (a) The neuter singular of the present participle with 
the article is sometimes used as an abstract noun, where we 
should expect the infinitive with the article. This occurs chiefly 
in Thucydides and in the poets, 1... 

Ἔν τῷ μὴ μελετῶντι ἀξυνετώτεροι ἔσονται, in the want of practice 
they will be less skilful. ΤΉσΟ. i. 142. (Here we should expect ἐν τῷ 
μὴ μελετᾶν) Tvaitw τὸ μὲν δεδιὸς αὐτοῦ τοὺς ἐναντίους μᾶλλον 
φοβῆσον, τὸ δὲ θαρσοῦν ἀδεέστερον ἐσόμενον. Id. i. 36. (Here τὸ 
δεδιός, fear, is used like τὸ δεδιέναι, and τὸ θαρσοῦν, courage, like τὸ 
θαρσεῖν or τὸ θάρσος) Mera τοῦ δρωμένου, with action (like μετὰ 


~ 


“~ ~ ry’ ~ 7 ’ ” Ὁ , 
tov δράσθαι). Id. ν. 102. Tov ὑπαπιέναι πλέον ἢ TOV PEVOVTOS 


4 “ , ” ᾿ ᾿ ᾽ . »- πα lA 
τὴν διάνοιαν ἔχουσιν (infin. and partic. combined). Id. v. 9. Kat σε 


γ᾽ εἰσάξω: τὸ yap νοσοῦν ποθεῖ σε ξυμπαραστάτην λαβεῖν. SoPH. 
Ph. 674 TO νοσοῦν τον ἡ νόσος). To yap TO Jory ἕκαστος ἐκμαθεῖν 
θέλων οὐκ ἂν μεθεῖτο, πρὶν καθ᾽ ἡδονὴν κλύειν. Id. Tr. 196. 

This is really the same use of the neuter singular of an adjective 
for the corresponding abstract noun, which is common in ordinary 
adjectives ; as τὸ καλόν, beauty, for τὸ κάλλος ; τὸ δίκαιον and τὸ 


"οἱ ε ἊΝ 7 ε x_n , 
ἄδικον for ἢ δικαιοσύνη and ἡ ἀδικία. 





332 THE PARTICIPLE [830 


(ὁ) A similar construction sometimes occurs when a participle 
and a noun are used like an articular infinitive with its subject, 
where in English we generally use a finite verb. Eg. 

\ gs Qe » , ‘ 

: Mera δὲ Σόλωνα οἰχόμενον ἔλαβε νέμεσις μεγάλη Κροῖσον, 
Le. after Solon was gone (like pera τὸ Σόλωνα οἴχεσθαι). Hor. i. 34. 
Ἐπὶ τούτου τυραννεύοντος, im his ren. Id.i.15: so viii. 44, “Ere 
πέμπτῳ μετὰ Συρακούσας οἰκισθείσας, in the jifth year after the 
foundation of Syracuse. Tauc. vi. 3. Compare post urbem conditam in 
Latin. Μετὰ καλὸν οὕτω καὶ παντοδαπὸν λόγον ῥηθέντα (like 
μετὰ TO. . . ῥηθῆναι). ῬιιΑτ. Symp. 198 B. TH πόλει οὔτε πολέ- 
μου κακῶς συμβάντος οὔτε στάσεως πώποτε αἴτιος ἐγένετο, i.e. the 
cause of a disastrous result of any war (like τοῦ πόλεμόν τινα κακῶς 
συμβῆναι). Xen. Mem. i. 2, 63. 

τ (c) The same construction occurs in Homer ; as és ἠέλιον κατα- 
ovvta, to the going down of the sun, ΤΊ. i. 601 : ἅμ᾽ ἠοῖ φαινομένη- 
φιν, Il. ix. 682. 

For the peculiar use of the aorist participle here, see 149. 

830. The participle is sometimes used like a predicate 

adjective, with εἰμί or γίγνομαι. Eg. 
. Τί ToT ἐστὶν οὗτος ἐκείνου δια φέρων; in what is this man 
different from that one (another form for διαφέρει) ? Prat. Gorg. 500 C. 
Luppépov ἣν TH πόλει, it was advantageous to the state ( = συνέφερεν). 
Dem. xix. 75. Οὔτε γὰρ θρασὺς οὔτ᾽ οὖν προδείσας εἰμὶ τῷ YE νῦν 
λόγῳ. ϑορη. O. T. 90. ᾿Απαρνεόμενός ἐστι (= ἀπαρνέεται). ΗΡΥ. 
ili. 99. ‘H δὲ ἐστὶ δέκα σταδίους ἀπέχουσα, and it (the island) 7s 
ten stades distant. Id. ix. 51. | | 


» 


ΠῚ > , , > ~ re 
Av ἢ θέλουσα, πάντ ἐμου κομίζεται, whatever she wants, shi 
always obtains from me (for av θέλῃ). ϑὅορη. O. T. 580. Ἦν yap ὁ 
i 2 σεν , ὯΝ , vel > ‘ ~) , f ἯΙ 
Θεμιστοκλῆς βεβαιότατα ὃ) φύσεως ἰσχὺν δηλώσας, καὶ ἄξιος 
αὐυμάσαι, Themistocles was one who manifested, ete. THuc 1. 138 Tov 
>» , a Sess. oe : 
TO οὐκ εστι γιγνόμενον πὰρ ἡμὶν ;Σ as not thes something that goes on 
B, - . 2 . 6 rp ~ Ἃ , 7 : - 
im our minds? Prat. Phil. 39 C. Τοῦτο κινδυνεύει τρόπον τινὰ γι- 
; ς Ἂ , > . . 
γνομενον 1) OLKALOT VV) εἰναι, gustice SCENTS somehow to be proving to 
be (lit. becoming) this. Id. Rep. 433 B. 
4 ὑπ᾽ ε , . , ε ‘ , 5 os 
_ So with ὑπάρχω and the poetic weAopuar; as τοῦτο ὑπάρχειν ὑμᾶς 
, c ~ . ᾿ 
ειἰθότας ἡγοῦμαι, I think you may b presumed to know this, Dem. xviii 
-ὦρ b ~ , ” Ἴ ἘΞ ᾿ 
9ὅ ; ἐμεῖο λελασμένος ἔπλευ, Il. xxiii. 69. 
831. On the same principle, the participle is used in all periphrastic 
forms with εἰμί and exw for the perfect, pluperfect, and future perfect. 
In the future perfect active, the periphrastic form is generally the 
only one in use ; in the third person plural of the perfect and pluper- 
fect middle and passive of most verbs, it is the only form possible 
ῪὋ on ,ῶ ν᾿ > Ν fo i i . . υ ων : ᾿ . j A 
ΟΝ of the perfect participle with εἰμί or ἦν as peculiar forms of 
t fo > t sy’ Ὡ ι Ἷ .7" syn ἢ ΄ ᾿ ; 4 Ἷ > 4 
he perfect md pluperfe t, in other persons, are given in 45 ; of έχω and 
εἶχον with the aorist and perfect participle for the perfect and pluper- 
an . . πὶ ᾿: = vw = ‘a , ᾽ . 
fect, In 47 and 48 ; of ἔσομαι with the perfect and aorist participle for 
the future perfect, in 80 and 81. 


CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTICIPLE 


B. CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTICIPLE, 


832. The participle may define the circwmstances under 
which an action takes place, agreeing with the noun or 
pronoun to which it relates. The negative of such a 
participle is ov, unless it has a conditional force. 

The relations expressed by the participle in this use are 
the following :— 


833. I. Z'ime, the tenses of the participle denoting various 
points of time, which is relative to that of the leading verb. 
Lg. 

Tatra εἰπὼν amyje, when he had said this, he departed. ᾿Απήντησα 
Φιλίππῳ ἀπιόντι, I met Philip as he was departing. Τοῦτο πεποιη- 
KOTES χαιρήσουσιν. Ταῦτα ἔπραττε στρατηγῶν, he did these things 
while he was general. ‘Tatra πράξει στρατηγῶν, he will do these 
things when he is general. Vupavvetoas δὲ ἔτη τρία ‘Iamias ἐχώρει 
ὑπόσπονδος ἐς Σίγειον, after a rule of three years. THuc. vi. 59. Nov 
μὲν δειπνεῖτε" δειπνήσαντες δὲ ἀπελαύνετε, 1.6. after supping. XEN. 
Cyr. ii, 1, 37. So vii. 5, 78; An. vii. 1, 13. 


834. Certain temporal participles, agreeing with the subject of 
a sentence, have almost the force of adverbs. Such are apyopevos, 
at first ; τελευτῶν, at last, finally ; διαλιπὼν (or ἐπισχὼν) χρόνον, 
after a while, or διαλείπων χρόνον, at intervals; χρονίζων, for a long 
time. £.9. 

"Arep καὶ ἀρχόμενος εἶπον, as I said also at first, Tuuc, iv. 64, 
TeAevtav οὖν ἐπὶ τοὺς χειροτέχνας ya, finally then I went to the 
artisans. Prat. Ap. 22 C. Ὀλίγον χρόνον ὃ ιαλιπὼν ἐκινήθη, after 
a little while he moved. 1d. Phaed. 118, Οὐ πολὺν χρόνον ἐπισχὼν 
ἧκε, after (waitiny) no long time he came. Ib, 59 E, Διαλείπουσαν 
χρόνον, at intervals (of Clotho’s regular movements), Id. Rep. 617 C. 
Ὅπως χρονίζον εὖ μενεῖ βουλευτέον. AxscH. Ag. 847: cf. xpovi- 
σθείς, Ib, 727. 


835. 11. Means. Ey. 

A ἢ ζόμενο ι ζῶσιν, they live by plunder, XEN. Cyr. 11. 2, 25. Τοὺς 
ἔλληνας ἐδίδαξαν, ὃν τρόπον διοικοῦντες τὰς αὑτῶν πατρίδας καὶ 
mpos ods πολεμοῦντες μεγάλην ἂν τὴν Ἑλλάδα ποιήσειαν. Isoc. 
xii. 44. Οὐ γὰρ ἀλλοτρίοις ὑμῖν χρωμένοις παραδείγμασιν ἀλλ’ 
οἰκείοις, εὐδαίμοσιν ἔξεστι γενέσθαι, for it is by using not foreyn but 
domestic examples that you can become prosperous. Dem. 111. 23. Tov 
νόμων ἄπειροι γίγνονται καὶ τῶν λόγων, οἷς δεῖ χρώμενον ὁμιλεῖν 
τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, which we (τινά) must use in our intercourse with men. 
Piat. Gorg. 484 D. So often χρώμενος in the sense of with (cf. 843). 


” 





334 THE PARTICIPLE [836 


836. III. Manner and similar relations, including manner 
of employment, ete. Ey. 


Προείλετο μᾶλλον τοῖς νόμοις ἐμμένων ἀποθανεῖν ἢ παρανομῶν 
(nv, he preferred to die abiding by the laws, rather than to live disobeying 
them. Xen. Mem. iv. 4, 4. Προαιροῦνται μᾶλλον οὕτω κερδαίνειν 
ar ἀλλήλων ἢ συνωφελοῦντες αὑτούς, they prefer to get gain by 
this means from each other, rather than by uniting to aid themselves. Tb. 
i. 5, 16. Kai ἣ γελάσασα ἔφη. and she said with a laugh. Puart. 
Symp. 202 B. ᾿Αρπάσαντας τὰ ὅπλα πορεύεσθαι, to march having 
snatched up their arms (1.6. eagerly). DEM. iii. 20: οὗ οἷον ῥίψαντας τὰ 
ἱμάτια, Puat. Rep. 474 A. 


837. The following participles of manner are used in peculiar 
senses: φέρων, hastily ; φερόμενος, with a rush; ἀνύσας, quickly ; 
κατατείνας, earnestly ; διατεινάμενος and διατεταμένος, with all one’s 
might ; φθάσας, before (anticipating) , λαθών, se cretly ; ἔχων, con- 
tinwally ; κλαίων, to one’s sorrow ᾿ χαίρων, with impunity (to one’s joy). 
Eq. : 

Kis τοῦτο φέρω ν περιέστησε τὰ πράγματα, he rapidly brought things 
to such a pass, AESCHIN. iii. 82, ‘Qs ἐσέπεσον φερόμενοι ἐς τοὺς 
; ἔλληνας οἱ Μῆδοι, when the Persians Jell upon the Greeks with a rush. 
Hor. vii. 210. So οἰχήσεσθαι φερομένην κατὰ ῥοῦν, Prat. Rep. 
492 C, ᾿Ανοιγ᾽ ἀνύσας τὸ φροντιστήριον, make haste and open the 
thinking - shop. Ar. Νὰ. 181. Karareivas ἐρῶ τὸν ἄδικον βίον 
ἐπαινῶν, I will speak earnestly in praise of the unjust life. Piar. Rep. 
358 D: so 367 B. See Rep. 474 A, and Xen. Mem. iv. 9, 23. Ej? 
ἀνέῳξας με φθάσας. then you opened ut (the door) before I could knock. 
Ar. Plut. 1102: so ὅς fe ἔβαλε φθάμενος. Il. v. 119: but in such 
expressions ἔφθη βαλών ete. (887) is more common. ᾿Απὸ τείχεος 
ἄλτο λαθών. he leaped from the wall secretly, ll. xii. 390: ef. λή- 
θουσά pe eer ives, SopH. Ant. 532; here again ἔλαθον with the 
participle is more common (see 893). Ti κυπτάζεις ἔχ ων; why do you 
keep poking about ? Ar. Nub. 509. KAa ίων ἅψει τῶνδε. you well lay 
hands on them to your sorrow. Eur. Her. 270: so ΞΌΡΗ. Ant. 754 Ov 
τι χαίρων ἐρεῖς, you shall not speak with impunity. Id. O. T. 363; 
so Ant. 759. Τοῦτον οὐδεὶς χα ἵρων ἀδικήσει. Piat. Gorg. 510 D, 
Compare ταξαμένους, according to agreement, Id. Rep. 416 E, 


838. IV. Cause or ground of action. Eq. 


, ~% “ “> “ : : ; ὃ “s/s 4 “ > / 
Λέγω O€ τουὸ ἐνεκα, βουλόμενος do0gat σοὶ ὁπὲρ ἐμοΐ, and I speak 


for this reason, because I wish, ete. Puat. Phaed. 102 D. ᾿Απείχοντο 
κερδῶν, αἰσχρὰ νομ ἰζοντες εἶναι. because they believed them to be base, 
XEN. Mem. i. 2, δ Ti yap av βουλόμενοι ἄνδρες σοφοὶ ὡς ἀλη- 
θῶς δεσπότας ἀμείνους αὐτῶν φεύγοιεν, with what object in view, οἷς, 
(i.e. wishing what)? Puar. Phaed. 63 A. Τί γὰρ δεδιότες σφόδρα 
οὕτως ἐπείγεσθε; what do you ear, that you are in such great haste ? 


XEN. Hell. i. 7, 26. 





841] CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTICIPLE 335 


For the participle with ws, used to express a cause assigned by the 
subject of the sentence, see 864. 


839. (a) Here belong τί μαθών; and τί παθών; both of which 
have the general force of wherefore? Ti μαθὼν τοῦτο ποιεῖ; however, 
properly means what put it into his head to do this? or with what idea 
does he do this? and τί παθὼν τοῦτο ποιεῖ ; means what has happened 
to him that he does this? E.g. 

Τί τοῦτο μαθὼν προσέγραψεν ; with what idea did he add this to 
the law? Dem. xx. 127. ‘Ti παθοῦσαι. εἴπερ Νεφέλαι γ᾽ εἰσὶν 
ἀληθῶς, θνηταῖς εἴξασι γυναιξίν ; what has happened to them that they 
resemble mortal women? Ar. Nub. 340. 


(6) These phrases may be used even in dependent sentences, ri 
becoming 6 tt, and the whole phrase meaning because. Eq. 
Ti »Α 


i ἀξιός εἰμι παθεῖν ἢ ἀποτῖσαι, ὅτι μαθὼν ἐν τῷ βίῳ οὐχ ἡσυχίαν 
Σ ς ! Tal ] L7T OT Lt, , μ ι ι XxX i} Xe 
yyov ; what do I deserve to suffer or pay because I did not keep quiet? i.e. 


for taking τὲ into my head not to keep quiet? Prat. Ap. 36 B. Ὅμως 


” > ¢ - 4 «ε ~ . 
ἂν κακὰ ἦν, ὅτι μάθοντα χαίρειν ποιεῖ Kal ὁπῃοῦν ; would they still 


be evil because they give us joy in any conceivable manner ? Id. Prot. 353 
D. (In cases like this, the original meaning of the participle is for- 
gotten.) So Euthyd. 283 E and 299 A. 

840. V. Purpose, object, or intention, expressed by the 
future participle, rarely by the present. 19. 

Ἦλθε λυσόμενος θύγατρα. he came to ransom his daughter. Il. i. 

Te eae ae “hs 

13, Παρελήλυθα συμβουλεύσων, I have risen to give my advice. 
Isoc. vi. 1. “EPovAetoavro πέμπειν és Λακεδαίμονα πρέσβεις ταῦτά 
τε ἐροῦντας καὶ Λύσανδρον a ἰτήσοντας ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς, in order to 
say this, and to ask for Lysander as admiral. XEN. Hell. ii. 1, 6. Ἐὰν 
εἰς πόλεμον (ἡ πατρὶς) ἄγῃ τρωθησόμενον ἢ ἀποθανούμενον. 
ποιητέον ταῦτα. even if it lead any one into war to be wounded or to 
perish. Pua. Crit. 51 B. Αὖθις δὲ ὁ ἡγησόμενος οὐδεὶς ἔσται, there 
will be nobody to lead us (= ὃς ἡγήσεται). XEN. An. il. 4, 5. (This 
participle is also attributive : see 826.) Τ]Ιροσβολὰς παρεσκευάζοντο 
τῷ τείχει ποιησόμενοι, they prepared (themselves) to make attacks on 
the wall, Tuuc. ii. 18. 

"Ervyov yap (νῆες) οἰχόμεναι, περιαγγέλλουσαι βοηθεῖν, for 
SOME ships happened to be gone, to give notice to send avd, Id. i. 116. 
So ἀρνύμενοι, ΠῚ 1. 1ὅ9.Ὀ6Ὠ. The present here expresses an attendant 
curcumstance (843) as well as a purpose. See also φθείροντε, AESCH. 
Ag. 65 2. 

841. VI. Condition, the participle standing for a protasis, 
and its tenses representing the various forms of condition 

. . 7 . . . Re -- 
expressed by the indicative, subjunctive, or optative (472). 
Eq. 

Οἴει σὺ Ἄλκηστιν ὑπὲρ ᾿Αδμήτου ἀποθανεῖν ἂν, ἢ ᾿Αχιλλέα Πα- 

τρόκλῳ ἐπαποθανεῖν, μὴ οἰομένους ἀθάνατον μνήμην ἀρετῆς πέρι 





334 THE PARTICIPLE [836 


836. III. Manner and similar relations, including manner 
of employment, etc. £4. 


Προείλετο μᾶλλον τοῖς νόμοις ἐμμένων ἀποθανεῖν ἢ παρα νομῶν 
(hv, he preferred to die abiding by the laws, rather than to live disobeying 
them. XEN. Mem. iv. 4, 4. II poatpovvrar μᾶλλον οὕτω κερδαΐνειν 
ar ἀλλήλων ἢ συνωφελοῦντες αὑτούς, they prefer to get gain by 
this means from each other, rather than by uniting to aid themselves. ΤΌ. 
iii. 5, 16. Καὶ yeAdoaca ἔφη, and she said with a laugh. Prat. 
Symp. 202 B. “Αρπάσαντας τὰ ὅπλα πορεύεσθαι, to march having 
snatched up their arms (i.e. eagerly). Dem. iii. 20: ef. οἷον ῥίψαντας τὰ 
ἐμάτια, PLaT. Rep. 474 A, 


837. The following participles of manner are used in peculiar 
senses : pepo, hastily ᾿ φερόμενος, with a rush My ἀνύσας, quickly ᾿ 
κατατείνας, earnestly , διατεινάμενος and διατεταμένος, with all one’s 
might ; φθάσας, before (anticipating) ; λαθών, secretly - ἔχων, Ccon- 
tinually ; κλαίων, to one’s sorrow ; χαέρων, with impunity (to one’s joy). 
Eq. ) 


Εἰς τοῦτο φέρω ν περιέστησε τὰ πράγματα, he rapidly brought things 
to such a pass. AESCHIN. iii. 82. Ὥς ἐσέπεσον φερόμενοι ἐς τοὺς 
“Ἑλληνας οἱ Μῆδοι, when the Persians Jell upon the Greeks with a rush. 
Hpt. vii. 210. So οἰχήσεσθαι φερομένη vy κατὰ ῥοῦν, PLAT. Rep. 

β 


492 Ο. ᾿Ανοιγ᾽ ἀνύσας τὸ φροντιστήριον, make haste and open the 
thinking-shop. Ar. Nub. 181. Karareiévas ἐρῶ τὸν ἄδικον βίον 
ἐπαινῶν, I will speak earnestly in praise of the unjust life. Par. Rep. 
358 D: so 367 B. See Rep. 474 A, and Xen. Mem. iv. 2,23. Ker 
ἀνέῳξας με φθάσας. then you opened it (the door) before I could knock. 
Ar. Plut. 1102: so ὅς μ᾽ ἔβαλε φθάμενος. Il, ν. 119: but in such 
expressions ἔφθη βαλών ete. (887) is more common. ᾿Απὸ τεΐχεος 
ἄλτο λαθών, he leaped from the wall secretly, Il. xii. 390: ef. λή- 
θουσά pe ἐξέπινες, SopH. Ant. 532: here again ἔλαθον with the 
participle is more common (see 893), Τί κυπτάζεις ἔχων ; why do you 
keep poking about ? Ar. Nub. 509. Κλαΐίων aver τῶνδε, you will lay 
hands on them to your sorrow. Eur. Her. 270: so Sopu. Ant. 754. Ov 
TL χαίρων ἐρεῖς, you shall not speak with impunity. Id. O. T. 363: 


| 
SO Ant. io9. l'ovrov OVOELS X 4tpwv ἀδικήσει. PLAT. Gorg. 510 D. 


Compare ταξαμένους, according to agreement, Id. Rep. 416 E, 


838. IV. Cause or ground of action. Eq. 


‘ 


Λέγω δὲ τοῦδ᾽ ἕνεκα, βουλόμενος δόξαι σοι ὅπερ ἐμοί, and I speak 
for this reason, because I wish, ete. Puat. Phaed. 102 Ὁ. ᾿Απείχοντο 
κερδῶν, αἰσχρὰ vou ifovtes εἶναι. because they believed them to be hase. 
XEN. Mem. i. 2, 22, Ti yap av Bo υλόμενοι ἄνδρες σοφοὶ ὡς ἀλη- 
θῶς δεσπότας ἀμείνους αὐτῶν φεύγοιεν, with what object in view, ete. 
(i.e. wishing what)? Puar. Phaed. 63 A. Ti yap δεδιότες σφόδρα 
οὕτως ἐπείγεσθε; what do you fear, that you are in such great haste ? 
Xen. Hell. i. 7, 26. : 





8417 CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTICIPLE 335 


For the participle with ws, used to express a cause assigned by the 
subject of the sentence, see 864. 


839. (a) Here belong τί μαθών; and τί παθών; both of which 
have the general force of wherefore? 'Ti μαθὼν τοῦτο ποιεῖ; however 
5 I ; , 
properly means what put it into his head to do this? or with what idea 
does he do this? and τί παθὼν τοῦτο ποιεῖ ; means what has happened 
to him that he does this? E.g. 
Ti τοῦτο μαθὼν προσέγραψεν ; with what idea did he add this to 
f p YP ¥ 7 ‘au y Y ’ » > ἃ 
the law? Dem. xx. 197, Tt παθοῦσαι, εἴπερ Νεφέλαι γ᾽ εἰσὶν 
ἀληθῶς, θνηταῖς εἴξασι γυναιξίν ; what has happened to them that they 
resemble mortal women? AR. Nub. 340. 


(6) These phrases may be used even in dependent sentences, τί 
becoming 6 τι, and the whole phrase meaning because. Eg. 

Τί ἀξιός εἰμι παθεῖν ἢ ἀποτῖσαι, 6 τι μαθὼν ἐν τῷ βίῳ οὐχ ἡσυχίαν 
ἦγον ; what do I deserve to suffer or pay because I did not keep quiet? i.e. 


for taking tt into my head not to keep quiet? Prat. Ap. 36 B. Ὅμως 


ἂν κακὰ ἦν, ὅτι μάθοντα χαίρειν ποιεῖ καὶ ὁπῃοῦν ; would they still 
be evil because they give us joy in any conceivable manner? Id. Prot. 353 
D. (In cases like this, the original meaning of the participle is for- 
gotten.) So Euthyd. 283 E and 299 A. 

840. V. Purpose, object, or intention, expressed by the 
future participle, rarely by the present. EZ. 

Ἦλθε λυσόμενος θύγατρα, he came to ransom his daughter. 1]. i. 
13. Παρελήλυθα συμβουλεύσων, I have risen to give my advice. 
Isoc. vi. 1. “EBovAetoavro πέμπειν és Λακεδαίμονα πρέσβεις ταῦτά 
τε ἐροῦντας καὶ Λύσανδρον αἰτήσοντας ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς, in order to 
say this, and to ask for Lysander as admiral. XEN. Hell. ii. 1, 6. Ἐὰν 
εἰς πόλεμον (ἡἣ πατρὶς) dyn τρωθησόμενον ἢ ἀποθανούμενον. 
ποιητέον ταῦτα. even if it lead any one into war to be wounded or to 
perish, Puav. Crit. 51 B. Αὖθις δὲ ὁ ἡγησόμενος οὐδεὶς ἔσται, there 
will be nobody to lead us (=0s ἡγήσεται). XEN. An. ii. 4,5. (This 
participle is also attributive : see 826.) IpooPoAds παρεσκευάζοντο 
τῷ τείχει ποιησόμενοι, they prepared (themselves) to make attacks on 
the wall, Truc. ii. 18. 

"Ervxov yap (νῆες) οἰχόμεναι, περιαγγέλλουσαι βοηθεῖν, for 
SOT ships happe ned to he gone, to give notice to send avd. Id. .. 116. 
So ἀρνύμενοι, ΠῚ i. 1ὅ9. The present here expresses an attendant 
circumstance (843) as well as a purpose. See also φθείροντε, AESCH. 
Ag. 652. 

841. VI. Condition, the participle standing for a protasis, 
and its tenses representing the various forms of condition 
expressed by the indicative, subjunctive, or optative (472). 
Eq. 

Οἴει σὺ Ἄλκηστιν ὑπὲρ ᾿Αδμήτου ἀποθανεῖν ἂν, ἢ ᾿Αχιλλέα Πα- 
τρόκλῳ ἐπαποθανεῖν. μὴ οἰομένο υς ἀθάνατον μνήμην ἀρετῆς πέρι 





336 THE PARTICIPLE 


ἑαυτῶν ἔσεσθαι, do you think that Alcestis would have died for Admetus, 

c., of they had not believed, etc. PLat. Symp. 208 Ὁ. (Here μὴ οἰομέ- 
vous is equivalent to εἰ μὴ wovto.) Οὐ γὰρ ἂν αὐτοῖς ἔμελεν μὴ τοῦθ᾽ 
ὑπολαμβάνουσιν, for it would not have concerned them, unless they 
had. had this idea. Dem. ix. 45. (My ὑπολαμβάνουσιν = εἰ μὴ τοῦτο 
ὑπελάμβανον.) ᾿Άστρων ἃ ἂν ἔλθοιμ᾽ ἡλίου πρὸς ἀντολὰς καὶ γῆς ἔνερθε, 
δυνατὸς ὧν δρᾶσαι τάδε, if I should be able to do this (εἰ δυνατὸς εἴην). 
Eur. Ph. 504. So the attributive participles ὁ μὴ dapeis (824) and ὁ 
μὴ λαβών (825). 

In ϑόρη. O. T. 289, πάλαι δὲ μὴ παρὼν θαυμάξεται, the construc- 
tion represents θαυμάζομεν εἰ μὴ πάρεστιν, we wonder that he is not 
here (494). 

For μὴ ov with the participle in negative conditions, where μή is 
more common, see 818. 

See other examples under 472. 


842. VII. Opposition, limitation, or concession, where the 
participle may often be translated by although. gy. 

Οὗτος δὲ καὶ μεταπεμφθῆναι φάσκων ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς, καὶ ἐλθὼν 
εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν, εἰσελθεῖν μὲν οὔ φησιν, Δημοφῶντος δ᾽ ἀκοῦσαι γραμμα- 
τεῖον ἀναγιγνώσκοντος, καὶ προεισεληλυθὼς καὶ ἅπαντα διωμολο- 
γημένος πρὸς τὸν πατέρα, and this man, although he admits that he 
was summoned, and although he did go to the house, yet denies that he went 
in, etc., although he had previously gone in and arranged everything with 
my father. Dem. xxviii. 14, Ὀλίψα δυνάμενοι προορᾶν περὶ τοῦ 
μέλλοντος πολλὰ ἐπιχειροῦμεν πράττειν, although we are able to foresee 
few things, etc. Xen. Cyr. iii. 2, 15. “EAwv καὶ δυνηθεὶς ἂν αὐτὸς 
ἔχειν, a ie. when he had captured it (Olynthus) and might have 
kept it himself, he surrendered it, Dem. xxiii. 107. 

The participle in this sense is very often accompanied by καίπερ 
and other particles. (See 859.) This construction is the most com- 
mon equivalent of a clause with although. 


843. VIII. Any attendant circumstance, the participle 
being merely descriptive. Ey. 


’ Ἀ , , 5 4 , 

Παραλαβό ντες Βοιωτοὺς καὶ Φωκέας ἐστράτευσαν επὶι Φάρσαλον, 
they took Boeotians and Phocians with them and marched against Phar- 
salus. THuc.i.111. Παραγγέλλει τῷ Κλεάρχῳ λαβόντι ἥκειν ὅσον 
> ake, , . : Mt 8 
ἣν αὐτῷ στράτευμα, he sends orders to Cl. to come with all the army that 

t 
7 . - ΕἾ εκ 

he has. Xen. An. 1. 2, 1. ἔρχεται Μανδάνη τὸν Κῦρον τὸν υἱὸν 
ἔχουσα, Mandane comes with her son Cyrus. Id. Cyr. 1. 3, 1. Κατα- 
Ἂ / Ss Ἁ ~ aA 7a , , » ~) ; 
OLWEGAVTES καὶ VaUS OWOEKG λαβόντες τους τε ανὸρας ἀνελόμενοι 
> , Ἢ , , ᾿ ee , 
ἀπέπλεον, Kal τρόπαιον στήσαντες ἀνεχώρησαν. THUC. ii, 84, Mia 
ἐς Πελοπόννησον ᾧχετο πρέσβεις ἄγουσα, one (ship) was gone to Pelo- 
ponnesus with ambassadors, Id. vii. 25. Δὸς τῳ ξείνῳ ταῦτα φέρων, 
take these and give them to the stranger. Od. xvii. 345. Bon X pope VOL, 
with a shout. THuc. li. 84. 





847] GENITIVE ABSOLUTE 


844. The participles ἔχων, ἄγων, λαβών, φέρων, and χρώμενος 
may often be translated by with: see examples in 848. (For 
another use of φέρων see 837.) 


845. IX. That in which the action of the verb consists. 


᾿Τόδ᾽ εἶπε φωνῶν, thus he spake saying. ArscH. Ag.205. “Oo” ἡμᾶς 
ἀγαθὰ μαι τρσην εἰρήν nV Tot ἥσας, what blessings you have done Us in 
making peace! Ar, Pac. 1199. Εὖ γ᾽ ἐποίησας ἀναμνήσας με, YOU 
did well in reminding me, ῬΙΚΑΥ. Phacd. 60 Ὁ. 

See other examples under 150, where the peculiar force of the 
aorist participle in such cases, denoting the same time with the verb, 
is illustrated. 


846. The examples show that no exact distinctions of all cireum- 
stantial participles are possible, as many express various relations at 
the same time. See 823. 


Genitive Absolute. 


847. When a circumstantial participle (832-846) belongs 
to a substantive which is not grammatically connected with 
the main construction of the sentence, both the substantive 
and the participle generally stand in the genitive, in the 
construction called the genitive absolute. £.g. 

Οὔ τις ἐμεῦ ξῶντος σοὶ βαρείας χεῖρας ἐποίσει, no one while I live 
shall lay heavy hands upon you. 1]. i 88, Ταῦτ᾽ “ἐπράχθη Κόνωνος μεν 
στρατηγοῦντος, Εὐαγόρου δὲ τοῦτο T αρασχόν τος καὶ τῆς bv νάμεως 
τὴν πλείστην παρασκευ άσαντ TOS, these were accomplished whale Conon 
was general, and after Evagoras had thus supplred him, etc. Isoc. ix. 56. 
Φοβοῦμαι μὴ; π ροσὸε ξαμέν ων τῶν VUV ἀνθεστηκότων αὐτῷ καὶ jeg. 
γνώμῃ πάντων φιλιππισάντων, εἰς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν ἔλθωσιν ἀμφότεροι. 
Dem, xviii. 176 : see xix. 50 (pres. and μουν. Ac φίκετο δεῦρο τὸ πλοῖον, 
ὙΥ "ὄντ TWV τῶν Κεφαλλήνων a VT t πράττο VTOS τούτου . . ‘qn TE 
πλεῖν, the Cephallenians having determined to sail 1 in, although this man 
opposed at. Id. xxx. 14. ᾿Αθηναίων δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ τοῦτο παθόντων, 
διπλασίαν ἂν τὴν δύναμιν εἰκάξεσσθαι (οἶμαι) ie. of the Athenans should 
ever suffer this same thing, ete. THuuc. 1. 10. “Ὅλης γὰρ τῆς πόλεως 
ἐπ ιτρεπομένης τῳ στρατηγῷῳ, Bae τσ τά TE ἀγαθὰ κατορθοῦ VTOS 
αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰ κακὰ διαμαρτάνοντος εἰκὸς γίγνεσθαι. ΧΕΝ. Mem. 
ili. 1, 3. 

The genitive absolute was probably used at first to express time 
(present or past according to the tense ), and afterwards the other cir- 
cumstantial relations, cause, condition, concession, etc. The construc- 
tion is most fully dev eloped in Attic prose, especially in the Orators.! 


1 See Spieker in Am. Jour. Phil. vi. pp. 310-343, on The Genitive 
Absolute in the Attic Orators. 
Z 





338 THE PARTICIPLE [848 


848. A participle sometimes stands alone in the genitive absolute, 
when a noun or pronoun can easily be supplied from the context, or when 
some general word like ἀνθρώπων or “πραγμάτων is understood. Eg. 

Oi δὲ πολέμιοι, προσιόντων, τέως μὲν ἡσύχαζον, hut the enemy, 
as they (men before mentioned) came on, for a time kept quiet. Xen. An. 

4,16. So ἐπαγομένων αὐτούς, when they were called in (when people 
called them in), THuc. i. 3. Οὕτω δ᾽ ἐχόντων, εἰκὸς, K.T.A., and 
things being so (se. πραγμάτων), etc. XEN. An, iii. 2.10. Οὐκ Har 
τούμενος, οὐκ ᾿Αμφικτυονικὰς δίκας ἐπα γόν των, οὐκ ἐπαγ γελλο- 
μένων, οὐδαμῶς ἐγὼ προδέδωκα τὴν εἰς ὑμᾶς εὔνοιαν. Dem, X Vili. 
322. (Here the vague idea they is understood with ἐπαγόντων and 
ἐπαγγελλομένων.) 

So when the participle denotes a state of the weather ; as ὕοντος 
πολλῷ, when it was raining heavily, Xen. Hell. i. 1, 16. In such 
Cases the participle is masculine, Διός being understood. See AR. 
Nub. 370, vovra ; and Il. xii. 25, ὗε δ᾽ ἄρα Ζεύς. 


849. A passive participle may stand in the genitive absolute with 
a clause introduced by ὅτι. If the subject of such a clause is plural, 
or if there are several subjects, the participle itself may be plural, by 
a kind of attraction. Fg. 

Σαφῶς δηλωθέντος ὅτι ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶ τῶν ᾿Νλλήνων τὰ πράγς- 
ματα ἐγένετο, it having been clearly shown, that, ete. Tuuc. i. 74, 
‘EoayyedA θέντων ὅτι Φοίνισσαι νῆες ἐπ᾿ αὐτοὺς πλέουσιν, it having 
been announced, that, etc. Τὰ, i. 116. So Xen. Cyr. i. 4. 18: vi. 2, 19. 


850. The genitive absolute is regularly used only when a new 
subject is introduced into the sentence (847) and not when the 
participle can be joined with any substantive already belonging to the 
construction. Yet this principle is sometimes violated, in order to 
make the participial clause more prominent and to express its relation 
(time, cause, etc.) with greater emphasis, Ey. 

Διαβεβ ηκότος ἤδη Περικλέους, ἠγγέλθη αὐτῷ ὅτι Μέγαρα 
ἄφεστηκε, when Pericles had already crossed over, it was announced to him 
that Megara had revolted. 

So sometimes in Latin, but generally with difference in meaning: 
as Galliam Italiamque tentari se absente nolebat, Cars. Bell. Civ. i. 29. 


Accusative Absolute. 


851. The participle of an impersonal verb stands in the 
accusative absolute, in the neuter singular, with or without 
an infinitive, when other participles with their subjects 
would stand in the genitive absolute. 7 

Such are ἐξόν, δέον. παρόν, προσῆκον, πρέπον, παρέχον, μέλον, 
μεταμέλον, δοκοῦν, δόξαν, and the like ; also passive participles 


used impersonally (as π 7 poor ay Gev P εἰρημένον, δεδογμένον Σ and such 


854] ACCUSATIVE ABSOLUTE 339 


expressions as ἀδύνατον ov, it being impossible, composed of an 
adjective and ὄν ; also τυχόν, perchance. ΚΕ... 

Οἱ δ᾽ οὐ βοηθήσαντες δέον ὑγιεῖς ἀπῆλθον; and did those who 
brought no aid when it was necessary escape safe and sound ? Prat. Alcib. 
i115 B. ᾿Απλᾶς δὲ λύπας ἐξὸ v (se. φέρειν), οὐκ οἴσω διπλᾶς. Eur. 
I. T. 688. Παρέχον δὲ τῆς ᾿Ασίης πάσης ἄρχειν εὐπετέως, ἄλλο 
τι αἱρήσεσθε; Hor. ν. 49. Εὖ δὲ παρασχόν, and when an ail 
tunity offers. THuc. i. 120. Ov προσῆκον, improperly. Id. iv. 
Συνδόξαν τῷ πατρὶ καὶ τῇ μητρὶ, γαμεῖ τὴν Κυαξάρου rt ος 
Xen. Cyr. viii. δ, 28. Εἰρημένον κύριον εἶναι 6 τι ἂν τὸ πλῆθος 
τῶν ξυμμάχων ψηφίσηται. THuc. ν. 30. So δεδογμένον, id. i, 125 ; 
γεγραμμένον, v. 56; and προστεταγμένον, Puat. Leg. 902 Ὁ. Καὶ 
ἐνθένδε πάλιν, προσταχθέν μοι ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου Micron ἄγειν εἰς 
Ἑλλήσποντον, φχόμην. Dem. L. 12. Παρεκελεύοντό τε, ἀδύνατον 
ὃν ἐν νυκτὶ ἄλλῳ τῳ σὴημ ἦναι. THU C. vill. 44. Ἔγωγ᾽ E ἔφη. ὁ Κῦρος, 
οιμαι, ἅμα μὲν συνα γορευόντων Ἄρη ἅμα δὲ καὶ αἰσχρὸν ὃν τὸ 
ἀντιλέγειν, κιτιλ. XEN. Cyr. ii. 9, 20. (See 876.) ᾿Αντιπαρεσκευά- 
ζετο ἐρρωμένως, ὡς μάχης ἔτι δεῆσον, on the ground that there would 
still be need of a battle. Ib. vi. a 26. Oi δὲ τριάκοντα, ὡς ἐξὸν 7 ἤδη 
αὐτοῖς τυραννεῖν ἀδεῶς, προεῖπον, K.T.A., Le. thinking that τέ was now 


in their power, ete. Id. Hell. i. 4, 1. 


. . *,* . . ’ 
852. Rarely the infinitive in the accusative absolute has τὸ ; as 
αἰσχρὸν ὃν τὸ ἀντιλέγειν, XEN. Cyr. ii. 2, 20 (above): so v. 1, 13; 
Pat. Rep, 521 A, 604 C. 


853. Even the participles of personal verbs sometimes stand 
with their nouns in the accusative absolute, in all genders and 
numbers, if they are preceded by ὡς or ὥσπερ (864 ; 867). Lg. 

Aw καὶ TOUS υἱεῖς οἱ πατέρες ἀπὸ τῶν πονηρῶν ἀνθρώπων εἴργου- 
σιν, ὡς τὴ ν μὲν τῶν χρηστῶν ὁμιλία ν ἄσκησιν οὖσαν τῆς 
ἀρετ Ss τὴν δὲ τῶν nor ηρῶν κατάλυ 'σιν (se, οὖσαν). XEN. Mem. 1. 2, 
20. Pirovs κτῶνται ὡς βοηθῶν δεόμενοι, τῶν δ᾽ ἀδελς rem ἀμελοῦσιν, 
ὥσπερ ἐκ πολιτῶν μὲν γιγν ομένους φίλους. ἐξ ἀδελ φῶν δὲ οὐ 
γιγν ομέν ους. as uf bet were made age fellow vit ZENS, and were not 
made from brothers. Ib. ii. 3, 3. ‘Qs τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς ς τὴν τῶν ὀνομάτων 
σύνθεσιν τῶν δηρουθίρουν ἀγαπήσο ντας. AESCHIN. iii. 142. “Qo- 
περ ὑμᾶς ἀγν οοὗντας. Ib. 189. Μέγιστον οὕτω διακεῖσθαι τὰς γνώμας 
ὑμῶν, ὡς ἕκαστον ἑκόντα τοδὶ ον ὅ τι ἂν δέῃ ποιήσοντα. Dem. 


xiv. 14. 


854. The accusative absolute used personally without ws or ὥσπερ 
is very rare. It occurs chiefly with neuter participles which are 
reguli arly impe rsoni ul. Eg. 

Προσῆ ηκον αὐτῷ τοῦ κλήρου μέρος ὅσον περ ἐμοί. Isak. v. 19. 
Tav IT a δὲ 7 9 Omev a, 7 πένθεα με γάλα. τοὺ S Αἰγυπτίους καταλαμβάνει. 
Hpr. 11. 66. ριον; ἀμφοτέροις μὲν δοκοῦν ἀναχωρεῖν, κυρωθὲν δὲ 
οὐδὲν, νυκτός τε ἐπιγενομέν 0S; οἱ μὲν Μακεδόνες ἐχώρουν ἐπ᾽ οἴκου, 
Tuvc, iv. 125. Prt a δὲ ταῦτα Kal περανθέντα τὰ στρα: 





940 THE PARTICIPLE [855 


, , - 5 eee » α ‘ a ~ 
τεύματα ἀπῆλθε. XEN. Hell. iii. 2,19. Δόξαν ἡμῖν ταῦτα occurs in 
> ‘ 2 em ἘΣ πὰ - - ass - 
PLat. Prot. 314 C, W here we may supply ποιεῖν, or δόξαν ταῦτα may 
represent ἔδοξε ταῦτας So Xen. An. iv. 1, 13. 


Adverbs connected with the Circumstantial Participle. 


855. The adverbs τότε, non (τότε ἤδη), ἐνταῦθα, εἶτα, ἔπειτα, 
and οὕτως are often joined to the verb of the sentence in which 
the temporal participle stands, to give greater emphasis to the 
temporal relation. £.g. | 

"ExéAevey αὐτὸν συνδιαβάντα, ἔπειτα οὕτως ἀπαλλάττεσθαι. he 
commanded that, after he had joined them in crossing, he should ee 
retire as he proposed. ΧΈΝ. An. vii. 1, 4. Πειθομένων δὲ τῶν Σαμίων 
καὶ σχόντων τὴν Ζάγκλην, ἐνθαῦτα οἱ Ζαγκλαῖοι ἐβοήθεον αὐτῃ. 
Hpr. vi. 23. ᾿Αποφυγὼν δε καὶ τούτους, στρατηγὸς οὕτω ᾿Αθηναίων 
ἀπεδέχθη, and having escaped these also, he was then (under these circum- 
stances) chosen general of the Athenians. Id. vi. 104. 


856. Kira, ἔπειτα, and οὕτως Sometimes refer in the same way 
to a participle expressing opposition or limitation ; in which case 
they may be translated by nevertheless, after all. E.¢. 

, o> , , , > 7 ‘ 7 : 

: Πάντων ὸ ATOTWTATOV ἐστι, τηλικαύτην ἀνελόντας μαρτυρίαν 
οὕτως οἰεσθαι δεῖν εἰκῃ πιστεύεσθαι Tap ὑμῖν, it is most absurd of 
all that, although they have destroyed so important a piece of evidence, they 
should after all think, etc. Dem. xxviii. 5. Δεινὰ μέντ᾽ ἂν πάθοις, εἰ 

ει > me , Ἐ a - ey ca , ᾽ ‘ ’ , A 
i ἀφικόμενος, οὗ τῆς ὑλλάδος πλείστη ἐστὶν ἐξουσία τοῦ 

ἐγειν, ἐπειτα σὺ ἐνταῦθα τούτου μόνος ἀτυχήσαις, if, although you 
are come to Athens, you should after all be the only one to fail in obtain- 
ing this. Puar. Gorg. 461 E, 

857. Οὕτως, OLa TOUTO, and διὰ ταῦτα sometimes refer in the 
same way to a participle denoting a cause. ἢ... 

aa 7 < 5 / 4 ΄ ~ : Γι ε ~ 
: Νομίζω ν ἀμείνονας καὶ κρείττους πολλῶν βαρβάρων ὑμᾶς εἶναι. 
δια τοῦτο προσέλαβον, because I belveved, etc. XEN. An. i. 7, 3. Ὑμᾶς 
O€ ἡμεῖς ἡγησάμενοι ἱκανοὺς γνῶναι, οὕτω παρελάβομεν. Part. 
Lach. 178 B. 

858. The adverbs 4 δύ, εὐθύ ic ἐθέ iri 
: ie 4 erbs apa, μεταξύ, εὐθύς (lonic ἐθέως), αὐτίκα, 
ἄρτι, and ἐξαίφνης are often connected (in position and in sense) 
with the temporal participle, although grammatically they qualify 


’ 
7 


the verb of the sentence. 1... 


“Apa προιὼν ἐπεσκοπεῖτο εἴ τι δυνατὸν εἴη τοὺς πολεμίους ἀσθε- 
νεστέρους ποιεῖν, as he advanced, he looked at the same time to see whether 
it was possible, etc. XEN. γεν. δ 8. Ἃ μα καταλαβόντες προσ- 
εκεατὸ σῴι, as soon as they had overtaken them, they pressed hard upon 
them. Hor. ix. 57. Nexws μεταξὺ ὀρύσσων ἐπαύσατο μαντηΐου 
ἐμποδίου γενομένου, Necho stopped while digging (the canal), etc. Id. ii. 
158. Πολλαχοῦ δή με ἐπέσχε λέγοντα μεταξύ, it often checked me 


861] ADVERBS WITH CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTICIPLE 341 


. . 4 
while speaking. Puat. Ap. 40 B. ’Exurévw ἀσκήσει εὐθὺς νέοι ὄντες 
τὸ ἀνδρεῖον μετέρχονται, by toilsome discipline, even while they are still 

᾿ ** ~ “~ > , 
young, etc. THuc. ii. 39. Τῷ δεξιῷ κέρᾳ εὐθὺς ἀποβεβηκότι ot 
Κορίνθιοι ἐπέκειντο, the Corinthians pressed upon the right wing, as soon 
as it was disembarked. Id. iv. 43. ᾿Αρξάμενος εὐθὺς καθισταμένου, 
beginning as soon as it (the war) broke out. Id. 1.1. Διόνυσον λέγουσι 
c , > ’ / ; > 4 A > , , 
ὡς αὐτίκα γενόμενον ἐς τὸν μηρὸν ἐνερράψατο Ζεύς, they say of 
Dionysus that, as soon as he was born, Zeus sewed him into his thigh. 
** ss “ , ε 

Hor. ii. 146. Τὴν ψυχὴν θεωροῦντα ἐξαίφνης ἀποθανόντος ἑκά- 
στου, viewing the soul of each one the moment that he is dead. Piat. Gorg. 
mie . rs > Mes: ‘ an , ε΄ , ” > 
523 E. Kai αὐτοῦ μεταξὺ ταῦτα λέγοντος ὁ Κλεινίας eTvxev ἀπο- 
κρινάμενος. Id. Euthyd. 275 E. 


859. The participle expressing opposition, limitation, or con- 
cession is often strengthened by καίπερ or καί (after a negative, 
by οὐδέ or μηδέ, with or without πέρ), or by καὶ ταῦτα, and that 
too. Ὅμως, nevertheless, may be connected with the participle 
(like ἅμα, ete. in 858), belonging, however, grammatically to the 
leading verb. δ... 

Ἕκτορα καὶ μεμαῶτα μάχης σχήσεσθαι ὀίω. 1]. ix. 655. Ἔποι- 
κτείρω δέ νιν δύστηνον ἔμπας, καίπερ ὄντα δυσμενῆ, although he 2s 
my enemy. ϑορη. Aj. 192. Οὐκ ἂν προδοίην, οὐδέ περ πράσσων 
κακῶς. Eur. Ph. 1624. Γυναικὶ πείθου μηδὲ τἀληθὴ κλύων (= 
μηδὲ ἢν τἀληθῆ κλύῃς). Id. Fr. 443. Πείθου γυναιξὶ, καίπερ οὐ 
στέργων ὅμως, although you are not fond of them. Axscu, Sept. 712. 
(Here ὅμως qualifies πείθου ; although, as usual, it is joined with the 
participle for emphasis.) ᾿Αδικεῖς ὅτι ἄνδρα ἡμῖν τὸν σπουδαιότατον 
διαφθείρεις γελᾶν ἀναπείθων, καὶ ταῦτα οὕτω πολέμιον ὄντα τῷ 


γέλωτι. XEN. Cyr. ii. 2, 16. 


860. In Homer, the two parts of καί. . . wep are generally 
separated by the participle, or by some emphatic word connected 
with it. Καί is here very often omitted, so that πέρ stands 
alone in the sense of although. Both of these uses are found also 
in tragedy. 1.0. 

Tov μὲν ἔπειτ᾽ εἴασε, καὶ ἀχνύμενός περ ἑταίρου, κεῖσθαι. 1]. 
viii. 125. Καὶ κρατερός περ ἐὼν, μενέτω τριτάτῃ ἐνὶ μοίρῃ. Il. xv. 
195. Τέτλαθι, μῆτερ ἐμὴ, καὶ ἀνάσχεο κηδομένη περ, μή σε φίλην 
περ ἐοῦσαν ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖσιν ἴδωμαι θεινομένην" τότε δ᾽ οὔ τι δυνήσο- 
μαι ἀχνύμενός περ χραισμεῖν. 1]. 1. 586. 

Κἀγώ σ᾽ ἱκνοῦμαι, καὶ γυνή περ οὖσ᾽ ὅμως. Eor. Or. 680. 
Τάφον γὰρ αὐτὴ καὶ κατασκαφὰς ἐγὼ, γυνή περ οὖσα, τῷδε μηχανή- 
σομαι. AESCH, Sept. 1037. So πέρ alone in Herodotus, as ἀσκευής 
περ ἐών, ili. 131. 


861. Καίτοι was very seldom used like καίπερ with the par- 
ticiple, its only regular use being with finite verbs. Αι. 


as / “ μ᾿ 
Οὐδέ μοι ἐμμελέως τὸ Πιττάκειον νέμεται, καίτοι σοφου παρὰ 





342 THE PARTICIPLE [862 


\ > , Ἢ , ε ΄ 

φωτὸς εἰρημένον. Son, Fr. 5, 8 (ap. ῬινΑτ, Prot. 339 C). Ἱκανά 
/ Φ δὰ , ; . 

μοι νομίζω εἰρῆσθαι, καίτοι πολλά ye παραλιπών. Lys. xxxi, 34, 


862. “Are, and ofa or οἷον, as, inasmuch as, are used to 
emphasise a participle denoting the cause or ground of an action. 
Here the cause assigned is stated merely on the authority of the 
speaker or writer. (See 864.) Eg. 

Ὃ δὲ Κῦρος, ἅτε παῖς ὧν καὶ φιλόκαλος καὶ φιλότιμος, ἥδετο 
τῇ στολῇ, but Cyrus, inasmuch as he was a child (as being a child), ete. 
XEN. Cyr. i. 3, 3. “Are χρόνου ἐγγινομένου συχνοῦ, as a long 
time «intervened. Hot. i. 190: in the same chapter, οἷα δὲ ἐξεπιστά- 
μενοι. So ἅτε ληφθέντων, Tuve. vii. 85. Μάλα δὲ χαλεπῶς πορευό- 
μένοι, οἷα δὴ ἐν νυκτί τε καὶ φόβῳ ἀπιόντες, εἰς Αἰγόσθενα ἀφι- 
κνοῦυνται, inasmuch as they were departing by night, etc. Xen. Hell. vi. 
4,26. Οἷον δὲ διὰ χρόνου ἀφιγμένος, ἀσμένως ἦα ἐπὶ τὰς 
συνήθεις διατριβάς. Prat. Charm. 153 A. 

863. In Herodotus, ὥστε is used in the sense of dre; as ini. 8, 
ὥστε ταῦτα νομίζων, inasmuch as he believed this. So vi. 136, ἣν yap 
ἀδύνατος, ὥστε σηπομένου τοῦ μηροῦ. In Txuc. vii. 24, ὥστε (so 
the Mss.) yap ταμιείῳ χρωμένων τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων τοῖς τείχεσιν, Bekker 
wrote ἅτε for ὥστε, and Stahl reads ὥσπερ. 


864, Ὡς may be prefixed to participles denoting a cause or 
ground or ἃ purpose, sometimes to other circumstantial participles. 
It shows that what is stated in the participle is stated as the 
thought or assertion of the subject of the leading verb, or as that 
of some other person prominent in the sentence, without implying 
that it is also the thought of the speaker or writer. ΚΕ... 

Οἱ μὲν διώκοντες τοὺς καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς ὡς πάντας νικῶντες, of δ᾽ 
ἁρπάζοντες ὡς ἤδη πάντες νικῶντες, one site pursuing those opposed 
to them, thinking that they were victorious over all; and the other side 
proceeding to plunder, thinking that they were all victorious. Xen. An. i. 
10, 4. Τὴν πρόφασιν ἐποιεῖτο ὡς Πισίδας βουλόμενος ἐκβαλεῖν, 
he made his pretence as if he wished to drive out the Pisidians. Ib. i. 2, 1. 
Συλλαμβάνει Κῦρον ws ἀποκτενῶν, he seizes Cyrus with the (avowed) 
object of putting him to death. Ib. i. 1,3, Διαβαίνει ὡς ἀμήσων τὸν 
σῖτον. Hpr. vi. 28. Οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι παρεσκευάζοντο ws πο λεμήσοντες, 
the Athenians prepared with the (avowed) intention of going to war, Tuuc, 
ii. 7. Tov Περικλέα ἐν αἰτίᾳ εἶχον ὡς πείσαντα σφᾶς πολεμεῖν 
καὶ δὲ ἐκεῖνον ταῖς ξυμφοραῖς περιπεπτωκότες, they found fault 
with Pericles, on the ground that he had pe rsuaded them to enqage in the 
war, and that through him they had become involved in the calamities, Id. 
ii. 59. (Here Thucydides himself is not responsible for the statements 
in the participles, as he would be if ὡς were omitted.) ᾿Αγανακτοῦσιν 
ὡς μεγάλων τινῶν ἀπεστερημένοι, they are indignant, because (as they 
allege) they have been deprived, etc. Puat. Rep. 329 A. Βασιλεῖ χάριν 
ἴσασιν, ὡς δὲ ἐκεῖνον τυχοῦσαι τῆς αὐτονομίας ταύτης, i.e. they thank 
him because (they believe) they have obtained this independence through him. 


867] “Ὥσπερ AND ὡς WITH CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTICIPLE 343 


Isoc. iv. 175. ‘Qs yap εἰδότων περὶ dv ἐπέμφθησαν ἀκούετε, for 
you hear them as men who (you believe) know about what they were sent for. 
Dem. xix. 5. 

"EAcye θαρρεῖν ws καταστησομένων τούτων εἰς τὸ δέον, he bade 
them take cowrage, on the ground that these matters were about to be settled 
as they should be. XEN. An. i. 3, 8. “Ex δὲ τούτων εὐθὺς ἐκήρυττον 
ἐξιέναι πάντας Θηβαίους, ὡς τῶν τυράννων τεθνεώτων. because (as 
they said) the tyrants were dead. Id, Hell. v. 4, 9. ᾿Απελογήσατο ὅτι 
οὐχ ὡς τοῖς Ἕλλησι πολεμησόντων σφῶν εἴποι, that he said what 
he did, not because they intended to be at war with the Greeks, Id. An, v. 
6,3. So ds ἐπιβουλεύοντος Τισσαφέρνους ταῖς πόλεσι, on the ground 
that T. was plotting, ib. i. 1,6. ‘Qs οὐ προσοίσοντος (se. ἐμοῦ) 
τὰς χεῖρας, . . . δίδασκε, since (as you may feel sure) I will not lay 
hands on you, teach me, Id, Mem. 11, 6, 32. ὡς avapevovvTos καὶ 
οὐκ ἀποθανο υμέ νοῦ (se, ἐμοῦ), οὕτω παρασκευάζου, make your prepara- 
tions in the idea that I shall remain and shall not die. Id. Cyr. viii. 4, 
27. Nov δὲ, ὡς οὕτω ἐχόντων. στρατιὴν ὡς τάχιστα ἐκπέμπετε. 
Hort. viii. 144. So ὡς βέβαιον ov, Tauc. i. 2; Dem. xviii, 207. 


865. It is a mistake to suppose that ὡς implies that the participle 
does not express the idea of the speaker or writer. It implies nothing 
whatever on this point, which is determined (if at all) by the context. 
The question whether the clause with ws gives the real or the pretended 
opinion of the leading subject is also determined (if at all) by the 
cofitext. 


866. ‘Qs may also be used before participles standing in indirect 
discourse with verbs of knowing, etc. (see 916). 


867. Ὥσπερ, as, as it were, with the participle denotes a 
comparison of the action of the verb with an assumed case. 
The expression may generally be translated by as of with a verb ; 
but the participle is not felt to be conditional in Greek, as is 
shown by the negative ov (not μή). Lg. 

Ὠρχοῦντο ὥσπερ ἄλλοις ἐπιδεικνύμενοι, they danced as uf they 
were showing off to others (i.e. they danced, not really but mn appearance 
showing off). XEN. An, v. 4, 34. Ti ἐμοὶ τοῦτο λέγεις, ὥσπερ οὐκ 
ἐπὶ σοὶ dv ὅ τι ἂν βούλῃ περὶ ἐμοῦ λέγειν ; why do you say this to me, 
as if it were not in your power to say what you please about me? Id. Mem. 
1]. θ, 36. In both these cases, there is a comparison between the 
action stated in the verb and dancing or speaking under circumstances 
stated in the participial clause. The ¢ in our translation is a make- 
shift, which we find convenient in expressing the supposed case In a 
conditional form, which, however, is not the Greek form. The con- 
struction is the same as when ὥσπερ takes a noun, as τὸν κίνδυνον 
παρελθεῖν ἐποίησεν ὥσπερ νέφος, it caused the danger to pass by like a 
cloud, Dem. xviii. 188; only we can translate wo7ep νέφος, but we 
could not translate ὥσπερ νέφος ὄντα. δ ον: 

Ὥσπερ ἤδη σαφῶς εἰδότες ὃ πρακτέον ἐστὶν. οὐκ ἐθέλετ᾽ ἀκούειν, 








344 THE PARTICIPLE [868 


you are unwilling to hear, as if you already knew well what should be done. 
Isoc. viii. 9. ᾿Απήντων ὀλίγοι πρὺς πολλὰς μυριάδας. ὥσπερ ἐν 
ἀλλοτρίαις ψυχαῖς μέλλοντες κινδυνεύσειν, as if they had been about 
to incur the risk with others’ lives, Id. iv. 86. Τὴν ἡμίσειαν εἴληφεν, 
ὥσπερ πρὸς τὸν Δία τὴν χώραν νεμόμενος, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ πρὸς τοὺς 
ἀνθρώπους τὰς συνθήκας ποιούμενος, he has taken half (of the land) 
as uf he were dividing the country with Zeus, and not making a treaty 
with men. Ib. 179. Πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις, ὥσπερ αὐτὸς ἁπλῶς καὶ μετ᾽ 
εὐνοίας πάντας εἰρηκὼς τοὺς λόγους, φυλάττειν ἐμὲ ἐκέλευεν, as uf he 
had himself spoken, etc. Dem. xviii. 276. Of Ἕλληνες οὕτως ἡγανά- 
κτησαν, ὥσπερ ὅλης τῆς ᾿ Ελλάδος πεπορθημένης, as if the whole 
of Greece had been laid waste. Isoc. x. 49. See Id. iv, 53, ὥσπερ οὐ 
τοὺς λόγους ὄντας, and XEN. An, iii, 1, 14, v. 7, 24; Mem. ii. 3, 3: 
Oec. ii. 7. In Prat. Ap. 35 A, we have ὥσπερ ἀθανάτων ἐσομένων 
ἐὰν ὑμεῖς αὐτοὺς μὴ ἀποκτείνητε, i.e. as uf they will be (like men who 
will be) immortal if you do not put them to death, where the future 
participle indicates that there is no condition (473), 

The participle with ὥσπερ generally denotes attendant circumstances 
(843), sometimes manner (836). 


868. “Ὥσπερ, like any particle meaning as, can be followed by εἰ 
and an actual condition, the apodosis of which it represents ; as in 
ὥσπερ εἰ παρεστάτεις. AS (you would do) if you had lived near by, 
AESOH. Ag. 1201. A participle with ὥσπερ εἰ seems to have hardly 
more conditional force than one with the simple ὥσπερ ; as ἐμὲ wou 
καταλιποῦσ᾽ ὡσπερεὶ προκείμενον, you went off and left me as uf I 
had been laid out, Ar. Eccl. 537. See ὥσπερ εἰ νομίζων, DEM. xxx. 7. 

When a real condition is expressed, we generally have ὥσπερ ἂν εἰ, 
as in ὥσπερ ἂν εἴ τις αἰτιῷτο, Dem. xviii. 194, But when ὥσπερ ἂν 
εἰ (or ὡσπερανεί) is followed by a participle or a noun without a verb, 
it is hardly possible that either of the verbs which were originally 
understood with ἄν and εἰ (227) was felt as implied in the language as 
we find it: indeed, it would seldom be possible to supply an actual 
verb. Thus in ὁμοίως διεπορεύθησαν ὡσπερανεὶ προπεμπόμενοι, they 
proceeded as if they were under escort, Isoc. iv. 148, and in ὡσπερανεὶ 
ἡγούμενοι, as if they believed, Dem. xviii, 214. ὥσπερ alone would have 
given essentially the Same sense, So in ἐφοβήθη ὡσπερανεὶ παῖς, 
Puat. Gorg. 479 A, ὥσπερ παῖς, like a child, would probably have 
expressed the whole idea with less emphasis. 


REMARKS ON ὥσπερ AND ὡς WITH THE PARTICIPLE. 


869. 1. In Homer ὥς re, ὡς εἰ, and ὡς εἴ re are used in a sense 
approaching that of ὥσπερ in Attic Greek. ‘Qs here always 
expresses a comparison, and when εἰ is added the form must 
originally have included a condition; but, even in Homer, the 
force of εἰ had become so weakened that it is hardly possible 
that any actual verb was felt to be implied in the expression. £.g. 


874] “Ὥσπερ AND ὡς WITH PARTICIPLE 345 


} a > RM > 7 , ” ae \ Ἂ Ν 3 , 
Αχαιῶν OLTOV GELOELS, WS TE που αὐτὸς TWAPEWV ἢ ἄλλου ἀκού- 
σας, you sing as if you had been present yourself or had heard from another. 
eee rs > ε ¢ , 
Od. viii. 490. Kipxy ἐπήιξα ὥς τε κτάμεναι μενεαίνων, I rushed 
. “» . “ ΄ mys > 
upon Crrce as uf I were eager to kill her. Od. x. 322: so x. 295. ov ὃ 
ε , x4 ” ἧς « ε Ν > Ἄν ey ᾿ 7 
ὁ γέρων εὖ etpedhev, ἀμφαγαπάζομενος ws εἴ θ᾽ ἐὸν υἱὸν ἐόντα, 
ὼ ‘ ἀν ὼ - ‘ ᾽ , > 
welcoming him as (if he had been) his own son. 1]. xvi. 191. Πόλλ 
ὀλοφυρόμενοι ws εἰ θανατόνδε κιόντα, as (if he were) going to death. 1]. 
. © ryy 7 ” - ε ” . e 7 Ρ] a 
xxiv. 327. Tis νύ σε τοιάδ᾽ ἔρεξεν, ὡς εἴ τι κακὸν ῥέζουσαν evwry, 
᾽ ᾽ . "ἀν » A ’ »Α 
as uf you were doing any evil openly. Il. v. 373. Καπνὸς γίγνεται εξ 
αὐτῆς, ὡς εἰ πυρὸς αἰθομένοιο, as (if) when a fire ts burning. Tl. xxii. 


149 ; so Od. xix. 39. 


2. In Homer ws εἰ may have a noun without a participle. Here 
the comparative force is specially clear, as the difficulty of supplying a 
verb with εἰ is specially great : see pe ἀσύφηλον ἔρεξεν ὡς εἴ τιν᾽ ἀτίμη- 
TOV μετανάστην, he made me of no account, like some dishonoured stranger, 
Il. ix. 648, xvi. 59. So ws εἴ τε κατὰ ῥόον. as if down stream, Od. 
Xiv. 254; ὥς Te περὶ ψυχῆς. as ut were for my life, Od. ix, 423.1 

870. The weak conditional force that appears in the Homeric ὡς 
εἰ with a participle or a noun (869) helps to explain the perhaps still 
weaker condition of ὥσπερ εἰ or ὥσπερ ἂν εἰ in Attic Greek (868). 

871. The very few cases of ws with the participle in Homer do not 
indicate that ws had yet begun to develop its later force (864). See 
Od, xvi. 21, πάντα κύσεν περιφὺς, ὡς ἐκ θανάτοιο φυγόντα, he kissed 
him all over, like one escaped from death, though we might translate since 
he fe lt that T. had escaped from death. No such force is possible, how- 
ever, in Il. xxiii. 430, ws οὐκ ἀΐέοντι ἐοικώς, appearing like one who 
heard not. 

872. Herodotus uses ὥστε with the participle in the sense of are, 
although he has ws with the participle in the Attic sense (864). See 
examples under 863. 


873. ‘Qs εἰ (or ὡσεί) and ὡς εἴ τε appear occasionally in Attic 
1 . . . . . Υ 4 

h nouns or adjectives in their Homeric sense. So ματὴρ 

ὡσεί τις πιστά. like some faithful mother, SOPH. El. 23 ; TTVOAGS 


poetry wilt 


ε , ~ ~ 9 sre 
WOTEL TE OUT LEV), spurning her as an enemy, Ant. 653. 


874. “ὥσπερ with the participle occasionally seems to have the 
same force as ate or οἷον; as in Eur. Hipp. 1307, ὁ δ᾽ ὥσπερ ov 
δίκαιος οὐκ ἐφέσπετο λόγοις, invsmuch as he was just, ete. Or is the 
meaning here he, like a gust man ? 

“»" ry ” c »! ~ “~ / ᾽ ’, na ΠΣ, 
In ΡΙΑΊ. Rep. 330 E, WYTOL ὑπὸ TIS TOV γήρως ἀσθενείας και 


“ wa ; , πὶ ~ τι , ~ > , 
ὥσπερ On ἐγγυτέρω Ov τῶν ἐκεῖ μᾶλλόν τι καθορᾷ αὐτά, the same 
force is generally given to ὥσπερ. But it may have the comparative 
force : either hecause of the feebleness of old agé, or pe rhaps ( feeling) like 


one who is nearer the other world, he takes a@ more careful view of it,—a 
' See Lange, Partikel ET, pp. 235-243. 1 cannot follow Lange (p. 241), in 


making the Attic ws with the participle the natural successor of the Homeric 
ws ef with the participle. 





346 THE PARTICIPLE [875 


genitive of cause with ὑπό and a participle of circumstance being 
united under ἤτοι and 7. 


᾿ ᾿ . ᾿ " 
Omission of ὧν. 


875. The participle Gv is sometimes omitted, leaving a pre- 

dicate adjective or noun standing by itself. 
This oceurs chiefly after ἅτε, ofa, ws, or καίπερ, and much 
more frequently with predicate adjectives than with nouns. £.g. 
᾿Αλλὰ γιγνώσκω σαφῶς, καίπερ σκοτεινὸς (sc. ὦν), τήν γε σὴν 
αὐδὴν ὅμως, although my sight is darkened. Sopn. O. T. 1325. “Edy 
κηρύξειν μηδεμίαν πόλιν δέχεσθαι αὐτοὺς, ws πολεμίους (sc. ὄντας), 
that no city should receive them, on the ground that they were enemies. 
XEN. An. vi. 6, 9. So ws φέλους ἤδη, Cyr. iii. 2, 25. Αὐτὸ ἐπιτη- 
δεύουσιν ws ἀναγκαῖον ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ws ἀγαθόν (sc. dv), they practise it 
on the ground that it is necessary, and not on the cain that it is good, 
Puat. Rep. 358C. Ἢ μὴν ἔτι Ζεὺς, καίπερ αὐθάδης (sc. dv) φρενῶν, 
ἔσται ταπεινός. AESCH. Prom. 907. 

So in the genitive and accusative absolute. “Qs ἐτ τοίμω ν δὴ Χρη- 
μάτων (sc. ὄντων). Xen. An. vii. 8, 11. ‘Qs ἐμοῦ pov ns πέλας (se. 
ovens), since I alone am near you. Sopu. O. C. 83. ‘Qs καλὸν (se. ὃν) 
ἀγορεύεσθαι αὐτόν, on the ground that it is good for it (the speech) to 
be spoken. Tuuc. ii, 35. Σὺ πρῶτος, ὡς οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον sc, Ov) TO 
κλέπτειν, αἰτιᾷ τὸν κλέπτοντα. XEN. Cyr. ν. 1, 13. ‘Qs ἄρα παντὶ 
δῆ λον (se. ὃν) ὅτι κοινὰ τὰ φίλων ἔσται. PLAT. Rep. 449 C. 


(With nouns.) LvOis, οἷα δὴ παῖς (se. ὧν) φύσει φιλόστοργος, 
entre αὐτόν, as he was by nature an affectionate child. XEN. Cyr. i. 


3, 2. Αὐτοὺς eis τὴν πολιτείαν οὐ παραδεξόμεθα, ἅτε τυραννίδος 
e , ww . . . - 

υμνητάς (sc. ὄντας), since they sing the praises of tyranny. PLar. Rep. 
568 B. 


2. Without the above mentioned particles (875, 
rarely omitted, and probably only in poetry. 1.0. 

Τοὺς ὄρνις, ὧν ὑφηγητῶν (se. ὄντων) ἐγὼ κτανεῖν ἔμελλον πατέρα 
τὸν ἐμόν, the birds, by whose guidance, etc. SopH. Ὁ. T. 966. So 1260, 
and O. C. 1588. Noets θάπτειν σφ᾽, ἀπόρρητον πόλει (sc. dv), do you 
think of burying him, when it ts forbidden to the city. Id, Ant. 


. The adjectives ἑκών, willing, and ἄκων, unwilling, omit ὦν 
like participles. 1.5. 

"Epov μὲν οὐχ ἑκόντος, against my will. SopH. Aj. 455. ᾿Αέκον- 
τος ἐμεῖο. Tl. 1.301. Νικίαν καὶ Δημοσθένην ἄκοντος tov Γυλίππου 
ἀπέσφαξαν. THuC. vii. 86. So ΑἘΕΞΟΗ. Prom.771. Παρὰ τούτων οὐκ 
ἄν ποτε λάβοις λόγον οὔτε ἑκόντων οὔτε ἀκόντων. PLAT. Theaet. 
180 αὶ 

A predicate adjective or noun sometimes stands without ὦν, 
when it is connected by a conjunction to a participle in the same 
construction. ἢ. 





877] COMBINATIONS OF CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTICIPLES 347 
Τί pe οὐκ ὀλομέναν ὑβρίζεις, GAN ἐπίφαντον ; why do you insult 
me when I am not yet dead, but am before your eyes? Sopx. Ant. 8939, 
Λόγοις δὲ συμβὰς καὶ θεῶν ἀνώμοτος. Eur. Med. 737: so Or, 457. 
Λύτρα φέρων καὶ ἱκέτης (sc. dv) τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν. Piat. Rep. 393 Ὁ. 
So Hor. i. 60 (ἀπολείπουσα... καὶ εὐειδής), and 6ὅ (ἀδελφιδέου 
μὲν... βασιλεύοντος δέ); THuc. iii. 82 (οὐκ ἂν ἐχόντων πρόφασιν 
οὐδ᾽ ἑτοίμων). See other examples in Kiihner, vol. ii. § 491. 


Combinations of Circumstantial Particrples. 


876. As the participle in the genitive or accusative absolute 
denotes the same relations (time, cause, etc.) as the circumstantial 
participle in its ordinary construction (833-845), both may be 
used in the same sentence and be connected by conjunctions. 
When several participles denoting these relations occur in any 
sentence, those which belong to substantives already connected 
with the main construction agree with these in case, while those 
which refer to some new subjects stand with these in the genitive 
absolute ; any which are impersonal standing in the accusative 
absolute. δ}... 

Oi μὲν "EAAnves στραφέντες παρεσκευάζοντο ὡς ταύτῃ προσιόντος 
(se. τοῦ βασιλέως) καὶ δεξόμενοι, they prepared themselves with a view 
to his (the King’s) coming up and to receiving him. XEN. An. 1. 10, 6. 
Kai πάντα διαπραξάμενος ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ (Κλέων), καὶ ψηφισα- 
μένων ᾿Αθηναίων αὐτῷ τὸν πλοῦν, τῶν τε ἐν Πύλῳ στρατηγῶν ἕνα 
π προσελόμενος, τὴν ἀναγωγὴν διὰ τάχους ἐποιεῖτο. Tuuc. iv. 29. 
᾿Αλκιβιάδης τοῖς Πελοποννησίοις ὕποπτος OV, καὶ ἀπ᾿ αὐτῶν ἀφικο- 

μέν nS ἐπιστολῆς ὥστ᾽ ἀποκτεῖναι, ὑποχωρεῖ παρὰ Τισσαφέρνην. Τά. 
vill. 45, Τῆς γὰρ ἐμπορίας οὐκ οὔσης οὐδ᾽ ἐπιμιγνύ ντες ἀδεῶς 
ἀλλήλοις οὔτε κατὰ γῆν οὔτε διὰ θαλασσης, ν εμόμενοί τε τὰ ἑαυτῶν 
ἕκαστοι ὅσον ἀποζὴν καὶ περιουσίαν χρημάτων οὐ K EXO VTES οὐδὲ γῆν 
φυ revovTes, ἀδηλὸν ὃν ὁπότε τις ἐπελθὼν καὶ ἀτειχίστων ἅμα 
ὄντων ἄλλος ἀφαιρήσεται, τῆς τε καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἀναγκαίου ἜΠΗ 
πανταχοῦ ἂν ἡ γού μενοι ἐπικρατεῖν, οὐ χαλεπῶς ἀπανίσταντο. Id. 
2. Here οὔσης and ἐπιμιγνύντες belong to the leading clause; νεμό- 
μενοι, ἔχοντες, and putevovres —corresponding to »yotvpevor—are in 
the second line ; ἄδηλον ov depends on νεμόμενοι, etc., and introduces 
the indirect question ὁπότε. . . ἀφαιρήσεται, Which contains ἐπελθών 
and ἀτειχίστων ὄντων as circumstantial participles, 


σα SUPPLEMENTARY PARTICIPLE. 
877. The supplementary participle completes the idea 
expressed by a verb, by stating that to which its action 
relates. It often approaches very near the use of the 





348 THE PARTICIPLE [878 


object infinitive. It may belong to either the subject or 
the object of the verb and agree with it in case. 4g. 
Παύομέν σε λέγοντα, we stop you from speaking ; παυόμεθα λέ- 
YOVTES, We cease speaking. 
878, The supplementary participle has two uses. In 
one of these it corresponds to the infinitive in indirect 


discourse, with its tenses representing the same tenses of 
the direct form; and in the other it corresponds to the 
object infinitive in other constructions, so far as it ap- 
proaches the infinitive at all in meaning. (See 746.) 


Compare παύομέν oe λέγοντα, we stop you from speaking, with 
δείκνυσί σε λέγοντα τἀληθῆ, he shows that yu speak the truth ; 
and compare both with κωλύομέν σε λέγειν, we prevent you from 
speaking, and φησί σε λέγειν τἀληθῆ, he says that you speak the 
truth. 


I. Not ΙΝ INprREcT DISCOURSE. 


879. I. The participle may be used with verbs signifying 
to begin, to continue, to endure, to persevere, to cease, to stop (1.6, cause 
to cease), and to permit or put up with. E.. 

᾿Εγὼ δ᾽ ἦρχον χαλεπαίνων, and I was the first to be angry. 1]. ii 
378. Ἄρξομαι ἀπὸ τῆς ἰατρικῆς λέγων, I will begin iy speech with 
the art of medicine. PLAT. Symp. 1868Β. A ὕτη ἡ οἰκίη διατελέει μούνη 
ἐλευθέρη ἐοῦσα Ilepoewr, this house continues to be the only free one 
among the Persians. Hpvt. iii. 83. So Xen, An. iv. 3, 2; Dem. xviii. 
l. Οὐκ ἀνέξομαι ζῶσα, 1 shall not endure life. Evre Hipp. 354. 
᾿Ανέχεσθαί τινων ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίας λέγόντων, to endure certain men 
saying. Dem. ix. 6. So ἀνέξει λέγοντος ἐμοῦ περὶ τούτων ; will you 
allow me to say? Piat. Rep. 613 C. With the accusative: καὶ ταῦτ᾽ 
᾿Ιάσων παῖδας ἐξανέξεται πάσχοντας ; and will Jason endure to have 
his children suffer this? Eur. Med. 74. Λιπαρέετε μένοντες, persevere 
and hold your ground. Hor. ix. 45. Oi 8 ἐκαρτέρουν πρὸς κῦμα 
λακτίζοντες. Eur. 1. T. 1395. Τρῶας δ᾽ οὐ λήξω ἐναρίζων, 1 
will not stop slaying Trojans, Il. xxi. 224. [Παῦσαι λέγουσα, stop 
talking. Eur. Hipp. 706 ; ΝΟ 47 4͵ Τὴν φι λοσοφίαν παῦσον ταῦτα 
λέγουσαν . stop a from talking in this style. Piat. Gorg. 482 
A. ’Exeivowt ταῦτα ποιεῦσι οὐκ ἐπ LT pew Ted ἐστί, we must not allow 
them to act in this way. Hor. ix. 58. Ἢ πόλις αὐ breve οὐκ ἐπιτρέψει 
παραβαίνουσι τὸν νόμον, the city will not put up with their trans- 
gression of the law. Isoc. xii. 170, 


880. The poets sometimes have the participle with τολμάω 
and rAdw, to endure, to have courage, and with μένω, to await, which 
usually take the infinitive. £.g. 





882] SUPPLEMENTARY PARTICIPLE 949 


τόλμα βαλλόμενος. Od. xxiv, 162. Τόλμα δ᾽ ἐρῶσα, have 
the courage to love. Eur. Hipp. 476. TAjvai σε δρῶσαν av ἐγὼ 
παραινέσω, that you take cowrage to do what I shall advise. Soru. EI. 
943. So πραθέντα τλῆναι, endured to be sold, ἈΈΒΟΗ. Ag. 1041; 
σπείρας ἔτλα, was bold enough to plant, Sept. 754. "Odpa μένοιεν 
νοστήσαντα ἄνακτα, that they might await the king’s return. I. xiii. 
38 (compare iv, 247, μένετε Τρῶας ἐλθέμεν 5). 

For the aorist participle in the last three examples, see 148. 


881. II. The participle may be used with many verbs which 
denote a state of the feelings, as those signifying to repent, to be 
weary, to be pleased, displeased, satisfied, angry, troubled, or ashamed. 
Eq. 

Μετεμέλοντο τὰς σπονδὰς ov δεξάμενοι, they repented that they 
had not accepted the peace, Tuuc. iv. 27. Τοὺς δεσμώτας μετεμέλοντο 
ἀποδεδωκότες, they repented of having returned the prisoners, Id, v. 
35. Εἰ μετεμέλησέ οἱ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον μαστιγώσαντι. whether he 
repented that he had scowrged the Hellespont. Hor. vii. 54. *Kav τις μὴ 
ἀπ οκάμνῃ (ζητῶν, provided one vs not weary of seeking. Puat. Men. 81 
D. Tw μέν ῥα χαῖρον VOUT ἥσαντι, the y rejoiced in has return. Od. 
xix. 463: so Il. xviii, 259. ΖΦ ιμώμεν οι χαίρουσιν, they delight to be 
honoured. Eur. Hipp. 8. Xaipovow ἐξεταζομέν OLS τοῖς οἰομένοις 
μὲν εἶναι σοφοῖς οὖσι δ᾽ ov, Le. they delight in having them examined. 
Prat. Ap. 33 C. In poetry χαίρω may have the accusative: τοὺς 
yap εὐσεβεῖς θεοὶ θνήσκοντας οὐ χαίρουσι, for the Gods do not rejowce 
in the death of the pious. Eur. Hipp. 1340, Σὲ μὲν εὖ πράσσοντ᾽ 
ἐπιχαίρω. SopH, Aj. 136. Φιλέω with nominative: φιλεῖς δὲ δρῶσ᾽ 
αὐτὸ σφύδρα, and you are very fond of doing it. ΑΒ. Pl. 645. Ov γάρ 
TiS TOL ἀνιᾶται παρεόντι. Od. xv. 335. Τῆς Αἰολίδος χαλεπῶς 
ἔφερεν ἀπεστερ ἡμέν OS, he took ut hard that he Was deprived of Aeolis. 
Xen. Hell. iii. 2, 13. “Yo σμικροτέρων τιμώμενοι ἀγαπῶσιν, they 
are content to be honoured by smaller men. Part. Rep. 475 B. *EAey- 
χόμενοι ἤχθοντο, they were vexed at being exposed, XEN, Mem. Ἔ z. 
47. Τοὺς φρονίμους ἀγανακτεῖν ἀποθνήσκοντας πρέπει, it is 
right to be indignant when the wise die. Pirar. Phaed. 62 E. ‘Qs μισῶ 
σ᾽ ἔχων. Eur. Supp. 1108. Οὐ νεμεσῶ ‘Ayupepvove ὀτρύνοντι 
μάχεσθαι ᾿Αχαιούς. 1]. iv. 418. ᾿Αδικούμενοι μᾶλλον ὀργίῷῶνται 
ἢ βιαζόμενοι. Tuc. i. 17. Τοῦτο οὐκ αἰσχύνομαι λέγων, I say 
this without shame (see 903, 1). XEN. Cyr. Vs 1, 21. Αἰόεσαι πατέρα 
προλείπων. ΞΟΡΗ. ΑἹ. 506. Νικώμενος λόγοισιν οὐκ ἀναίνομαι. 
I am not sorry non piget to be overcome by your words, AXESCH. Ag. 583. 
Kt δράσας ὃέ σ᾽ οὐκ ἀναίνομαι, I do not regret that I helped you. Eur. 
H. F. 1235. Oavotou οὐκ ἀναίνομαι, I do not regret my death (about 
to come), Id. 1. A. 1503. ᾿Αναίνομαι τὸ γῆρας ὑμῶν εἰσορῶν, I am 
troubled at the sight, etc. Id. Bacch. 251. (Avaivopat, refuse, takes 
the infinitive: see AgscH. Ag, 1652.) 


882. Most of the participles of 881 denote a cause or ground of 
action, and might be placed under 838. (See 823.) 





50 THE PARTICIPLE [883 


883. III. The participle with verbs signifying ¢o find, to detect, 
or to represent, denotes an act or state in w hich a person or thing 
is found, detected, or represented. E.9. 


Εὗρεν δ᾽ εὐρύοπα Κρονίδην ἄτερ ἥμενον ἄλλων, she found the son 
of Kronos sitting apart, Il. i. 498. Soi. 27. Ὁ δὲ κῆρυξ ἀφικόμενος 
εὗρε τοὺς ἄνδρας διεφθαρμένους, the herald, when he came, fownd the 
men already put to death. Tuuc. ii. 6. “Hv yap εὑρεθῇ λέγων σοὶ 
ταὔτ᾽, ἔγωγ᾽ ἂν ἐκπεφευγοίην πάθος, tf he shall be found to tell the same 
story as you, etc. Sopu. O. T. 839. Καταλαμβάνουσι τὴν Ποτίδαιαν 
καὶ τἄλλα ἀφεστηκότα, they find Potidaea and the other towns in 
revolt. THuc. i. 59. Κακός γ᾽ ὧν ἐς φίλους ἁλίσκεται, he is detected 
in baseness, Eur. Med. 84. ᾿Εὰν ἁλῷς ἔτι τοῦτο πράττων, ἀποθανεῖ, 
af you are ever caught doing this again, you shall die. PLAT. Ap. 29 C. 
So Rep. 389 Ὁ. Βασιλέας πεποίηκε τοὺς ἐν “Avdov τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον 
τιμωρου μέ vous, he has represented kings in Hades as suffering punish- 
ment without ceasing. Id. Gorg. 525 Ὁ. “AxAnrtov ἐποίησεν (“Opnpos) 
ἐλθόντα τὸν Μενέλεων ἐπὶ τὴν θοίνην. Id. Symp. 174 C. 

It is sometimes difficult to distinguish this use of the participle 
from that of indirect discourse, especially with εὑρίσκω. (See 904.) 


884. IV. The participle (not in indirect discourse) with verbs 
signifying to hear, learn (hear of), see, or percetve denotes the act 
which is perceived or heard of (not, as in indirect discourse, the 
fact that the act occurs). Here the participle approaches very 
nearly the ordinary object infinitive in its use, and the tenses of 
the participle differ only as the same tenses of the infinitive differ 
in such constructions, the aorist not denoting past time (148). 
E.9. 

Βαρὺ δὲ στενάχοντος ἄκουσεν, and he heard him groaning heavily. 
Od. viii. 95. Ei δὲ φθεγξαμένου τευ ἢ αὐδήσαντος ἄκουσεν, but 
if he had heard any one call or speak, Od. ix.497. (The aorist participles 
denote the occurrence of the act, as the present denotes its progress.) 
Ἤκουσα δέ ποτε αὐτοῦ καὶ περὶ φίλων ὃ ιαλεγομένου, I once heard 
him discourse, etc. (see 886). Xen. Mem. ii. 4,1. Τοσαῦτα φωνή- 
σαντος (sc. αὐτοῦ) εἰσηκούσαμεν, so much we heard him say. SOPH. 
O. C. 1645. Ἤδη πώποτέ tov ἤκουσας αὐτῶν λόγον διδόντος οὐ 
καταγέλαστον ; ῬιμΑτ, Rep. 493 Ὁ. Μεγάλ᾽ ἔκλυεν αὐδήσαντος. 
Od. iv. 505. Οὐ πω πεπύσθην Πατρόκλοιο θανόντος. they had not 
yet heard of the death of Patroclus. 1]. xvii. 377; so 427, “Qs ἐπύθοντο 
τῆς Πύλου κατειλημμένης:- when they heard of the capture of Pylus. 
Tuuc. iv. 6. (But with the accusative, in ὅτι πύθοιτο τὸ ΠΠλημμύριον 
ἑαλωκός, that he had heard that P. was captured, vil. 31, as indirect 
discourse. See Classen’s note on iv. 6.) Οἱ τούτους ὁρῶντες πά- 
σχοντας, those who see these suffer. Puat. Gorg. 525 C. Ξ Μή σε ἴδωμαι 
θεινομένην. Il. i. 587. So Od. x. 99. To KE μ᾽ wots πρώτοισιν 
évt προμάχοισιν μιγέντα, then would you see me mingle with the fore- 


sas 


most champions, Od. xviii. 379 ; so 176, ὃν ἡρὼ γενειήσαντα ἰδε- 


886] SUPPLEMENTARY PARTICIPLE 951] 


σθαι, to see with a beard. To πώποτ᾽ εἶδες ἤδη ἀγαθόν τι γενόμενον; ; 
to whom did you ever yet see any good come ! ? Ar. Nub, 1061. “Orav αὐτὸν 
ἴδῃ ἐξαίφνης πταΐσαντα πρὸς τῇ πόλει καὶ ἐκχέαντα τά τε αὑτοῦ 
καὶ ἑαυτόν, when he sees him sudde nly come into collision with the state 
and fall overboard with all his belongings. PLat. Rep. 553 A, Ei μὴ 
ὥφθησαν ἐλθόντες. ΤΉσο. iv. 73. (The aorist participle with a verb 
of seeing is not common in prose.) Αἰσθόμενος Λαμπροκλέα πρὸς τὴν 
μητέρα 'χαλεπ αίνοντα, perceiving Lamprocles angry with his mother. 
XEN, Mem. ii. 2, 1. Οὐδεμίαν πώποτε ἀγέλην ἠσθήμεθα συστᾶσαν 
ἐπὶ τὸν νομέα. Id. Cyr. i. 1, 2. So also αἰσθάνομαι with the genitive : 
hen μου ἢ Wev δομαρτυ ροὐντοςἢ συ κοφαντοῦντος; Td. Mem. 

.4,11. Oluai σε οὐκ ἂν φάναι γενομένου ποτὲ ἐν σαυτῷ τοῦ 
τοιούτου αἰσθέσθαι. I think you would not say that you ever knew such 
a thing to happen within yourself. Prat. Rep. 440 B. Tov δὲ νόησεν 
ἑστεῶτ᾽, and he perceived him standing. Il. iv. 200. 


885. The participle may be used in a similar way, having the 
same distinction of present and aorist (884), with περιορῶ 
(περιεῖδον), and sometimes with ἐφορῶ, εἰσορῶ (ἐπεῖδον, εἰσεῖδον), 
and even the simple ὁρῶ (εἶδον), in the sense of overlook, allow, or 
not to prevent. Eg. 

Τοὺς ξυμμάχους οὐ περιοψόμεθα ἀδικουμένους, we shall not let 
our dlves be wronged. THuc.i. 86. Μείζω γιγνόμενον τὸν ἄνθρωπον 
περιορῶμεν, we allow the man to grow greater. De. 1X, 29. “Ypiv ἐπι- 
σκήπτω. .. μὴ περιιδεῖν τὴν ἡγεμονίην αὖτις ἐς Μήδους περιελ- 
θοῦσαν, I adjure you not to see the leader rship come round again into the 
hands of the Medes. Hov. iii. 65. Μὴ 2 περιίδωμεν ὑβρισθεῖσαν τὴν 
Λακεδαίμονα καὶ καταφρονηϑεῖ ἔσαν, let us not allow Lacedaemon to 
be insulted and de spised. Isoc. vi. 108. Περιεῖδε τὸν αὑτοῦ πατέρα 
καὶ ζῶντα τῶν ἀναγκαίων σπανίζοντα καὶ τελευτήσαντα οὐτυχόντα 
τῶν γομέμων, he allowed his own father to remain in want (pres.) of the 
necessarves of life while he lived, and not to recewve (aor.) a decent burial 
when he died, Din. ii. 8. Καὶ μή μ᾽ ἔρημον ἐκπεσοῦσαν eloidys, do 
not see me driven out without a friend. Eur. Med. 712. My pe ἰδεῖν 
θανόνθ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἀστῶν, not to see me killed by citizens. Id. Or. 746. See 
other examples of the aorist participle with these verbs in 148. For 
the infinitive, often in nearly the same sense, see 903, 6. 


886. The verbs of perception included in 884 may take the participle 
also in indirect discourse, with the natural force of each tense preserved 
(see 904). With some of these verbs, the construction of the participle 
. generally shown by its case: thus ἀκούω and πυνθάνομαι in Attic 
Greek regularly take the genitive in the construction of 884, and the 
accusative in indirect discourse. See Ellendt, Lex, Sophocl. s.v. ἀκούω, 
who does not allow an exception in Sopw, Ph. 615. For the less fixed 
usage of Homer with ἀκούω and πεύθομαι, see Schmitt in Schanz’s 
Bettrdge, p. 9. Other verbs, as ὁρῶ, have the accusative regularly in 
both constructions, but the context generally makes the meaning 





352 THE PARTICIPLE [887 


plain : see, however, Eur. Hec. 342. Αἰσθάνομαι sometimes has the 
genitive, as in some examples in 884, but not im indirect discourse. 


887. V. With λανθάνω, to escape the notice of, τυγχάνω, to happen, 
and φθάνω, to anticipate or get the start of, the participle contains 
the leading idea of the expression and is usually translated by a 
verb in English. Here the aorist participle does not denote 
time past relatively to the leading verb (unless the latter is a 
present or imperfect), but coincides with it in time (144). Other 
tenses of the participle express their usual relations of time to 
the verb (147). £.g. 

Povéa τοῦ παιδὺς ἐλάνθανε βόσκων, he was wnconsciously supporting 
the slayer of his son. νι. i. 44. Ἢ σε λανθάνει πρὸς τοὺς φίλους 
στείχοντα τῶν ἐχθρῶν κακά; are you unaware that our enem ves’ evils 
are advancing upon our friends? Sor. Ant. 9. Τοὺς δ᾽ ἔλαθ᾽ εἰσελ- 
θὼν Πρίαμος, and Priam entered unnoticed by them. 1]. xxiv. 477 ; 80 
xvii. 1. Μή σε λάθῃσιν κεῖσ᾽ ἐξορμήσασα, lest the ship be driven 
thither before you know it. Od. xii. 220, Φύλασσε δ᾽ 6 γ᾽ εἰς ἐνιαυτὸν, 
μή ἑ λάθοι παριών. Od. iv. 526. ‘Paov ἔλαθον ἐσελθόντες, they 
entered more easily without being noticed. THuc. 11. 2. ᾿Ἐλάθομεν ἡμᾶς 
αὐτοὺς παίδων οὐδὲν διαφέροντες; did we never find out that all the 
time we were no better than children? Puiav, Crit. 49 Β. (See 147, 2.) 

᾿Αρχίδαμος αὐτῷ ξένος Ov ἐτύγχανε. THUC. ii. 13. Ὃ ἡγεμὼν 
ἐτύγχανε τεθνηκώς, it happened that the guide had died (was dead). 
Id. iii. 98. "ἔτυχον ἔφοροι ἕτεροι ἄρχοντες ἤδη, there happened to 
be other Ephors already in office. Id. v. 36. "ἔτυχεν ἡμῶν ἢ φυλὴ 
πρυτανεύουσα, our tribe happened to hold the prytany. PLAT. Ap. 32 B. 
"ἔτυχον καθήμενος ἐνταῦθα. Id. Euthyd. 272 E. Ἔν tw σκότῳ 
γὰρ τοῦτ᾽ ἔτυχον ἔνδον λαβών. Ar. Eccl. 375, ἔτυχον παραγενο- 
μενος ἵππον ἔχων, I caine, as ut happe ned, with a horse. Pat. Symp. 
221 A. Ἐς Ναύπακτον, ἣν ἔτυχον ἡρηκότες νεωστί, in Naupactus, 
which it happened they had lately captured. Tuuc. i. 103. (See 147, 1.) 
Ἐὰν μή τις αὐτῇ βοηθήσας θεῶν τύχῃ, unless some God by chance 
comes to its aid. Piat. Rep. 492 A; so 495 B. Κἂν εἰ τύχοιεν ἐν τῳ 
παραχρῆμα κυκεῶνα πιόντες. even if they should happen to drink a 
κυκεών on the spot. Ib. 408 B. 

Φθάνουσιν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὰ καταφεύ yovTes, they are the first to run to 
them. AESCHIN. 111. 248. Αὐτοὶ φθήσονται τοῦτο δράσαντες, they 
will do this for themselves first. PLat. Rep. 375 C. "EdOynoav πολλῷ 
TOUS Πέρσας ἀπικόμενοι, they arrived long before the Persians. Hpt. 
iv. 136. Βουλόμενοι φθῆναι τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ἀπικόμενοι ἐς τὸ ἄστυ. 

Id. vi. 115. Φθάνει πᾶσαν ex 
(Ate) harms men over the whole earth before Praye rs can avail. 1]. ix. 
506. "EO ὀρεξάμενος, he hit him first. Il. xvi. 322. ᾿Οππότερός 
κε φθησιν ὀρεξάμενος χρόα καλόν, whichever shall first hit. Il, xxiii. 


> , » " ; . 
αιαν βλάπτουσ ἀνθρωπους, 1.6, she 


.] vw 7 4 7 4 4“. Ἂ -_ ᾽ 
805. Ovx ἐφθασαν πυθόμενοι τὸν πόλεμον καὶ ἧκον, NO sooner did. 
. > 7 a 
they hear of the war than they came. Isoc. iv. 86. @Gavover (hist. 
: ole ἢ ‘ , eal eee 
pres. ) ἐπὶ TH ἄκρῳ γενόμενοι TOUS πολεμίους. XEN. An. iil. 4, 49. 





893] PARTICIPLE WITH λανθάνω, τυγχάνω, ETC. 353 


888. So sometimes with δια λανθάνω and the poetic λήθω Eg. 

Τοιαύτης πολιτείας μετέχειν, ἐν ἣ μὴ διαλήσει χρηστὸς dv. Isoc. 
iii, 16. Οὐδέ σε λήθω κινύμενος, nor do I ever move without your 
knowledge. ΤΊ. x. 279. 


889. Kupéw in poetry takes the participle like τυγχάνω. ΚΠ... 

Τοῦτον οἶσθ᾽ εἰ ζῶν κυρεῖ; do you know whether perchance he is 
alive? Sopu. Ph. 444. Zeowopéevos κυρεῖ. AxEscH. Pets. 503. 
Ταῦτ᾽ εἰρηκὼς κυρεῖ; Id. Ο. C. 414. Ἐχθρὸς ὧν κυρεῖ. Eur. Ale. 
954. 

So συγκυρέω in Hor. viii. 87, with the aorist participle (144): εἰ 
συνεκύρησε ἡ TOV Καλυνδέων παραπεσοῦσα νηΐς. 


890. Συμπίπτω (chiefly in Herodotus) and συμβαίνω may take 
the participle like τυγχάνω. ἢ... 

Καὶ τόδε ἕτερον συνέπεσε γενόμενον, and this other event occurred, 
as it chanced, Ηντ. ἰχ. 101. Συνεπεπτώκεε ἔρις ἐοῦσα, tt had happened 
that there was a quarrel, Τὰ. 1. 82. Οὕτω γὰρ συμβαίνει ἅμα καὶ ἡ 
τῶνδε εὐγένεια κοσμουμένη. Prat. Menex. 937 Ο. Πάντα ξυμβαΐίνει 
γιγνόμενα. Id, Phil. 42 C. Ὅπου ἂν ξυμπίπτῃ ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ καλὰ 
ἤθη ἐνοντα. Id. Rep. 402 Ὁ. 


891. Θαμίζω, to be wont or frequent, may take the participle. 
E.9. 

Οὔ τι κομιζόμενός ye θάμιξεν, he was not used to being thus cared 
for. Od. viii. 451. Ov Oapifers καταβαίνων εἰς τὸν Πειραιᾶ, you 
do not come down to the Piraeus very often. Puat. Rep. 328 C. 

For examples of the aorist participle with the present or imperfect 
of some of the above verbs (887-890), retaining its own reference to 
past time, see 146. 

892. As λανθάνω is active and means to escape the notice of, it must 
have an object expressed or understood. When none is expressed, 
sometimes πάντας is understood, and sometimes a reflexive referring to 
the subject. Thus ἔλαθε τοῦτο ποιήσας may mean either he did this 
without any one’s knowing it (sc. πάντας), or he did this wnconsciously 
(sc, ἑαυτόν). 


893. The usual construction of λανθάνω and φθάνω (and rarely 
that of τυγχάνω and κυρέω) with the participle may be reversed, 
these verbs appearing in the participle, and what is generally the 
participle becoming the verb. £.g. 

“Ay ἀπὸ τείχεος GAto λαθών, back from the wall he leaped secretly 
(for ἔλαθεν GApevos). 1]. xii. 390. Ὅπως μὴ ποιῶνται ἔκπλους αὐτό- 
θεν λανθάνοντες. ΤΉσο. iii. 51. Ὅς μ᾽ ἔβαλε φθάμενος, who took 
advantage of me and hit me. Il. ν. 119. Φθάνοντες ἤδη δῃοῦμεν τὴν 
ἐκείνων γῆν. XEN. Cyr. iii. 3,18. Τὴν ἐσβολὴν φθάσαντες προκατέ- 
λαβον. THuc. iv. 127; so ii 52. Ὀλίγ᾽ ἀληθῆ πολλὰ δὲ ψευδῆ 
λέγει τυχών, ie. speaks at random. Eur. I. A. 957. Πλησίον γὰρ 
ἦν κυρῶν, for he happened to be near. Soru. Ph. 371. 


2A 








354 THE PARTICIPLE [894 


894. The phrase οὐκ dv φθάνοις (Or οὐκ av φθάνοιτε), you 
could not be too soon, is used with the participle as an exhortation, 
meaning the sooner the better. The first and third persons are 
less common in this sense δ. 


᾿Αποτρέχων οὐκ ἂν φθάνοις, the sooner _ run off the better. AR. 
Pl. 1133. So Hor, vii. 162; Xen. Mem. 11. 11, 1. Οὐκ ἂν φ θάνοις 
λέγων, the sooner you speak the better. ~hea Symp. 185 E. Οὐκ ἂν 
φθάνοιμι (λέγων), I might as well speak at once, Ib, 214 E. Ect py 
τιμωρήσεσθε τούτους, οὐκ ἂν φθάνοι TO πλῆθος τούτοις τοῖς θηρίοις 
δουλεῦον, the people might as well be slaves to these beasts at once. DEM. 
xxiv. 143, 


895. VI. The participle, with many verbs signifying to come 
or to 90, contains the leading idea of the expression. Such verbs 
are οἴχομαι, to be gone, ἥκω, to have come, ἔρχομαι, εἶμι, with the 
Homeric βῆ, and ἔβαν or βάν, from Baivw. Some of these uses 
are very peculiar. Κα 

Ωιχετ᾽ ἀποπτάμενος, it flew away and was gone. Il. ii, 71. 
leer φεύγων ὃν εἶχες μάρτυρα, the witness whom you had has run 
away. Ar. Pl. 933. Ἵν εἰδῃς ovs ; φέρων ἥκω λόγους, that you may 
know the words I bring with me. Eur. Or. 1628. Ἔρχομαι ἐπιχειρῶν 
σοι ἐπιδείξασθαι τῆς αἰτίας τὸ εἶδος, I am going to undertake to show 
you the nature of the cause, Puiat. Phae ἃ. 100 B. Οὐκ ἔρχομαι ἐρέω ν 
ὡς οὕτω ἢ ἄλλως πως ταῦτα ἐγένετο, I am not going to say that these 
things occurred so, or in some other way (cf. French je vais dire). Hpv. 1. 
5. "Hee ταύτην α ἰνέων διὰ παντός, he always praised her (he went on 
praising her, French il allait la lowant toujours: see Baehr’s note). Id. 
i. 122. Kai ἐγὼ μὲν ἦα τὰς ἐφεξῆς ἐρῶν, and Ϊ was goung to speak of 
them in order. Puat. Rep. 449 A; so 562 C. By φεύγων, he took 
light. 1]. ii. 665 ; so βῆ ἀΐξασα, ii. 167. Ovs μὴ κῆρες ἔβαν θανάτοιο 
φέρουσαι, Il. ii, 302; so xix. 279. 

896. VII. Bieudeins uses the participle with πειρῶμαι, to try, 


and with πολλός εἰμι or γίνομαι, πολλὸς ἔγκειμαι, and παντοῖος 
γίνομαι, to be urgent Ἂς rarely with ἐπείγομαι, to press on, E.q. 


Οὐκ ἐπειρᾶτο ἐπιὼν ὃ Κῦρος, Cyrus did not atte mpt to approach. 
. o> om . . ie ee 4 > , ¢ a A ? 
i. 77; soi. 84, vi. 50, vii. 9. ΠΠολλὸς ἦν λισσόμενος oO ξεῖνος, 


. , ὌΧ s 5 , 
the stranger entreated urgently. ix,91. VeAwv ὃὲ πολλὸς ἐνέκειτο 


b 


λέγων τοιάδε, and Gelon spoke urgently as follows. vii. 158. Tore 
παντοῖοι ἐγένοντο Σκύθαι δεόμενοι ᾿Ιώνων λῦσαι τὸν πόρον, they 
heqged them im eve ry way lit. they took eve ry form in begging them . etc, 
vii. 10. “Hy μὴ ἐπειχθῆς ναυμαχίην ποιεύμενος, yf you do not press 
on and fight a naval battle, viii. 68 (but just below, ἢν ἐπειχθῇς vav- 
μαχῆσα!). 

897. The participle with πειρῶμαι. πολὺς ἔγκειμαι, and ἔγκειμαι 
alone, occurs occasionally in Attic Greek. So also with πάντα ποιῶ 
and rarely with σπουδάζω. Εἰ. 

Οὐκ ἐρῶ σοι πρὶν av πανταχῇ πειραθῶ σκοπῶν. PLat, Theaet. 


900] SUPPLEMENTARY PARTICIPLE 355 


190 E. So Ant, Tetr. A. y. 1. Πολὺς ἐνέκειτο λέγων. THe. iv. 
9) ed ** “ 
22. “Evexewro φεύγοντες. Id.ii. 81. Πάντα ποιοῦσι καὶ λέγουσι 
4 Ἢ ‘ 

φεύγοντες τὴν δίκην. Puat, Euthyph. 8 C. Ta πλούτου καὶ δυνά- 
’ , / vA ε ” ’ / , 

peov διώγματα τί καί τις ἂν ws ἄξια λόγου σπουδάζοι μεμῴφό- 

μενος; why should any one seriously censure them as if they were worth 

noticing ? Id. Polit. 310 B; so Xen. Oec. ix. 1. 


‘ 
898. VIII. ᾿Αποδείκνυμι, καθίζω, and παρασκευάζω, in the meaning 
to put into a certain condition, to render, may take the participle. 1.0. 
“Apa kat τἀπιτήδεια μάλιστα ἔχοντας ἀποδείξειν καὶ TA σώματα 
ἄριστα ἔχοντας παρασκευάσειν, (I undertake to say) that he will at the 
same tume make them (show them forth) best supplied with provisions, and 
cause them to have ther bodies in the best condition. XEN. Cyr. 1. 6, 18. 
Βλέποντ᾽ ἀποδείξω σ᾽ ὀξύτερον τοῦ Λυγκέως, I will make yow see 
sharper than Lynceus. Ar, Pl. 210. δὲν κλαίοντας αὐτοὺς καθίσω. 
Puat. Ion. 535 E. So Xen, Cyr. 11. 3,14, See these verbs in Liddell 
and Scott. 


899. IX. “Apxew (and ἅλις εἰμί in poetry), to be sufficient, and 
ἱκανός, ἡδίων, κρείσσων, ἀμείνων, or βελτίων with eipi, are sometimes 
used in a personal construction with the participle (like δῆλός εἶμι, 
etc. 907), where we should expect an impersonal construction with the 
infinitive. .q. 

᾿Αρκέσω θνήσκουσ᾽ ἐγώ, it will be enough for me to die, ΒΌΡΗ. 
Ant. 547. (We might expect ἀρκέσει ἐμὲ θνήσκειν.) So ἀρκείτω 
δεδηλωμένον, THuc. v. 9. “Ikavds ἔφη αὐτὸς ἀτυχῶν εἶναι, he 
said. that it was enough for himself to be in misfortune. ISAR. ii. 7. 
Κρείσσων yap ἦσθα μηκέτ᾽ ὧν ἢ ζῶν τυφλός. Soran. O. T. 1368. 


Ἡδέους ἔσεσθε ἀκούσαντες, you will be more pleased to hear. Drm. 


xxiii. 64. So ἅλις νοσοῦσ᾽ ἐγώ (sc. tpt), it is enough for me to be 
afflicted, Sorpu. Ὁ. T. 1061. 


900. X. The participles Bov λόμενος, ἐθέλων (poetic), ἡδόμενος, 
ἄσμενος, ἀχθόμεν OS, προσδεχόμενος, ἐλπόμενος, ἐλδόμενος (Ionic), 
and occasionally others, may agree in case with a dative which 
depends on εἰμί, γίγνομαι, or some verb signifying to come, to 
appear, or to happen. £..9. 

“Os dpa τὼ Τρώεσσιν ἐελδόμενοισι φανήτην, thus then did they 
appear to the delight of the Trojans. Il. vii. 7. ’Epot δέ κεν ἀσμένῳ 
εἴη, and I should be pleased with it. Il. xiv.108. Ἡδομένοισιν ἡμῖν 
ot λόγοι γεγόνασι, we are pleased with the proposals made to us, Hpr. 
ix. 46. Θέλοντι κἀμοὶ τοῦτ᾽ av ἦν. Sopn. O. T. 1356. To πλήθει 
οὐ βουλομένῳ ἦν, it was not the wish of the majority. THUC. 1]. 3 ; 
so vii. 35. Προσδεχομένῳ μοι τὰ τῆς ὀργῆς ὑμῶν ἐς ἐμὲ γεγένηται, 
I have been expecting the man ifestations of your wrath against me. Id, ii. 
60; so vi. 46. Ὅτῳ ὑ ὑμῶν μὴ ἀχθομένῳ εἴη. XEN. Cyr. iv, 5, 21. 
“Ay βουλομένοις ἀκούειν ἢ τουτοισὶ, μνησθήσομαι, Uf these shall 
want to hear it, Dem. xviii. 11, “Opa, εἴ σοι βουλομένῳ (se, ἐστὶν) 
ἃ λέγω. Prat. Rep. 358 Ὁ. 





356 THE PARTICIPLE [901 


See also τούτων πεπειραμένοις ἄν τι γένοιτο καὶ ὑμῖν, Tuc. 
v. 111; and ἀσμένῳ δέ σοι ἡ ποικιλείμων νὺξ ἀποκρύψει φάος, 
you will be glad when spangled-robed night shall hide the light, ἈΈΒΟΗ. 


Prom. 23. 
Compare Tac. Agric. 18: Quibus bellum volentibus erat. 


901. XI. In a similar way, the dative of any participle may 
be used with certain impersonal expressions which take the 
dative, especially those signifying ἐξ is fitting, good, pleasant, pro- 
fitable, or their opposites, and those implying fear or confidence. 
Eg. 

Εἰ τόδ᾽ αὐτῳ φίλον κεκλημένῳ (sc. ἐστίν), if it pleases him to be 
thus called, Axscn. Ag. 161. Οὐκ ἄξιον τούτοις πολλάκις χρῆσθαι 
συμβούλοις, οἷς οὐδὲ ἅπαξ ἐλυσιτέλησε πειθομένοις (sc. ὑμῖν), 
whom it did not profit you to obey even once. Lys. xxv. 37. Φρονεῖν ὡς 
δεινὸν ἔνθα μὴ τέλη λύῃ φρονοῦντι, where it does not profit one to be 
wise. Sop. O. T. 316. ᾿Επήρετο τὸν θεὸν εἰ λῷον καὶ ἄμεινον εἴη 
τῇ Σπάρτῃ πειθομένῃ οἷς οὗτος ἔθηκε νόμοις, whether it was better 
for Sparta to obey. Xun. Rep. Lac. viii. 5, ᾽Α ντιπαραβάλλοντι 
(sc. ἐμοὶ) τὰ ἐμαυτοῦ πάθη πρὸς τὰ ἐκείνων οὐκ ἂν ἀηδὲς εἴη, tt would 
not be unpleasant for me to compare, etc. Prat. Ap. 41 B. Av δοκοῦσι 
κάλλισται TOV ἐπιστημῶν Kal ἐμοὶ πρέποι ἂν μάλιστα ἐπιμελο- 
μένῳ, those which seem to be the noblest of the sciences, and wh uch at would 
be most fitting for me to study. XEN. Oec. iv. 1. Τοῦτο καὶ πρέπειν 
ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ καὶ ἄξιον κινδυνεῦσαι οἰομένῳ οὕτως ἔχειν (i.e, πρέπει μοι 
οἰομένῳ τοῦτο οὕτως ἔχειν), it seems fitting and worth the risk for me to 
believe that this is so. Puat. Phaed. 114 Ὁ. *Qe μή ᾽στι δρῶντι 
τάρβος, οὐκ ἔπος φοβεῖ, one who has no dread of a deed, a word does 
not frighten. ὅρη. Ὁ. T. 296. <=. | 

So εἴ μοι Evvein φέροντι μοῖρα τὰν εὔσεπτον ἁγνείαν, may it 
continue to be my fate to bear, etc. Id. O. T. 863. 

With the expressions of 901 the infinitive is more common (903, 7). 


Omission of ὦν. 


902. Occasionally the participle év is omitted in the con- 
structions of the supplementary participle that have been 
enumerated (879-901). £.g. 


Καταλαμβάνομεν Φιλίππου παρόντας πρέσβεις, καὶ τοὺς μὲν 
ἡμετέρους φίλους ἐν φόβῳ (sc. ὄντας) τοὺς δ᾽ ἐκείνου θρασεῖς. Dem. 
xviii, 911. “AAX οὐ περιόψεταί μ᾽ ὁ θεῖος ἄνιππον (sc. ὄντα), but my 
uncle will not let me go without a horse. Ar. Nub. 124. Ei δέ τι 
τυγχάνει ἀηδές (sc. ὄν). Prat. Gorg. 502 Β, Τυγχάνει ἡμῶν ἕκαστος 
οὐκ αὐτάρκης (sc. dv), Id. Rep, 369 Β, 


9038] INFINITIVE AND PARTICIPLE WITH THE SAME VERBS 357 


Infinitive with Verbs which may also have the Supplementary 
Participle. 


903. Some verbs which take the supplementary participle 
allow also the infinitive in a similar construction, but with some 
difference in the meaning or at least in the point of view. 


1. Αἰσχύνομαι and αἰδοῦμαι with the participle (881) mean 
I am ashamed of doing (something which I am doing or have 
done) ; with the infinitive, J am ashamed to do (something which 
I have not yet done). Eg. 

Τοῦτο μὲν οὐκ αἰσχύνομαι λέγων" τὸ δ᾽ “Kav μένητε παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ 
ἀποδώσω᾽᾽ αἰσχυνοίμην ἂν λέγειν, this (something just said) J am not 
ashamed of saying; but I should be ashamed to say the following, ete. 
Xen. Cyr. v.1, 21, Αἰσχύνομαι ὑμῖν εἰπεῖν τἀληθῆ, I am ashamed 
to tell you the truth (but still I must tell it), Pxar, Ap. 22 B. Αἰδοῦν- 
Tat τοὺς παρόντας ἀπολείπειν, i.e. they are ashamed to leave them 
(and do not). Xen. Symp. viii. 35. But αὔδεσαι πατέρα προλείπων, 
be ashamed of leaving your father (as you threaten to do), Sopx. Aj. 506. 
A comparison of the last example with Paz, Ap. 22 B (above) shows 
that the choice of the infinitive or participle may depend on the point 
of view of the speaker in a special case. In Aj. 506, the threat is 
viewed as the inception of the act. 


2. ᾿Ανέχομαι, ὑπομένω, τλάω, and τολμῶ with the participle 
(879; 880) mean to endure something now going on or already 
done ; with the infinitive, to have the courage or to venture to do 
something not yet done. £.9. 

Καταμείναντες ἀνέσχοντο τὸν ἐπιόντα ἐπὶ τὴν χώρην δέξασθαι, 
they remained and had the courage to receive the invader of their country. 
Hor. vii. 139. (Cf. οὐκ ἀνέξομαι ζῶσα under 879.) So ὑπομείναντα 
τὰ πάντα πάσχειν, taking courage to suffer everything. Puat. Leg. 
869 C. (Cf. μὴ ὑπομένειν Ξέρξην ἐπιόντα, not to await the coming 
of Xerxes, ie. not to wait to see his coming, Hpr. vii. 120.) Ἔτλα 
οὐράνιον φῶς ἀλλάξαι, ΞΟΡΗ. Ant. 944͵ Τόλμησόν ποτε ὀρθῶς 
φρονεῖν. AgscH. Prom. 999. 

᾿Ανέχομαι with the infinitive, and τλάω and τολμῶ with the 
participle, are rare. 


‘ 


3. ᾿Αποκάμνω τοῦτο ποιῶν (881) is 7 am weary of doing this ; 
ἀποκάμνω τοῦτο ποιεῖν is I cease to do this through weariness. E.q. 

Μήτε ταῦτα φοβούμενος ἀποκάμῃς σαυτὸν σῶσαι, do not, through 
fear of this, despair of saving yourself. Pua, Crit. 45 Β. (Cf. οὐκ 
ἀποκάμνεις μηχανώμενος, you are not tired of contriving, XEN. Mem. 
li. 6, 35.) 

4. “Apxoua: (Homeric ἄρχω) with the participle (879) means 
to be first in something, to begin with something, or to be at the 





$58 THE PARTICIPLE [908 


beginning (not at the end); with the infinitive, to begin to do some- 
thing. ΕΚ... 

"Hpgavro τὰ μακρὰ τείχη ᾿Αθηναῖοι οἰκοδομεῖν, the Athenians 
began to build the long walls. THue. i. 107. Δεῖ ἐμὲ ἐπιδεικνύναι, ws 
οὔτ᾽ ἤρξατο λέγειν τὰ βέλτιστα οὔτε νῦν διατελεῖ πράττων τὰ 
συμφέροντα τῷ δήμῳ. AESCHIN. ili. 50. 

5. Παύω with the participle (879) means to stop what is going 
on; with the infinitive, fo prevent a future act. E.q. 

"Ep ἔπαυσας μάχεσθαι, you prevented me from fighting. Il. xi. 442. 
(But ἔμ᾽ éravoas μα xopevov would be you stopped me while fighting.) 
“Ῥαψῳδοὺς ἔπαυσε ἀγωνίζεσθαι. Hor. ν. 67. 


6. Περιορῶ and the other verbs signifying to overlook or see (in 
the sense of permit) with the participle (885) mean fo see an act 
done without interfering to stop it; with the less frequent infini- 
tive, to permit an act to be done without interfering to prevent i. 
Strictly speaking, the infinitive here expresses time future to 
that of the verb, while the time of the participle coincides with 
that of the verb. Still, both forms may sometimes be used to 
express practically the same sense, and may even refer to the 
same event, though the point of view is different. £.g. 

Περιιδεῖν αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ σκευῇ πάσῃ ἀεῖσαι, to let him sing in full 
dress, Hpv.i 24. Θάλασσαν πνεύματά φασι od περιόψεσθαι φύσι 
τῇ ἑωυτῆς χρᾶσθαι, they say that the winds will not permit the sea to 
follow its own nature. Id. vii. 16. Τοὺς yap ᾿Αθηναίους ἤλπιζεν 
ἔσως ἂν ἐπεξελθεῖν καὶ τὴν γῆν οὐκ ἂν περιιδεῖν τμηθῆναι, for he 
hoped that the Athenians would perhaps come forth and not let their land 
be ravaged. ΤΉσσ. ii. 20. But in ii. 18 he has said, προσδέχομενος 
τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους τῆς γῆς ἔτι ἀκεραίου οὔσης ἐνδώσειν τι καὶ κατο- 
κνήσειν περιιδεῖν αὐτὴν τμηθεῖσαν, ἀνεῖχεν, that they would be 
unwilling to see it (the land) ravaged (referring to the same thing with 
περιιδεῖν τμηθῆναι, to let at be ravaged, in 20); and again in 20, ot 
᾿Αχαρνῆς οὐ περιόψεσθαι ἐδόκουν τὰ σφέτερα δια φθαρέντα, it did 
not seem likely that the Acharnians would see their property destroyed. 


7. The impersonal expressions of 901 take the infinitive more 
frequently than the participle, the distinction being similar to 
that in the last case (6). £.9. 

Οὐ τοῦτο πρῶτον ἠρώτα πότερον λῷον εἴη αὐτῷ πορεύεσθαι ἢ 
μένειν, whether wt was better for him to go or stay, XEN. An. iil. 1, 7. 
But in Xen. Vect. vi. 2 we have ἐπερέσθαι τοὺς θεοὺς εἰ Awov καὶ 
ἄμεινον εἴη ἂν τῇ πόλει οὕτω κατασκευαζομένῃ, whether it would 
be better for the state, supposing it to be thus constituted ; the difference 
between this and better for the state to be thus constituted (οὕτω KaTa- 
σκευάζεσθαι) being practically very slight. 

8. It is more than doubtful whether λανθάνω, τυγχάνω, and 
φθάνω (887) ever have the infinitive in classic Greek, The passages 


ζῶντα. Id. Mem. i. 2, 14. 





904] PARTICIPLE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 359 


——? — for ow are now generally emended, or the readings are 

doubted: thus AT. Rep, 333 E iv ἐ ἢ a ἢ 

ἘΣ ‘sedi Sch pire ye " ore ee μαρεορ τιν be for 

and Nub. 1384, οὐκ ἔφθης ἡ ἴδω sae μη = l gira ait si i 

Slee ἔδινα on Turon. δὲ δὲ ὁ φδένω GaprGouth Bi cad 
᾽ was θαρσῆσαι (ἢ). 


II. PARTICIPLE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 


904, The participle is used with verbs signifying to see, 
to hear or learn, to perceive, to know, to be ignorant of, to re- 
member, to forget, to show, to appear, to prove, to acknowledge, 
and with ἀγγέλλω, to announce, in a sense approaching that 
of the infinitive in indirect discourse. ᾿ 


fi Here each tense of 
the participle represents the corresponding tense of the 
indicative or optative. (See 687.) 

ry ° ἃ 

The participle may belong to either the subject or the 
object of these verbs, and agree with it in case. Ey 


, Ξ > 4 “~ , 
ἡ Μεμι μαι αὑτὸν τοῦτο ποιήσαντα, I remember that he did this 
ἐποίησεν) + ELV v ποιή ; ‘eme) — aa } 
με Ν ὧν ΒΕ μαι τοῦτο ποιήσας, I remember that I did this 
ἐποίησα). TOUS εὐ , > > know ’ 
ἐποίη = We τούτους εὖ πράξοντας, he knows that they will 
prosper ; OLOE αὑτὸς εὖ π ζων » ἢ *e » hams “. , 
} " ; _— ¥ ᾿ ράξων, he knows that he himself will prosper. 
τ = _— γνώω νημερτέα πάντ ἐνέποντα. if 1 shall find that he 
élls all witho tv_. 5 : DOE M € δεινὺ 
“is out fault. Od. xvii. 549. “Opa de μ᾽ ἔργον δεινὸν ἐξειργα- 
σμένην, and I see that I have done a terrible deed. Sopu. Tr. 706 
“ Rf an ec “A ” ~ > , E # : : ‘ 
Ἡμεῖς αουνατοι ορωμεν OVTES TH οἰκείᾳ μόνον δυνάμει περιγενέσθαι 
ofp >, > “2 “2 δι. d \ x : 
we see that we are unable, etc. (ἀδύνατοί ἐσμεν). Tuuc. i. 32. κουσε 
ni 4 ~ ; a . . . .« “«-- 
Kupov ἐν Κιλικίᾳ ὄντα, he heard that Cyrus was in Cilicia, Xen. An 
i. 5 4 “~ . ‘ , - [7 it x N ; , ἢ Στὰ τ 
με a ᾿ Περὶ ΤῊΝ χώρας, ΟΤι 1) KOVOV 07) 0 UPEVI)V, because they heard 
ut wz was suffering from rav Fae ey: ᾿ Ἂ 
a fering from ravages, Ib, v. 5, 7. “Orav κλύῃ τινὸς 
nN EOVT peatynv, when she hears from any one that Orestes is coming 
ΦΌΡΗ. El. 29: 'θόμενοι᾽,. Riot ) ὶ Νὰ 
᾿ age + 29 ΗΝ pipet Aptagepgnv νεωστὶ τεθνηκότα, learning 
ut Artaxerxes had recently die Tuuc. iv. 50: 5 T. vi. 9: ; 
om Lake ee a y died. Tuuc. iv. 50; so Hpr. vi. 23. Ἐπεὶ 
7 naoGer 1 : " SUR αἰ. 26 ὶ 
7 Ἐ το τῆ, ἐροδδι ρος ἡμει εἰ Eur. Med. 26. Hu Govro TOUS 
) ( . ‘ nea > 4 Δ ’ὔ a 
ic ae τ δ md f . }} ἔθει ΘΟ, a Hh Ava TYV Ιλώυ ἅλωσιν 
) Tem THY ἄρχην τῆς εἐγθρης (see 883) j 
ὑπειδὰν γνῶσιν ἀπιστού nn i age “ee ere 
εν ᾿ 7 μενοι, when they find out that they are 
istrusted. AEN. Yr. vii 2.17. "Hid , Σωκρά mm 
EN yr. Vil 2) 17. Ηιδεσαι “ἀοωοὐκρατὴν αὐταρκέστατα 
a] , 4 7 
‘ Kv πολυτρόποις yap ξυμφοραῖς ἐπί- 
= > x r . . ** 4 , 
a ται Tpaer TES. THuc. ii. 44. Aca βεβλημέ νος οὐ μανθάνεις. 
DT. "1. a; Evvoovpac φαῦλος οὖσα. EurR. Hipp. 435. 
ἢ Ze = * Ps 7 i a 7 . . 
γένος ἐπιεικὲς ἀθλίως διατιθέμενον. Prat. Οὐ. 191 Β. Tis οὕτως 
; , ἸΌΝ ‘ £ A o Ms » - A a “i 
: ἤθης ἐστὶν ὑμῶν ὅστις ἀγνοεῖ τὸν ἐκεῖθεν πόλεμον δεῦρο ἥ ξο vTa: 
JEM. i, 15 ELLV ζριτί vO ) n 
“ iy Ξ Μέμνημαι Κριτίᾳ τῳδε ξυνό vTa σε (i.e. ξυνῆσθα.. 
LAT. aw Kf | Y « » aS ae > . 
+ —_ 156 A. Μεμνήμεθ ἐς κίνδυνον ἐλθόντες μέγαν (1.8. 
> : - ᾿ ς Ὺ , a7 > 
ἤλθομεν). Eur, Hec, 244, Ἐπιλελήσμεθ᾽ ἡδέως γέροντες ὄντες. Id 


> Ἢ , 
Evvoyjoas 





360 THE PARTICIPLE (905 


Bacch. 188. ᾿Επιδείξω δὲ τοῦτον ov μόνον ὡμολογηκότα εἶναι τὸν 
Μιλύαν ἐλεύθερον (with six other participles, perfect, aorist, and 
present). Dem. xxix. 5. Ὁ πόλεμος οὗτος δηλώσει μείζων yeyevy- 
μένος αὐτῶν (ie. μείζων γεγένηται). THuc. i. 21. Ki φανήσεται 
ταῦθ᾽ ὡμολογηκὼς, Tapa τε τοῦ Δημοφῶντος Tas τιμὰς εἰληφὼς, 
αὐτός Te. . . ἀπογράψας, οἰκῶν τε τὴν οἰκίαν, κιτιλ. DEM. XXxvii. 
16. Εὐθὺς ἐλεγχθήσεται γελοῖος ὦν. XEN. Mem. i. 7, 2. Οὕτως 
ὁμολογουμένη οὖσα δούλη καὶ ἅπαντα τὸν χρόνον αἰσχρῶς βιοῦσα, 
when it was thus admitted that she was a slave and was all the time lwing 
a life of disgrace. Isan. vi. 49. Εἰ μὴ ἐξήγγειλε προσιὸν TO στρά- 
τευμα, had he not reported that the enemy was advancing. XEN. Hell. vii. 
5,10. ᾿Απηγγέλθη Φίλιππος ὑμῖν “Hpaiov τεῖχος πολιορκῶν, tt 
was reported to you that he was besieging, etc. Dem. iil. 4. 

Compare the examples of ὁρῶ, ἀκούω, and similar verbs here given 
with those of the same verbs under 884, in which the participle is not 
in indirect discourse. 

See other examples of the participle in indirect discourse under 
687, where examples of the participle with av may be found (see also 
213-216). 


905. When one of these verbs has for its object an accusative 
of the reflexive pronoun referring to its subject, the participle 
generally agrees with the reftexive. Thus we may have either 
δείξω ἐμαυτὸν τοῦτο πεποιηκότα, I shall show that I have done this, 
or δείξω τοῦτο πεποιηκώς. 


906. The participle of an impersonal verb in this construction 
stands alone in the neuter singular. The following includes both 
the personal and the impersonal construction :— 


4 , a A 4 ‘4 - , ε ε 4 7] ; 
Πειράσομαι δεῖξαι καὶ μετὸν τῆς πόλεως ἡμῖν καὶ πεπονθότα 
» \ > Ἀ ’ 
ἐμαυτὸν οὐχὶ προσήκοντα, I shall try to show not only that we have 
rights in the city, but also that I have suffered, etc. Dem. lvii. 1. (The 
. . . »“ἍΜ ~ 4 , > , 
direct discourse is μέτεστι τῆς πόλεως ἡμῖν, καὶ πέπονθα αὐτός. 
Compare 876.) 


907. The participle is used in the same way in a personal 
construction with δῆ λός εἰμι and φανερός εἰμι, in preference to 
an impersonal expression. So with ἐπάιστος γίνομαι in Herodotus. 

J 

Δῆλός 7 ἦν οἰόμενος, K.7.A., it was evident that he thought, ete. 
Xen. An. ii. 5, 27. (This is equivalent to δῆλον ἦν ὅτι οἴοιτο. See 
899; 912.) ᾿Απικόμενοι μὲν φανεροί εἰσι ἐς "Ὅασιν πόλιν, it is 
evident that they came to the city Oasis, Hor. iii. 26. “Qs ἐπάιστος 
ἐγένετο τοῦτο ἐργασμένος, when it became known (heard of ) that he 
had done this. Id. ii. 119. 

Similar is the participle with φανερὸν ποιῶ; as φανερὸν πᾶσιν 
ἐποίησαν οὐκ ἰδίᾳ πολεμοῦντες, they made it evident to all that they 
were not fighting for themselves. Lycura. 50. 





912] PARTICIPLE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 361 


908. When σύνοιδα and συγγιγνώσκω have a dative of 
the reflexive referring to the subject, a participle may stand 
either in the dative agreeing with the reflexive, or in the nom- 
inative agreeing with the subject ; as σύνοιδα ἐμαυτῳ ἠδικημένῳ 
(or ἠδικημένος), L am conscious to myself that I have been wronged. 
Eg. 

Ἐγὼ οὔτε μέγα οὔτε σμικρὸν ξύνοιδα ἐμαυτῷ σοφὸς ὦν. Prat. Ap. 
21 B. Ruaveg guvpbay ostty ARNE ῆρᾷ, a D. ὴ 


909. When the participle of indirect discourse belongs to an 
infinitive depending on a verb with an object dative to which 
the participle refers, the participle stands in the dative. Lg. 

Συμβέβηκε τοῖς προεστηκόσι καὶ τἄλλα πλὴν ἑαυτοὺς οἰομένοις 
πωλεῖν πρώτους ἑαυτοὺς πεπρακόσιν αἰσθέσθαι, it has been the lot of 
those who were in authority and who thought they were selling everything 
except themselves, to find that they have sold themselves first. DEM. xviii. 46. 


910. Some verbs which regularly have the infinitive or ὅτε and ws 
in indirect discourse occasionally take the participle. .g. 

Νόμιζε ἄνδρα ἀγαθὸν ἀποκτείνων, think that you are putting to 
death a good mam, XEN. An. vi. 6, 24. ᾿Ανεβήσετο ἐρεοῦσα φίλον 
πόσιν ἔνδον ἐόντα. Od. xxiii. 1. Θανόντ᾽ ᾿Ορέστην νῦν τε καὶ 
πάλαι λέγω. ΦΌΡΗ. El. 676. See O. C. 1579; Eur. Hel. 1076. Οὐ 
Tpwas γυνὴ τεκοῦσα κομπάσειεν av ποτε, i.e. none could boast that 
she was the mother (of such children), ἔτεκον being the direct form. Eur. 
Tro. 477. Μετὸν ἄν ποτε λέγοιτο. Prat. Phil. 22 E. Σμέρδιν 
μηκέτι ὑμῖν ἐόντα λογίζεσθε. Ηρ. iii. 65. Ov yap εὐτυχῶν ἀρνή- 
σομαι, for I will not deny that I am happy. Eur. Ale. 1158. So ἀρνεῖ 
kataktas ; Id, Or. 1581. 


911. The participle ὧν is sometimes omitted in indirect dis- 
course. £.9. 
Σὺ ὃ 


=U 


é σῶς ἴσθι (sc. dv), but know that you are safe. Sopu. O. C. 1210. 
Lidas εὐτρεπεῖς ὑμᾶς (sc. ὄντας). DEM. iv. 18; soiv. 41. “AyyeAAe 
πασῶν ἀθλιωτάτην ἐμέ (sc. οὖσαν). Eur. Hec. 423. 


912. The verbs included in 904 may also be followed by a 
clause with ὅτε or ὡς in indirect discourse. When δῆλόν ἐστιν 
and φανερόν ἐστιν are used impersonally, they regularly take 
ὅτι or as. 4.0. 

Ἤσθετο ὅτι τὸ Μένωνος στράτευμα ἤδη ἐν Κιλικίᾳ ἦν. XEN. An. 
i. 2,21. Αἰσθάνεσθε ws ἀθύμως ἦλθον. Ib. iii. 1, 40. ᾿Ακούοντες 
ὅτι οὗτος πολίζει τὸ χωρίον. Ib. vi. 6,4. Τοσοῦτόν γ᾽ οἶδα κἀμαυτὴν, 
ὅτι ἀλγῶ. ϑορη. ΕἸ. 332. Ταῦτα ἴσασιν ὅτι φύσει τε καὶ τύχῃ 
γίγνεται. ῬιΑτ. Prot. 393 Ὁ, Δῆλον (sc. ἐστίν) ὅτι οὕτως ἔχει. XEN, 
An. i. 3, 9. Φανερὸν δὲ ὅτι οὔτ᾽ ἂν Θρᾳξὶν οὔτε Σκύθαις ἐθέλοιεν ἂν 
διαγωνίζεσθαι. Id. Mem. iii. 9, 3. Τοῦτο φανερὸν, ὡς... λέγομεν. 
PLAT. Soph. 237 D. 





362 THE PARTICIPLE 


913. Verbs signifying to remember or to know may have ὅτε, 
when, and the indicative, to emphasise the temporal relation. 
Lg. 

Ki yap μέμνησαι ὅτ᾽ ἐγώ σοι ἀπεκρινάμην, for if you remember (the 
time) when I answered you, etc. Puat. Men. 79 Ὁ. Οἶὖἶσθ᾽ ὅτε χρυσέοις 
ἐφάνη σὺν ὅπλοις. Eur. Hec, 112. So 1]. xv. 18. (See 519, end.) 


Infinitive with the Verbs of § 904. 


914. Many of the verbs which regularly have the participle 
in indirect discourse (904) may also take the infinitive in nearly 
or quite the same sense. 

1. ᾿Ακούω, πυνθάνομαι, and αἰσθάνομαι, which have the par- 
ticiple both in indirect discourse (904) and in the other con- 
struction (884-886), sometimes take the infinitive in indirect 
discourse, in a sense differing little, if at all, from that of the 
participle. £.g. 

᾿Ακούω δὲ καὶ ἄλλα ἔθνη πολλὰ τοιαῦτα εἶναι, I hear that there 
are also many other such nations, XEN. An. ii. 5, 13, (Πολλὰ 
τοιαῦτα ὄντα would apparently mean the same.) So Mem. iv. 2, 4. 
᾿Ακούω αὐτὸν ἐρεῖν, I hear that he will say. Dem. xix. 202. (Compare 
Sopu. El. 293, under 904.) Πυνθανόμενος τὸν Θουκυδίδην κτῆσίν 
τε ἔχειν καὶ ἀπ᾿ αὐτοῦ δύνασθαι ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις. THUve. iv. 105. 
So Dem. xix. 201. Αἰσθανόμενος αὐτοὺς μέγα παρὰ βασιλεῖ Δαρείῳ 
δύνασθαι. ΤῊυσ. vi. 59. 


ε an . . . . , ὙΠ 
2. “Op has the participle in both constructions (904; 886), but 
the infinitive (of indirect discourse) only in THuc. viii. 60 (according 
to Kiihner, ὃ 484, 2): ἑώρων οὐκέτι ἄνευ ναυμαχίας οἷόν τε εἶναι ἐς 
ἈΝ rs ~ r > 
τὴν Χίον βοηθῆσαι, where Kriiger brackets εἶναι. 


3. ᾿Αγγέλλω may have the infinitive in indirect discourse, in 
place of the regular participle (904). £.g. 

‘O ᾿Ασσύριος εἰς τὴν χώραν αὐτοῦ ἐμβαλεῖν ἀγγέλλεται, is re- 
ported to have invaded his country, XEN. Cyr. v. 3, 30. 

4. Ὁμολογῶ, to admit or grant, is but rarely followed by the 
participle (904), and generally takes the infinitive of indirect 
discourse. δ}... 

Ὁμολογεῖται TT pos πάντων κράτιστος δὴ γενέσθαι θεραπεύειν 
(τοὺς φίλους). XEN. An. i. 9, 30. (See 136.) 

5. Φαίνομαι, to appear, which generally takes the participle in 
indirect discourse (904), sometimes has the infinitive. The 
distinction generally holds that φαίνεται σοφὸς dv means he is 
manifestly wise, while φαίνεται σοφὸς εἶναι means he seems to be 
wise ; but in some cases the two constructions cannot be dis- 
tinguished in sense. £.g. 


INFINITIVE WITH VERBS OF § 904 363 


Τῇ φωνῇ σαφῶς κλαίειν ἐφαίνετο, by his voice he seemed plainly 
to be. weeping (but he really was not), Xen. Symp. i. 15. Compare 
kal σφι evvoos ἐφαίνετο ἐών, and he was plainly well disposed towards 
them, Hor. vii. 173. But see also Axscu. Ag. 593, πλαγκτὸς oto 
ἐφαινόμην, I appeared to be crazed, said by Clytemnestra of herself, 
after she was shown to have been right. Τοῦτό μοι θειότατον paive- 
ται γενέσθαι, this seems to me to have been a most wonderful event. 
Hot. vii. 137. 


915. Other verbs of this class (904) may be used in a peculiar 
sense, in which they have the infinitive not in indirect discourse. 
Others, again, allow both constructions of the infinitive ; while 
γιγνώσκω and εὑρίσκω have the infinitive in three different senses. 


l. Μανθάνω, μέμνημαι, and ἐπιλάνθανομαι, in the sense of 
learn, remember, and forget to do anything, take the ordinary 
object infinitive. £.9. 

Ἐπεὶ μάθον ἔμμεναι ἐσθλὸς αἰεὶ καὶ πρώτοισι μετὰ Τρώεσσι 
μάχεσθαι, since I learned to be brave, ete. Il. vi. 444. Τοὺς προδότας 
yap μισεῖν ἔμαθον. AxscH. Prom. 1068. So XEN, An. ii. 2, 25. 
Μεμνήσθω ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς εἶναι, let him remember to be a brave man. 
Ib. iii. 2, 39 (with ὧν it would mean let him remember that he 18 
a brave man) Μεμνήσονται δεῦρο ἀποπέμπειν. 14, Cyr. viii. 6, 6. 
᾿Επελαθόμην τοὺς καδίσκους ἐκφέρειν, I forgot to bring out the urns. 
Ar. Vesp. 853. Ὀλίγου ἐπελαθόμεθ᾽ εἰπεῖν. Prat. Rep. 563 B. 


2. (a) Οἶδα and ἐπίσταμαι, which regularly have the participle 
in indirect discourse, take the ordinary infinitive in the sense of 
know how to do anything. £.4. 

Μὴ ψεύδε᾽,, ἐπιστάμενος σάφα εἰπεῖν, do not be false, when you 
know how to speak truly. Il. iv. 404, O@& ἐπὶ δεξιὰ, οἶδ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀριστερὰ 
νωμῆσαι Pov, Il. vii. 238. Προβάλλεσθαι 8 ἢ βλέπειν 
ἐναντίον οὔτ᾽ οἶδεν οὔτ᾽ ἐθέλει. Dem. iv. 40. So Eur. Hipp. 729, 
Med. 664, Εἴκειν δ᾽ οὐκ ἐπίσταται κακοῖς, she knows not how to 
yield to troubles. Sop. Ant. 472; so Aj. 666; Eur. Hipp. 996. 


(Ὁ) But these verbs in the sense to know or to believe sometimes 
take the infinitive (like the participle) in indirect discourse. 
This is rare in prose, except with ἐπίσταμαι, to believe, in 
Herodotus. £.g. 

Ἴσθι τὰ σκλήρ᾽ ἄγαν φρονήματα πίπτειν μάλιστα, know that too 
stubborn spirits are most apt to fall (like πίπτοντα). ὅορη. Ant. 473. 
(Οἶδα with the participle follows in 477.) Εὖ viv ἐπίστω τῶνδέ μ᾽ 
αἰσχύνην ἔχειν. Id. El. 616; so O. T. 690, Ant. 1092 ; AESCH. 
Pers. 337. Εὖ ἴσθι τοῦτον ἰσχυρῶς ἀνιᾶσθαι. XEN. Cyr. vill. 3, 
44; so viii. 7,12. ᾿Ἐπιστάμενοι τότε τελευτῆσαι, believing that 
he (Cyrus) had then perished. Hor. i. 122 ; so 111, 66, 134, and 140, 
vii. 172. See ἴσθι μήποτ᾽ ἂν τυχεῖν, Sopn. Ph, 1329; and τόδ᾽ 
ἴσθι, μὴ γῆμαι, Eur. Med. 593; cf. L A. 1005. 





364 THE PARTICIPLE [915 


3. Γιγνώσκω, besides its construction with the participle in 
indirect discourse 4904), has three uses with the infinitive :— 

(a) In the meaning to decide or judge, with the infinitive in indirect 
discourse ; as τὸ δ᾽ ἴσον avramdédore, γνόντες τοῦτον εἶναι τὸν 
καιρόν, making up your minds that this is that time, etc., THuc. i, 43 ; 
so Hpr. ix. 71; Xen. An. i. 9, 17. 

(Ὁ) In the meaning to determine or resolve, with the ordinary object 
infinitive ; as “AAvdrrea ἔγνωσαν δοῦναι τὴν θυγατέρα ‘Aorud yei, 
they decided that Alyattes should give his daughter to Astyages, Hor. 
i. 74; so XEN. Hell. iv. 6, 9, ἔγνω διώκειν, and iii, 1, 12; Isoc. 
xvii. 16. 

(ὁ) Occasionally in the meaning to learn (ἔγνων), with the object 
infinitive, like μανθάνω and μέμνημαι (1) ; as ἵνα γνῷ τρέφειν τὴν 
γλῶσσαν ἡσυχωτέραν, that he may learn to keep his tongue more quiet, 
SopH. Ant. 1089. 


4. Δείκνυμι and other verbs signifying to show, besides the 
participle in indirect discourse (904), may take an object 
infinitive in the sense to show how to do anything. Eg. 

᾿Απέδειξαν οἱ ἡγεμόνες λαμβάνειν τὰ ἐπιτήδεια, the guides in- 
structed them to take provisions, Xen. An. ii. 3, 14. Διαιτητήρια τοῖς 
ἀνθρώποις ἐπεδείκνυον τοῦ μὲν θέρους ἔχειν ψυχεινὰ, τοῦ δὲ χειμῶνος 
ἀλεεινά. I taught the men to keep their dwellings cool in summer and 
warm in winter, Id. Oee. ix. 4. 


5. Ando sometimes has the infinitive (like the regular par- 
ticiple, 904) in indirect discourse ; and sometimes in the sense 
of command (make known) it has the ordinary object infinitive. 
Eq. 

Δηλοῖς γὰρ αὐτὸν σωρὸν ἥκειν χρημάτων ἔχοντα, for you indicate 
that he has come with a heap of money. Ar. Pl. 969. AnAovvres 
προσίεσθαι τὰ κεκηρυγμένα, showing that they accepted the terms 
which were announced. Tuuc. iv. 38. Κηρύγματι ἐδήλου τοὺς ἐλευ- 
Gepias δεομένους ὡς πρὸς σύμμαχον αὐτὸν παρεῖναι, he proclavmed 
that those who wanted freedom should come to him as to an ally, XEN. 


Ag. i. 33. 


a] 


6. (a) Eipioxw, which has two constructions with the par- 
ticiple (883; 904), occasionally has the infinitive in indirect 
discourse. £.9. 

Εὕρισκε πρῆγμά οἱ εἶναι ἐλαύνειν ἐπὶ τὰς Σάρδις, he found that 
he must (πρῆγμά μοι ἐστι, mihi opus est) march to Sardes, Hor. i. 79: 
so 1. 125, vii. 12. See Puar. Leg. 699 B. 

(Ὁ) The middle may take the ordinary object infinitive in the sense 
of discover how to do anything. E.g. 

Οὐδεὶς λύπας εὕρετο παύειν, no one ever found out how to stop 
pains, Eur. Med. 195, 


PARTICIPLE WITH ὡς 365 


(c) The middle may also have the infinitive in the sense of procure 
by asking. £.g. 

Παρὰ δὲ σφίσι εὕροντο παρὰ Παυσανίεω ἑστάναι Ποτιδαιητέων 
τοὺς παρέοντας, they gained (the favour) from Pausanias that those who 
were present from Potidaea should stand next to themselves, Hort. ix. 28. 


‘Os with the Participle in Indirect Discourse. 


916. The participle in indirect discourse may be preceded by 
ὡς, which implies that the thought of the participle is expressed 
as that of the leading subject, or as that of some person prominent 
in the sentence. (See 864.) When this is already implied in 
the context, as it often is, ὡς adds only emphasis to the ex- 
pression. Thus ἴσθι ταῦτα οὕτως ἔχοντα means know that this is 
so; but ἔσθι ὡς ταῦτα ἔχοντα means know that (as you may assume) 
this is so, i.e. be assured that this is so. Eg. 

‘Qs μηδὲν εἰδότ᾽ ἴσθι μ᾽ ὧν ἀνιστορεῖς, understand (that you must 
look upon) me as knowing nothing of what you seek. ὅόορη. Ph. 253. 
‘Qs μηκέτ᾽ ὄντα κεῖνον ἐν φάει νόει, think of him as no longer living. 
Ib. 415, ‘Qs ταῦτ᾽ ἐπίστω δρώμεν᾽, οὐ μέλλοντ᾽ ἔτι, understand 
that (as you may asswme) these things are going on, etc. Ib. 567. Ταῦτα 
γῇ τῃδ᾽ ὡς τελῶν édaivero. Id. O. C. 630. Καὶ τοῦτο ἐπιστάσθω 
Κροῖσος, ὡς ὕστερον ἁλοὺς τῆς πεπρωμένης, and let Croesus under- 
stand this, that he was captured later than it was fated for him to be. 
Hor. i. 91. ‘Qs μὴ ᾽μπολήσων ἴσθι τὴν ἐμὴν φρένα, be assured 
that you will not buy me off from my determination. Sorpn. Ant. 1063. 
Δηλοῖς δ᾽ ὥς τι σημανῶν νέον, you show that you have something 
new in your mind to disclose. Ib, 242. Δῆλός ἐστιν ὥς τι δρασείων 
κακόν, it is very plain that he wishes to do some harm, Id. Aj. 326. 
Δῆλος ἦν Κῦρος ὡς σπεύδων, Cyrus showed that he was in haste. 
Xen, An. i. 5,9. Δῆλοι ἔσεσθε ws ὀργιζόμενοι τοῖς πεπραγ- 
μένοις, you will show that you are angry. Lys. xii. 90. Πατέρα τὸν 
σὸν ἀγγελῶν ὡς οὐκ ἔτ᾽ ὄντα, (he comes) to announce that your father 
1s no more. Sopu. Ὁ, Τὶ 956. (In vs. 959, the messenger himself says 
εὖ ἴσθ᾽ ἐκεῖνον θανάσιμον βεβήκοτα.) 

The force of ὡς here can seldom be well expressed in English. 


917. In place of the participle with ὡς in indirect discourse, 
we may have a circumstantial participle with ὡς in the genitive 
or accusative absolute, followed by a verb to which the participle 
would naturally be the object. £.9. 

‘Qs ὧδ᾽ ἐχόντων τῶνδ᾽ ἐπίστασθαί σε χρή, you must wnderstand 
that this is so; lit. believing this to be so, you must understand (it 18 80). 
Sopu. Aj. 281; see Schneidewin’s note. By an entirely different 
construction this comes practically to the same meaning as ws ὧδ᾽ 
ἔχοντα τάδ᾽ ἐπίστασθαί σε χρή. ‘Qs τοίνυν ὄντων τῶνδέ σοι μαθεῖν 





366 THE PARTICIPLE [918 


πάρα, in the belief that this is so, you may learn tt, i.e. you may learn 
that this is so. Amscu. Prom. 760. ‘Qs πολέμου ὄντος rap ὑμῶν 
ἀπαγγελῶ; shall I announce from you that there ts war? lit. shall.I 
make a report from you on the assumption that there is war? XEN. An. 
ii, 1, 21. ‘Qs πάνυ μοι δοκοῦν, οὕτως ἴσθι, know that I think so very 
decidedly ; lit. in the belief that this seems so to me, understand accord- 
ingly. Id. Mem. iv. 2, 30. ‘Qs ἐμοῦ ἀγωνιουμένου, οὕτως γίγνωσκε, 
know that I shall contend. Id. Cyr. ii. 3, 15. 


918. Ὡς with the participle in the genitive absolute, used as 
in 917, may depend on verbs or expressions which do not take 
the participle without ὡς in indirect discourse. Lg. 

‘Qs οὐκέτ᾽ ὄντων τῶν τέκνων φρόντιζε δή, think of it, that your 
children are no longer living, lit. knowing that your children are no longer 
living, think of it. Eur. Med. 1311. ‘Qs καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν καὶ 

μας," , eee es a , ’ . ; 
TOV ἡγεμόνων ὑμῖν μὴ μεμπτὼν γεγενημένων, οὕτω THY γνώμην 
ἔχετε, be of this mind, that both your soldiers and their leaders have been 
free from blame. Tuuc, vii. 15. ‘Qs ἐμοῦ οὖν ἰόντος ὅπῃ ἂν καὶ 
ὑμεῖς, οὕτω τὴν γνώμην ἔχετε, be of this opinion, that I shall go wherever 
you do. XeN. An. i. 3, 6. ‘Qs τοίνυν μὴ ἀκουσομένων, οὕτως δια- 
νοεῖσθε, make wp your minds then that we shall not hear ; lit. knowing 
then that we shall not hear, so make up your minds, PLat. Rep, 327 Ὁ. 
Ἔν τούτοις μὲν ὡς διδακτοῦ οὔσης τῆς ἀρετῆς λέγει, here he 
speaks of virtue as a thing that can be taught. Id. Men. 95 E. Ὕποθε- 
μενοι ὡς τούτου οὕτως ἔχοντος, προΐωμεν, having premised that this 
is so, let us proceed. Id, Rep. 437 A. Διανοηθέντες ws ἰόντων ἁπάν- 
των ἀεὶ καὶ ῥεόντων, thinking of all things as moving and in flux, Id. 


Crat. 439 C. Οὕτω σκοπῶμεν, ὡς τάχ᾽ ἂν, εἰ τύχοι, καὶ τούτων 
κἀκείνων συμβάντων, let us look at the case, feeling that both this and 
that might perhaps happen if it should so chance ; lit. with the vdea that 


both this and that might perhaps happen if it should so chance, let us look 
at it in this light. Dem. xxiii. 58. (For av see 215 and 221.) 


919. Verbs of saying and thinking which do not take the 
participle in indirect discourse sometimes have the participle (in 
the accusative or nominative) with ws, which in some cases 
approaches very near indirect discourse, and in others is more 
like a circumstantial participle. £.9. 

Φροντίζεθ᾽ ws τούτοις τε καὶ σοφωτέροις ἄλλοισι τούτων πλείοσιν 
μαχούμενοι, consider that you will have to fight with these, etc. ὅοΡη. 
El. 1370 (cf. Eur. Med. 1311, quoted in 918), Λέγουσιν ἡμᾶς ὡς 
ὀλωλότας, they speak of us as lost. ἈΈΒΟΗ. Ag. 672. ‘Qs οὐκ 
ὑπείξων οὐδὲ πιστεύσων λέγεις ; do you speak with a resolution 
not to yield or to believe? Sopu. O. T. 625. Καμβύσης Ἴωνας μὲν καὶ 
Αἰολέας ὡς δούλους πατρωίους ἐόντας ἐνόμιξε, he thought of Ionians 
and Aeolians as his father’s slaves. Hor. ii. 1. “Qs στρατηγήσοντα 
ἐμὲ μηδεὶς λεγέτω, let no one speak of me as the one who is to be general. 
Xen. An. i. 3,15. Ἐδόκει πολλὰ ἤδη ἀληθεῦσαι τοιαῦτα, τὰ ὄντα 





PARTICIPLE WITH ὡς 367 


τε WS ὄντα καὶ τὰ μὴ ὄντα ὡς οὐκ ὄντα, he was thought to have 
already reported truly many such occurrences, (reporting) what was real as 
real, and what was unreal as unreal. Ib. iv. 4,15. Ὅταν ὡς πετό- 
μενοι ev τῷ ὕπνῳ διανοῶνται, when in their sleep they fancy themselves 
flying. Puat. Theaet. 158 B. 





CHAPTER VIL. 


VERBAL ADJECTIVES IN -τέος AND -τέον. 


920. The verbal in -réos is used in both a personal and 
an impersonal construction. 


921. In the personal construction, the verbal is always 
passive in sense. It expresses necessity (like the Latin 
participle in -duws) and agrees with its subject in case. 
This construction is, of course, restricted to transitive verbs. 
Eg. 

᾿Ωφελητέα σοι ἡ πόλις ἐστί, the city must be benefited by you. 
XEN. Mem. iii. 6, 3. “AAAas (ναῦς) ἐκ τῶν ξυμμάχων μεταπεμ- 
πτέας εἶναι (φη), he said that others must be sent for. Tuuc, vi. 25. 
Ov γὰρ πρὸ τῆς ἀληθείας τιμητέος ἀνήρ, a man must not be honoured 
before the truth. Puat. Rep. 595 C. ὋὉμοίας φησὶν ἁπάσας εἶναι καὶ 


τιμητέας ἐξ ἴσου. Ib. 561 C. Φράζοντες ὡς οὔ σφι περιοπτέη 
ἐστὶ ἡ Ἑλλὰς ἀπολλυμένη. Hor. vii. 168. 


922. The substantive denoting the agent is here in the dative. 
Εἰμί is often omitted. 


923. In the impersonal construction (which is the more 
common), the verbal is in the neuter of the nominative 
singular (sometimes plural), with ἐστί expressed or under- 
stood. The expression is equivalent to δεῖ, (one) must, with 
the infinitive active or middle of the verb to which the 
verbal belongs. 

This construction is practically active in sense, and 
allows transitive verbals to have an object in the same case 
which would follow their verbs. The agent is generally 
expressed by the dative, sometimes by the accusative. Fg. 





926] VERBAL ADJECTIVES IN -τέος AND -τέον 369 


Ταῦτα ἡμῖν (or ἡμᾶῷ ποιητέον ἐστί, we must do this, equivalent 
to ταῦτα ἡμᾶς δεῖ ποιῆσαι. Οἰστέον τάδε, we must bear these things. 
Eur. Or. 769. ILevrréov rade (sc. cot), you must obey in this (= δεῖ 
πείθεσθαι). Sopx. Ph. 994. ‘Ar ἀαλλακτέον αὐτοῦ (τοῦ σώματος), 
καὶ αὐτῇ τῇ ψυ χῇ θεατέον αὐτὰ τὰ πράγματα (-- δεῖ ἀπαλλάττε- 
σθαι αὐτοῦ, καὶ τῇ ψυχῇ θεᾶσθαι τὰ πράγματαλ, we must free 
ourselves from ἐξ (the body), and with the soul itself we must contemplate 
things themselves. Puat. Phaed. 66 E. Φημὶ ὃ δὴ διχῆ Bo ηθητέον εἶναι 
τοῖς πράγμασιν ὑμῖν, I say that you must give assistance in two ways. 
Dem. 1. 17. Τί ἂν αὐτῷ ποιητέον ein; what would he be obliged to 
do? Xen. Mem.i.7, 2. ᾿ψηφίσαντο πολεμητέα εἶναι (= δεῖν πολε- 
petv), they voted that they must go to war. THuc. i. 88. Τὴν χώραν, ἐξ 
ἧς αὐτοῖς ὁρμωμένοις πολεμητέα ἦν. Id. vi. 50. Οὔτε μισθοφο- 
ρητέον ἄλλους $7) τοὺς στρατευομένους, οὔτε μεθεκτέον τῶν πραγ- 
μάτων πλείοσιν ἢ πεντακισχιλίοις. Id, viii. 65. (Here both the 
accusative and the dative of the agent are found: see 926.) ‘“Hyty δὲ 
ξύμμαχοι. ἀγαθοὶ, οὗς οὐ παραδοτέα τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις ἐστὶν, οὐδὲ 
δίκαις καὶ λόγοις διακριτέα μὴ "λόγῳ καὶ μᾶς) αὐτοὺς βλαπτο- 
μέν ους, ἀλλὰ τιμωρητέα ἐν τάχει καὶ παντὶ σθένει (=ovs οὐ δεῖ 
ἡμᾶς παραδοῦναι, κ.τ.λ.). 14.1. 86. ᾿Ιτέον ἂν εἴη θεασομένους (se. 
ἡμᾶς), it would be best for us to go and see her. Xen. Mem. 11]. 11, 1. 
Ovdevi τρόπῳ φαμὲν ἑκόντας ἀδικητέον εἶναι. Puat. Crit. 49 A. 
᾿Ατὰρ οὐ γυναικῶν οὐδέποτ᾽ ἔσθ᾽ ἡττητέα ἡμῖν (-- οὐ γυναικῶν δεῖ 
ἡττᾶσθαι), but we must never be beaten by women. AR. Lys. 450. So 
SopH. Ant. 678 

[t will be seen that this construction admits verbals of both transitive 
and intransitive verbs, 


924. The Latin participle in -dus is used in the same personal con- 
struction as the Greek verbal in -réos ; as epistula scribenda est, ἐπιστόλη 
yparrea ἐστίν, a letter must be written. 

The impersonal construction is found in Latin, but generally only 
with verbs which do not take an object accusative, as Eundum est tibi 
(ἐτέον ἐστί ovot),—Moriendum est omnibus,—Bello utendum est nobis 
(τῷ πολέμῳ χρηστέον ἐστὶν ἡμῖν), we must employ war. See Madvig’s 
Latin Grammar, § 421. 

Occasionally the earlier Latin uses even the object accusative, like 
the Greek ; as Aeternas quoniam poenas in morte timendum est, Lucr. 
ι. 115, 

925. A sentence sometimes begins with an impersonal verbal in 
-reov and is continued with an infinitive, the latter depending on δεῖ 
implied in the verbal. £.g. 

Πανταχοῦ ποιητέον ἃ av κελεύῃ ἡ πόλις καὶ ἡ πατρὶς, ἢ πείθειν 
αὐτήν. Prat. Crit. 51 Β. 

926. The dative and the accusative of the agent are both allowed 
with the verbal in -réov (or -réa); although the equivalent δεῖ with 
the infinitive has only the accusative Thus we can say τοῦτο ἡμῖν 
ποιητέον or τοῦτο ἡμᾶς ποιητέον, but only τοῦτο ἡμᾶς δεῖ ποιεῖν. 

28 








APPENDIX. 


THE RELATION OF THE OPTATIVE TO THE SUBJUNCTIVE 
AND OTHER MOODS. 


In the chapter on the general view of the moods, no attempt was made 
to assign to either the subjunctive or the optative a single “funda- 
mental idea” from which all the uses of the mood could be derived, 
except so far as the idea of futurity was shown to belong essentially to 
the subjunctive in all its most primitive uses. It would be impossible 
to include under one fundamental idea all the actual uses of any mood 
in Greek, except the imperative; for even the indicative is used to 
express unfulfilled conditions, unaccomplished wishes, and unattained 
purposes, none of which can be brought under the ideas of “declaration” 
or “absolute assertion” commonly attributed to this mood. Again, it 
is not to be expected that the true fundamental idea of any mood 
should include all its uses in a developed language; for the fortunes 
of language often depend on causes which are quite independent of the 
original essence of the forms employed, and which seldom can be referred 
to invariable laws of thought. The same idea can be expressed in 
two cognate languages by different moods: as he would have seen is 
εἶδεν ἄν in Greek and vidisset in Latin, while in Sanskrit it would be 
expressed by a past augmented future equivalent to the Greek ἔμελλεν 
ὄψεσθαι (see ὃ 428). Even within the Greek itself, we have uf he 
were use expressed by εἰ σοφὸς εἴη in Homer and by εἰ σοφὸς ἦν in 
Attic; and in Homer, both οὐκ ἂν ἔγνως and οὐκ ἂν γνοίης can mean 
you would not have discerned, while the latter can mean also you would 
not discern (in the same future sense as in Attic). 

One doctrine of the original meaning of the Greek subjunctive and 
optative has gained such general approval of late, that it is entitled to 
special consideration. This teaches that the fundamental idea of the 
subjunctive is will, and that of the optative is wish. In the subjunctive, 
the idea of will appears especially in exhortations and prohibitions and 





372 APPENDIX ΓΙ 


in expressions of purpose. It can also be used to explain the sub- 
junctive in protasis, by understanding ἔλθῃ in ἢν ἔλθῃ to mean 
originally let him go, suppose him to go (in some case). But before we 
can decide that will is the fundamental idea of the subjunctive, or 
even that it is a necessary and essential part of the idea of this mood, 
we must ask, first, whether it is essential to those uses of the sub- 
junctive which we have a right on other grounds to call the most 
primitive; and, secondly, whether there is any other idea equally 
essential and equally primitive, from which the idea of will could 
have been evolved more simply and naturally than this could have 
been evolved from the idea of will. 
The subjunctive nowhere bears more distinct marks of primitive 
simplicity than when it appears in Homer as a simple future; as in ov 
dp πω τοίους ἔδον ἀνέρας οὐδὲ ἔδωμαι, for never yet have I seen such 
men, nor shall I ever see them, 1]. 1. 262, and in Kal ποτε τις εἴπῃσιν, 
and some one will say, Il. vi. 459, followed by ὡς ποτε τις ἐρέει in 
vs. 462, referring to the same thing. See other examples in § 284, 
In this sense it is negatived by ov, like an indicative ; and it may be 
modified by κέ or ἄν, like the future indicative in Homer, and thus 
acquire a potential sense (see §§ 285 and 286). It is seldom that any 
modal form (except a plain indicative) is found so free from associations 
which might affect its meaning and conceal its original character. It 
has, moreover, its exact counterpart in Sanskrit in the \ edic subjunc- 
tive, which is negatived by nd, the equivalent of οὐ This simple 
subjunctive has no element of will. It expresses what the speaker 
regrets as readily as what he is resolved to do. Thus in both the 
examples above quoted, the subjunctive expresses an act which is 
decidedly contrary to the speaker’s will and wish. This subjunctive 
and the future indicative run parallel in all their constructions, and 
the former expresses will only so far as the latter does. The only 
character that is beyond question in this subjunctive 1s its reference 
to future time, and if we were left to this use alone, we should have 
no hesitation in designating the subjunctive as a form expressing 
futurity like a future tense. As this use cannot be deduced from the 
subjunctive as an expression of will, let us see whether the opposite 
process, the evolution from the simple future meaning of the uses 
in which will appears, is any easier and does any less violence to the 
principles of the language. | Ξ 
The use of the subjunctive which strikes every one as coming next 
in simplicity to the Homeric construction just described is seen in 
exhortations, like ἴωμεν, let us go, and (in its negative form) in pro- 
hibitions, like μὴ ἴωμεν, let us not go, μὴ εἴπητε τοῦτο, do not say thas. 
This use of the subjunctive is found also in Sanskrit, and its negative 
is there generally (though not always) ma’, the equivalent of py. It 
thus appears that the marked distinction which is seen in the early 
Greek between ἔωμεν, we shall go, and ἴωμεν. let us go, in both positive 


1 See Delbriick, Syntaktische Forschungen, i. (Conjunctiv und Optativ), pp. 
23-25. 





1] RELATION OF OPTATIVE TO OTHER MOODS 73 


and negative forms, was probably inherited from an ancestral language, 
so that we need not seek for the development of this distinction within 
the Greek itself. It is obvious that the future element is equally 
strong in both expressions, while the hortatory subjunctive also ex- 
presses will, Now it is much more natural to suppose that a future 
form expressing exhortation or prohibition originated in a form ex- 
pressing mere futurity, than that the merely future form originated in 
the exhortation or prohibition. We cannot derive οὐκ ἴδωμαι, I shall 
not see, from μὴ ἴδωμαι, let me not see. But it is by no means impossible 
that, in some language which was a common ancestor of Greek, Latin, 
and Sanskrit, subjunctive (i.e. originally future) forms came to be used 
to express both commands and prohibitions; that, when these impera- 
tive expressions became distinguished from the subjunctive in its 
ordinary future sense, they adopted the negative (the ancestor of md’ 
and μή) which was used with similar imperative forms, though this use 
of the negative might not at first be very rigid; and that thus μή 
ἴωμεν, in the sense let us not go, became established in early Greek as 
opposed to οὐκ ἔωμεν, we shall not go. In Sanskrit, however, the use 
of md’ in such cases was less fixed, and here na’ (the equivalent of 
ov) is sometimes found with the subjunctive in prohibitions. This 
last is what we should have if in χειρὶ δ᾽ οὐ ψαύσεις ποτέ, you shall 
never touch me, Eur. Med. 1320, we could substitute an Homeric sub- 
junctive (e.g. Yavorns) for the future indicative, The cases of μή with 
the future in prohibitions given in § 70, like μὴ βουλήσεσθε εἰδέναι, do 
not wish to know, DEM. xxiii. 117, are too few to be of much weight 
in the discussion ; but they seem to show an abortive tendency to 
establish the future indicative with μή by the side of the subjunctive 
in prohibitions, What the future could do in an imperative sense is 
shown by examples like πάντως δὲ τοῦτο δράσεις, but by all means do 
this, AR, Nub. 1352, and others quoted in § 69; but the natural negative 
here was ov, not μή, as in οὐ ψαύσεις above. 

If the origin of the interrogative subjunctive in appeals (§ 287) and 
of its negative μή has been correctly explained in §§ 288 and 291, 
this is merely an interrogative form of the subjunctive in exhortations 
and prohibitions, and calls for no special discussion here. The origin 
of the use of the subjunctive with ov μή is still too uncertain to give 
this construction much weight in determining the essential character 
of the subjunctive. If the view of this construction which is advocated 
in this work (see Appendix II.) is accepted, the form is an offshoot of 
the prohibitory subjunctive. If it is thought to be an original con- 
struction, expressing a strong denial or prohibition by its own force, 
the subjunctive appears in its original future force. Whatever theory 
we may have of the origin of this subjunctive, the form is interchange- 
able in use with the future indicative. 

In dependent sentences, the subjunctive is used in two constructions, 
—in so-called final clauses, and in conditional sentences. In negative 


| See Delbriick, Conjunctiv wnd Optativ, p. 112. 





374 APPENDIX (1 


final constructions with μή, the subjunctive was originally prohibitive 
(3 262, 307); in positive clauses with the final particles, it expresses 
something aimed at, that is, an object of will. But here, as in inde- 
pendent sentences, to derive the more complex from the more simple 
is far more natural than the reverse. Further, in all final constructions 
the future indicative may be used in the same sense as the subjunctive ; 
this could hardly be done if the subjunctive contained an essential 
element of will which is wanting in the future. Again, the subjunc- 
tive is very common in final constructions after past tenses, where the 
optative is the regular form (318); it cannot be supposed that the 
idea of will is present in such final clauses when they have the sub- 
junctive (as they generally do in Thucydides) and is absent when they 
have the optative (as is more common in Xenophon). In conditional 
sentences, although we may explain the subjunctive as originally 
hortatory, ἢν ἔλθῃ meaning let him come (we will suppose), it is more 
natural to refer this use to the primitive use of the subjunctive as a 
simple future, εἴ κεν ἔλθῃ (or εἰ ἔλθῃ), in case he shall come, making a 
supposition of a future event of which the Homeric ἔλθῃ, he will come, 
might make a statement (see §§ 11 and 398). We thus avoid the 
necessity of explaining the indicative and the subjunctive in protasis on 
different principles. As each of the various tenses of the indicative 
with εἰ expresses a supposition in the time which it naturally denotes 
(ἃ 3, c), so the subjunctive is a natural form to express a future sup- 
position. Thus, as εἰ γενήσεται τοῦτο supposes what γενήσεται τοῦτο 
states, εἰ γένηται τοῦτο naturally supposes what (in the older language) 
γένηται τοῦτο, this will happen, states. As the former cannot be 
explained by the idea of will, it seems unnecessary and illogical to 
introduce this idea to account for the latter. What has been said of 
ordinary conditional sentences applies also to relative conditions. 

The only use of the subjunctive in conditions which cannot be 
derived from the simple future meaning is that in general suppositions ; 
but the undeveloped state of this construction in Homer and other 
considerations make it highly probable, if not certain, that this is a 
use of the subjunctive which grew up within the Greek language itself 
at a comparatively late period, and that it is not one of the primitive 
uses of the mood. (See § 11, b, 400, 401.) 

It is certain that no trace of the subjunctive as a mood of will can 
be seen in its actual use in conditional sentences, Thus ἢν τὴν πόλιν 
ἕλωσι could always be said as properly by the friends as by the 
enemies of a city, by the besieged as well as by the besiegers. In 
Il. iii. 71, ὁππότερός Ke νικήσῃ, spoken by Priam, is, as an expression, 
perfectly neutral as regards the hope or desire of victory. It may be 
said with truth, that the primitive meaning of a verbal form is apt to 
be weakened, or even to disappear, in actual use. But is it logical to 
assume a lost meaning to account for an expression, when the meaning 
which remains accounts for it satisfactorily without external help? 
When we find ἢν ἕλωσι τὴν πόλιν actually expressing a mere future 
supposition, with no idea of will, in all periods of the language, and 





1] RELATION OF OPTATIVE TO OTHER MOODS 375 


when we find ἕλωσι meaning they will capture in the earliest period 
that we know, why should we assume an original idea of will (which 
was afterwards lost) in ἢν ἕλωσι to account for its actual meaning ? 
The view of the conditional sentence here adopted is confirmed by 
paratactic conditions like the following: θύσεις δὲ τὴν παῖδ᾽ - ἔνθα 
τίνας εὐχὰς ἐρεῖς ; Eur. I. A. 1185, where θύσεις makes a supposition, 
supposing you shall sacrifice the girl, which would generally be expressed 
by εἰ θύσεις or ἢν θύσῃς : so ἀδικεῖ τις ἑκών and ἐξήμαρτέ τις ἄκων, 
both expressing suppositions, Dem. xviii. 274." 

On these grounds we may feel justified in regarding the subjunctive 
as originally and essentially a form for expressing future time, which 
the Greek inherited, with its subdivision into an absolute future 
negatived by οὐ and a hortatory future negatived by μή, and used 
in independent sentences. 

The name optative mood (ἔγκλεσις εὐκτική), Which was invented 
by grammarians long after the usages of the language were settled, 
designated the mood by the only use which it then had in independent 
sentences without ἄν, that of wishing. It is evident that this name 
in itself is no ground for assuming that wishing was the primitive 
function, or even an essential function, of the optative, any more than 
the name of the subjunctive (ἔγκλισις ὑποτακτική) would lead us to 
assume dependence as an original or necessary characteristic of that 
mood. We have already mentioned the theory that the optative is 
the mood of wish, as the complement of that which makes the sub- 


junctive the mood of will. This theory finds no support in the 


potential use of the optative with or without κέ or ἄν, which is the 
only independent use of the optative except in wishes and exhortations. 
Surely ἀπόλοιτο ἄν, he would perish, can never have been developed 
from ἀπόλοιτο, may he perish, for the former is no more likely to be 
said by one who wishes the death of a person than by one who fears 
it, and there is nothing in the addition of av or κέ Which can reasonably 
be supposed to change a form, which in itself expresses wish, toa neutral 
form or even to one expressing what is feared. The fundamental dis- 
tinction in negative sentences between μὴ ἀπόλοιτο and οὐκ ἂν ἀπό- 
λοιτο (or οὐκ ἀπόλοιτο) is still more significant, Nor can any support 
for the theory be found in dependent final constructions or in indirect 
discourse. No one would see a distinction of will and wish in ἴδῃ and 
ἴδοι in ἔρχεται ἵνα ἔδῃ τοῦτο and ἦλθεν ἵνα ἴδοι τοῦτο, or in φοβοῦμαι 
μὴ ἔλθῃ and ἐφοβήθην μὴ ἔλθοι,---ποὺ to speak of ἦλθεν ἵνα ἴδοι 
τοῦτο and ἦλθεν ἵνα ἴδῃ τοῦτο. Still less would any one dream of 
looking for wish in the optative in εἶπεν ὅτι ἔλθοι, he said that he 
had come, Or in ἤρετο εἴ τις εἴη σοφώτερος. In all these dependent 
constructions, the optative is only the representative of the subjunctive 
or indicative when these are, as it were, transferred to the past by de- 
pending on a verb of past time; but, if wish were the fundamental idea 
of the optative, we should hardly expect this to vanish so utterly, since 


1 See C. F. Hermann, de Protas: Paratactica, Ρ. β 





376 APPENDIX [ϊ 


the essential character of the optative would naturally be especially 
marked where it is used by a fixed principle of the language as a 
substitute for an indicative or a subjunctive, 

The only strong argument for the theory that the optative is 
primarily the mood ‘of wish is found in the optative with εἰ in protasis. 
It is maintained that a gradual development of this conditional form 
from the simple optative in a wish can be actually seen in Homer. 
The strongest and most attractive statement of this argument is given 
by Lange in his elaborate, but unfortunately unfinished, treatise on 
the particle εἰ in Homer.! Delbriick’s treatment of the optative in 
his Syntaktische Forschwngen, vol. i., is based on this doctrine. When 
Lange states (p. 485) that, of 200 examples of εἰ with the optative in 
Homer, 136 are expressions of wish, the majority seems decisive ; 
although we may even here withhold our judgment until we examine 
the majority and also see what the minority of 64 have to say. The 
majority of 136 is made up as follows :— 

1, Ordinary wishes with εἰ γάρ, εἴθε (at γάρ, αἴθε), or εἰ, like αἴθ᾽ 

οὕτως, Βύρκω, φίλος Ari πατρὶ γένοιτο, Od. xiv. 440 ; al γὰρ οὕτως 
εἴη, IL iv. 189; εἴθ᾽ ὡς ἡ βώοιμι, βίη δέ μοι ἔμπεδος εἴη, 1]. xi. 
670. (of these there are 38 cases.) 


2. Cases in which a wish with εἰ and the optative (like the expressions 
just quoted) is followed by an apodosis expressing a consequence which 
would follow the fulfilment of the wish. Thus the last example in 1 
appears in 1], vii. 157 with such an apodosis :— 


> 


M” 
εἰ 


ὡς ἡβώοιμι, Bin δέ μοι eur εδος εἴη" 


τῷ KE Tax AVT HT ELE μάχης κορυθαίολος E sKTWP. 


If we put a comma at the end of the first verse, we have a full 
conditional sentence. In many cases it is doubtful which punctuation 
is correct. Lange includes under this head even such sentences as 1]. 
vii. 28, ἀλλ᾽ εἴ μοί τι πίθοιο, τό κεν πολὺ κέρδιον εἴη, and Od. xx. 
381. (Of these there are 28 cases.) 


3. Ordinary conditional sentences, in which the fusion between the 
optative with εἰ expressing a wish (i.e. supposing something that is 
desired) and a following apodosis with κέ or ἄν is said to be complete, 
as in IL. xiii. 485 :— 

εἰ ΓΝ ὁμηλικίη γεγεν οίμεθα TWO ἐπὶ ops, 

αἶψά κεν ἠὲ φέροιτο μέγα κράτος 1) κε φεροίμην. 
(Of these there are 19 cases, against 18 otherwise similar cases in 
which the optative with εἰ supposes something not desired.) 


4. Cases of which the following are examples :— 


ες "» , a 4 > 7 . 
ἤλυθον, εἴ τινά μοι κληηδόνα πατρὺς ἐνίσποις, Od. iv. 317. 


| Der Homerische Gebrauch der Partikel EI, von Ludwig Lange, des vi. 
Bandes der Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Classe der Kénigl. 
Sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften No. 4. Lange himself, never- 
theless, believes the optative to be originally the mood of “ Einbik lungskraft, of 


not of wish. 





RELATION OF OPTATIVE TO OTHER MOODS 


πάπτηνεν δ᾽ ἀνὰ πὶ ὕργον ᾿Αχαιῶν, εἴ τιν ἴδοιτο 
ἡγεμόνων, ὅς τίς οἱ ἀρὴν ἑτάροισιν ἀμύ vat, Il, xii. 3338, 


Such examples are variously explained, but the protasis generally refers 
to fishin that is desired. (Of these there are 43 cases.) 


. Ordinary conditional sentences in which εἰ with the optative 
nti a wish follows an apodosis; as in Il. xxii. 90, ἦ σ᾽ ἂν 
τισαίμην, εἴ μοι δύναμίς ye παρείη. These differ from thoes in 3 
only in the position of the protasis. (Of these there are 8 cases of 
wishes, against 33 in which no wish is implied, of which last 17 are 
concessive. ) 

The minority of 64 examples, in which εἰ with the optative does 
not express a wish, is made up of the 18 dissenting cases under 3, the 
33 under 5 which contain no wishes, 5 exceptional cases (as Lange 
views them) under 4 (2 with doubtful readings), and 8 cases of ὡς εἰ 
with the optative in similes, like ἴσαν ὡς εἴ τε πυρὶ χθὼν πᾶσα 
νέμοιτο, Il. ii. 780. 

It will be seen that the strength of the argument lies in the gradual 
development of the optative conditional sentence which is supposed to 
appear in 1, 2, and 3. This is further enforced by reference to cases 
in which the simple optative in a wish (without any form of εἰ is 
followed by an apodosis, like the equivalent optatives with εἰ in 2, 
thus showing the absence of a conditional force in the latter. See 
Od. xv. 180 :— 


ud an , 5 , a ’ a” . 
οὕτω νῦν Ζεὺς θείη, ἐρίγδουπος πόσις Ηρης 
~ , = “ a“ > , 
τῳ KEV TOL καὶ κεῖθι dew WS εὐχετοῴμην. 


Since the two clauses are grammatically independent here, it is argued 
that they must be equally so in the examples in 2. 

The whole argument is based on the important assumption that the 
optative with εἰ, εἰ γάρ, etc. ina wish is the same in origin with the 
simple optative in a wish, so that εἰ γένοιτο τοῦτο and γένοιτο τοῦτο 
both come to mean may this be done in the same way, by a wishing 
power inherent in the optative itself; and from this it is argued that 
εἰ γένοιτο τοῦτο as a protasis is used in a more primitive and natural 
sense when what is supposed is desired by the speaker than when it 
is not. Unless we assume this as proved, and reject the opposite 
alternative which makes the optative with εἰ in a wish a protasis with 
a suppressed apodosis, we have no right to count the examples in 1 and 
2 as evidence that the optative with εἰ denotes a wish by its own 
nature ; for it would be reasoning in a circle to quote these as proof 
that the optative itself denotes wish, in a discussion which aims at 
establishing the nature and meaning of the optative in these very 
expressions, Again, the real nature of the 43 conditions with εἰ 
and the optative in 4 is in question in this discussion ; and it is inad- 
missible here to assume at the outset that they express wish in them- 
selves and then to use them as evidence that wishing is the original 
function of the optative. Proof is needed, therefore, that the optatives 
in 1, 2, and 4 (that is, in 109 of the 136 wishing optatives in Homer) 





APPENDIX {r 


aetually express wish by their own force, so that they can properly be 
used as independent testimony here. Until at least a reasonable 
presumption in favour of this view is established, we are without 
evidence that there is any such gradual development of the optative 
condition as is claimed. We must therefore depend at present on the 
only cases about which no doubts exist, the complete conditional 
sentences in 3 and 5, to determine whether the optative with εἰ involves 
the idea of wish without regard to the nature of its apodosis. If it 
should be found that the idea of wish preponderates in these optatives, 
we should have a convincing proof that the same is true of the optatives 
in 1, 2, and 4, whether these are viewed as protases or as original 
wishes. A slight inspection of Lange’s statistics will show that the 
question is not to be settled in this simple way. Of the 37 optatives 
in 3, 19 suppose something that is wished for, while 18 do the 
opposite, Of the 41 in 5, only 8 suppose desirable things, while 33 
do not. Therefore, in the 78 plain cases of εἰ with the optative in 
conditions in Homer, we find only 27 expressing wishes. If we confine 
ourselves to the cases in 3, where the protasis precedes, we find as 
equal a division as is possible (19: 18), showing very plainly that 
even here wish has nothing whatever to do with the form of expression. 
Indeed, if we take εἰ with the optative in protasis by itself, what is 
there to indicate that it involves a wish? It cannot be doubted that 
this form is the equivalent of the English if he should go and if we should 
see him; and who would attempt to find any such idea as wish in 
these expressions? Unless we are prepared to maintain that of 
should be saved expresses the original idea of the English construction 
better than if we should perish, we must be slow to assert that εἰ σωθεῖ- 
μεν gives the spirit of the Greek optative better than εἰ ἀποθάνοιμεν. 
We must remember also the large class of conditional relative sentences 
which have the optative. This optative cannot be explained on any 
different principle from the optative with εἰ, and yet who would 
profess to find anything like the idea of wish in 6 tus ῥέζοι, Od. i. 47, 
ῳ μὴ εἴη, xi. 490, or in 1]. vi. 330, 521, xiii, 344, xiv. 248? I give 
the first six examples that I meet. 

It is obvious at once that we must recur to the examples in 1 and 
2, and see whether these establish any such strong presumption as will 
justify us in making wish the fundamental idea of the optative with 
εἰ, notwithstanding the fact that a large majority of the optatives in 
protasis in Homer have a contrary meaning. 

In dealing with the examples in 1 and 2, it will be assumed that εἰ, 
εἴθε, εἰ γάρ, and ai, αἴθε, ai yap all have the same origin, and involve 
the same particle εἰ or ai which is used in protasis.| The question in 
regard to the wishes in 1 amounts to this: is it more probable that 


the optative here is merely the wishing optative, preceded by a sort of 


* Ψ ἡ ; , 
exclamatory particle «i,2 so that γένοιτο and εἰ γένοιτο are merely 


1 See Lange, pp. 311, 312; and footnote to § 379 of this work. 


2 Lange, p. 484, calls ef “eine zur Einle ‘itung von Wiinschen und Fallsetz- 
ungen ceeignete interjectionsartige Partikel.” See also p. 565. 





1] RELATION OF OPTATIVE TO OTHER MOODS 379 


different forms of an exclamation, O may ἐξ be done!—or that εἰ γένοιτο 
in a wish is the same as εἶ γένοιτο in protasis, meaning ¢f it should only 
done, deriving its force as a wish from the unconscious suppression 
of an apodosis like how happy I should be or it would be well? The 
difficulty of explaining εἰ in an ordinary protasis like εἰ ἦλθεν, if he 
came, a8 in any sense exclamatory is a great obstacle in the way of 
Lange’s view ; but his alternative is equally hard, to make εἰ in a wish 
radically different from εἰ in a protasis. In the incomplete state of 
Lange’s work, it is impossible to see how successfully he would have 
surmounted this difficulty. But, apart from this, we are compelled 
on his theory to believe that the parallel construction of εἰ γάρ and 
εἴθε with the past tenses of the indicative in wishes is radically 
different in principle from that of εἰ etc. with the optative. The former 
is a later construction ; but is it possible that the traditions of so fixed 
an expression as εἰ with the optative in wishes could have so utterly 
vanished that, while εἰ yap γένοιτο, may it be done, had no conditional 
force, εἰ yap ἐγένετο τοῦτο, O that this had been done, was felt as 
conditional ? It is impossible to explain εἰ γὰρ ἐγένετο except as an 
elliptical protasis, since there is no form of wish like ἐγένετο (alone) 
corresponding to γένοιτο, may tt be done. Even if we could suppose 
that εἰ yap ἐγένετο was formed ignorantly on the analogy of εἰ γὰρ 
γένοιτο, it would be incredible that μὴ γένοιτο should not have 
engendered a corresponding μὴ ἐγένετο. 
3ut why is it thought necessary or probable that γένοιτο and εἰ 
yap γένοιτο should have had the same origin? If we can trust our 
feelings in the use of our own language, it is beyond doubt that our 
expressions of wish, like may help come and O ¢f help should (or would) 
come! are entirely independent constructions, and also that the latter 
is a condition with its conclusion suppressed. Why should we not 
accept the same simple distinction in the Greek forms, and admit that 
the Greek had two ways of expressing a future wish, one by the simple 
optative, the other by a protasis with its apodosis suppressed ? Absolute 
proof is, of course, impossible in such a case ; but it is surely safe to 
maintain that no such strong presumption is established in favour of 
identity of construction in γένοιτο and εἰ γένοιτο in wishes, as to make 
it probable that εἰ γένοιτο in protasis was originally a form of wish, in 
face of the fact that only a small proportion of Homer’s undoubted 
protases with εἰ and the optative express wishes. 
3ut it may be said that the peculiar examples of half-formed 
conditional sentences in 2 (p. 376) establish the theory of the develop- 
ment of the conditional optative out of a wish. But this connecting 
link loses its value, when it is seen that it connects merely one construc- 
tion, in which the wishing force of the optative is at least questionable, 
with another in which there is no positive evidence of any wishing 
force at all. If the ordinary theory of the suppression of an apodosis 
with εἰ yap γένοιτο in a wish is correct, we must suppose that the 
suppressed apodosis was seldom felt in a definite form of words any 
more than it is with our O if he would come. But it might sometimes 





380 APPENDIX fr 


happen that an actual expression of a definite result of the fulfilment 
of a wish would suit the case better than the uncertain reference to a 
fulfilment, which the mere clause with ὦ suggests. We have an 
excellent illustration of this when a wish is repeated as a protasis in 
almost the same words, and is then followed by an apodosis. See Od. 
iii. 217-223 (quoted in § 730), where εἰ γάρ σ᾽ ὡς ἐθέλοι is first a 
simple wish, and then is repeated as εἴ σ᾽ οὕτως ἐθέλοι, with the 
apodosis τῷ κέν τις, etc. naturally following. The oft-recurring verse 
εἴθ᾽ ὡς ἡβώοιμι, Bin δέ μοι ἔμπεδος εἴη appears in 1]. xi. 670, xxiii, 
629, and Od. xiv. 468 (if Bekker is right in omitting vss. 503-506) as 
a simple wish with no addition; but in Il. vii. 157 it stands as a 
repetition of the wish contained in vss. 132, 133, al yap 7Bop ὡς, 
etc., and is followed by the apodosis τῷ κε τάχ᾽ ἀντήσειε μάχης κορυ- 
θαίολος “Εκτωρ. In the other examples, we have simply the wish 0 
if I were young again, with its vague unexpressed apodosis ; but in 1]. 
vii. 157 the result is expressed in the definite form, then would Hector 
meet his match. See Od. xvii. 496 and xv. 536 (quoted in § 730), in 
both of which a definite apodosis expressing a result takes the place of 
the usual suppressed conclusion. A distinction of optatives with εἰ 
into wishes and suppositions, based on the wishing or non-wishing 
nature of the verb, is often arbitrary. Thus Lange quotes, among his 
“paratactic” wishes followed by an apodosis in a distinct sentence 
(that is, half-developed conditional sentences), Il. xvii. 102 :— 


εἰ δέ που Αἴαντός ye βοὴν ἀγαθοῖο πυθοίμην, 
» , ’ 
ἄμφω κ᾽ αὖτις ἰόντες ἐπ ιμνησαίμεθα χάρμης, 


while he gives as an ordinary conditional sentence 1]. xxiv. 653 :— 
τῶν εἴ Tis σε ἴδοιτο θοὴν διὰ νύκτα μέλαιναν, 
αὐτίκ᾽ ἂν ἐξείποι ᾿Αγαμέμνονι ποιμένι λαὼν. 
His ground for distinction is merely that the former expresses ἃ 
wish, while the latter does not. Even if both sentences were held to 
be simply conditional (as they probably are), it would still be claimed 
that the optative is used in a more legitimate and primitive sense in 
the former than in the latter. But is not the patent fact that there is 
really no essential distinction between these two optatives with εἰ (taken 
as conditions) a strong argument against the whole doctrine which 
derives the optative in protasis from the optative in wishes ? 

As to the 43 examples in 4, in which the optative with εἰ obviously 
stands without any expressed apodosis, I must refer to the discussion 
of these in §§ 486-493, where they are explained as protases which 
contain within themselves an implied clause of purpose as the apodosis. 
Whoever will compare the examples of the optative in § 488 with those 
of the subjunctive in § 487, or those of the optative in Delbriick’s Con- 
junctiv und Optativ, pp. 236-238, with those of the subjunctive in 
pp. 171-175, will probably be satisfied that the greater part of these 
optatives represent original subjunctives, which are regularly used in 
this sense after primary tenses, while the original optatives that occur 
after primary tenses in this construction are not more frequent than 





1] RELATION OF OPTATIVE TO OTHER MOODS 381 


mp are in ordinary protasis in Homer (see §§ 499-501). Thus βῆ 
avdapov διζήμενος εἴ που ἐφεύροι, he went seeking Pandarus, in case 
he should find him anywhere (i.e. to find P. if haply he might), 1]. v. 167 
represents an original form Baivw Πάνδαρον διζήμενος, ἤν που ἐῤεύρω. 
This is true, whatever theory we hold as to the nature of the condition 
here. Again, this form is equally adapted to suppositions which are 
not objects of wish or desire ; as in Tuc. vi. 100, πρὸς τὴν πόλιν, εἰ 
ἐπιβοηθοῖεν, ἐχώρουν, they marched towards the city, in case the ome 
should rush out (to be ready to meet them if they should rush out). So in 
Od. xxii. 381 :— ) 


7 ms > “ 4 b] εκ » “ 
πάπτηνεν δ᾽ ᾿Οδυσεὺς καθ᾽ dv δόμον, εἴ τις ἔτ᾽ ἀνδρών 
A ᾿Ξ «ε x eae , 5 “~ 
(wos ὑποκλοπέοιτο ἀλύσκων κῆρα μέλαιναν, 


where Ulysses is said to have searched the house, in case any one of the 
suttors should still be alive and be concealed (i.e. to find any such). This 
is quite as natural an expression as I]. xii. 333, πάπτηνεν εἴ rw’ ἴδοιτο 
ἡγεμόνων, where the protasis supposes something desired. The idea 
of purpose which these sentences imply makes it natural that the sup- 
position should be a desirable one in the majority of cases ; but no 
independent support for the theory we are discussing can be found in 
them. 

: We come then to the following conclusions, The theory that wish 
is the fundamental idea of the optative finds no support in conditional 
sentences with εἰ and the optative in Homer, for among 78 full sentences 
of this class, only 27 express suppositions which are desired by the 
speaker. The other optatives with εἰ which are said to express wishes 
stand without apodosis, and the nature of these expressions is itself in 
question in this discussion, As the presence of the idea of wish in the 
optative in ordinary conditions would have been a strong proof that the 
same idea is inherent in these other optatives, so the conspicuous 
absence of wish in the former creates a presumption against its existence 
in the latter ; for it appears that, even if the optative with εἰ in wishes 
does express the wish by its own natural force, this force has not 
passed over into the ordinary optative in protasis, even in Homer. 
We have to consider, therefore, whether in spite of this presumption 
it can be established that the optative is the mood of wish, or that the 
two forms of optative in wishes (with and without εὖ are identical in 
origin and construction. The theory of their identity obliges us to 
believe that εἶ is a sort of exclamatory particle ; whereas the older view 
which has the authority of Aristarchus (§ 723), that the optative with = 
in wishes is a protasis with a suppressed apodosis, avoids this difficulty 
by making the form of wish the same as that of protasis. The new 
theory also compels us to explain the past tenses of the indicative with 
εἰ and the optative with εἰ in wishes on different principles. The cases 
in 2 (p. 376) of an optative with εἰ in a wish followed by an apodosis 
in a separate sentence are easily explained by supposing an actual 
apodosis to be expressed in them, where commonly only a general idea 
of satisfaction (like καλῶς ἂν ἔχοι) is understood. The cases of εἰ with 





982 APPENDIX t 


the optative without an apodosis in 4 are to be explained by the implied 
apodosis: they are not necessarily expressions of desire, and the op- 
tative here generally represents an original subjunctive. 

As a negative result, we do not find in the Homeric examples 
as a whole any satisfactory proof that wish is the fundamental idea, or 
even an essential idea, of the optative. 

For the original meaning of the optative we must go, not to the 
developed wish, still less to the developed potential construction with 
dv or to the protasis with εἰ, but rather to certain simpler —_ ζρονα 
decided expressions, a few of which remain in Homer. In Il. iv. 17-19 
we have a full conditional sentence, 


> 4 eat m7 
εἰ δ᾽ αὖ πως pode πᾶσι φίλον Kat ηὸὺ πέλοιτο, 
7 vw 
ἢ τοι μὲν οἰκέοιτο πόλις Πριάμοιο ἄνακτος, 
, ; , ” 
αὖτις δ᾽ ᾿Αργείην “EAevnv Μενέλαος ἄγοιτο. 


This may be translated, and of moreover this should be welcome and pleasing 
to all, king Priam’s city may continue to be a dwelling-place, and Menelaus 
may take Argive Helen home again. But OLKEOLTO and ἄγοιτο (without 
κέ or ἄν) here do not make the usual potential apodosis, nor do they 
express a wish ; and yet a very slight change in the thought would 
make them either of these. With κέ or av added, the meaning would 
be Priam’s city would continue to be, ete. ; without ἄν, in the ordinary 
language it would be may Priam’s city continue to be, ete. The same 
general result happens to be expressed in other passages in various 
ways. In IL iii 71-75 Paris proposes the duel with Menelaus, and 
says :— 
ὁππότερος δέ KE νικήσῃ κρείσσων τε γένητα, 
κτήμαθ᾽ ἑλὼν ἐὺ πάντα γυναῖκά τε οἴκαδ ayer Ou: 
of δ᾽ ἄλλοι φιλότητα καὶ ὅρκια πιστὰ ταμόντες 
ναίοιτε Τροίην ἐριβώλακα, Tot δὲ νεέσθων 
"Apyos ἐς ἱππόβοτον. 
Here ἀγέσθω is used with the same gene ‘al idea in mind as ἄγοιτο in 
iv. 19, and ναΐοιτε is like οἰκέοιτο. This example would rather lead 
us to understand both ἄγοιτο and οἰκέοιτο as wishes. Sut in iil, 255 
we have τῷ δέ κε νικήσαντι γυνὴ καὶ TH PAO ἕποιτο, where ry 
νικήσαντι 18 equivalent to ὁππότερός KE νικ σ ἢ im 4 ει and ἐποιτὸ KE 
is potential, though expressing the same general idea as ayer Ow and 
ἄγοιτο above, Also, in iii. 256 we have ναίοιμεν (like ναίοιτε in 7 t) 
and νέονται (as future). Again, in ili. 138 Iris says to Helen τῷ ὃδὲ 
κε νικήσαντι φίλη κεκλήσῃ ἄκοιτις, where κεκλήσῃ κε is potential, 
referring to the same result as ETOLTO KE, ἄγοιτο, and ἀγεσθω. These 
passages show a use of the optative without κε which comes very near 
to that of the optative with κέ, and also to that of the imperative and 
of the future (with and without xe). This neutral use of the optative 
is generally called “ concessive.” a 
In other cases, the optative without κε has a more decided potential 
force ; as in 1]. xxiii. 151, νῦν δ᾽ ἐπεὶ οὐ VvEopat γε φίλην ἐς πατρίδα 
γαῖαν, 1] ιτρόκλῳ ἥρωι κόμην ὁπάσαιμι φέρεσθαι, I would fain send, 





17 RELATION OF OPTATIVE TO OTHER MOODS 383 


So in IL xv. 45, αὐτάρ τοι καὶ κείνῳ ἐγὼ παραμυθησαίμην, I 
should advise him. In IL xxi. 274, ἔπειτα δὲ καί τι πάθοιμι may be 
either then let me suffer anything (i.e. let me perish), or then would I suffer 
anything: that the latter is the true meaning is made more probable 
by xix. 321, ov μὲν γάρ τι κακώτερον ἄλλο πάθοιμι, for nothing else 
that is worse could I suffer, where οὐ shows that the optative is potential. 
On the other hand, in IL xxiv. 148, μηδέ τις ἄλλος ἅμα Τρώων iro 
ἀνήρ" κῆρύξ τίς οἱ ἕποιτο γεραίτερος, i.e. let no other of the Trojans go 
with him; only let an elder herald accompany him (or a herald may 
accompany him), the general sense and the preceding imperative seem 
to show that ἕποιτο is hortatory. Compare II. iii. 407, μηδ᾽ ἔτι σοῖσι 
πόδεσσιν ὑποστρέψειας Ὄλυμπον, between two pairs of imperatives, 
where μηδέ shows the nature of the expression. Again, in Π, vi. 164, 
τεθναίης, ὦ Προῖτ᾽, ἢ κάκτανε Βελλεροφόντην, we may doubt whether 
τεθναΐης means you must die or may you die (ie. die), although the 
connexion with κάκτανε leads us to the latter interpretation ἢ here 
also compare 1]. iii. 407. The tendency is not very strong in either 
direction in these passages, as is plain from the difficulty which we 
sometimes feel in deciding which the direction actually is in a given 
case! But as the potential and the wishing forms are generally clearly 
distinguished in Homer, we must look upon the few neutral expressions 
that we find as relics of an earlier stage of the language, in which the 
optative without κέ or ἄν was freely used in the sense of οἰκέοιτο and 
ἄγοιτο in 1]. iv. 18, 19. Such expressions could not be used in 
negative sentences, at least after ov and μή were established in their 
regular force, as the use of either negative would at once decide the 
character of the sentence. In the earlier language ἔλθοιμι and ἴδοιμι, 
I may go and I may see, probably corresponded to the subjunctives ἔλθω 
and ἔδω, I shall go and I shall see, as weaker forms for expressing future 
time. But both moods had inherited another use, by which ἔλθω and 
iow meant let me go and let me see, while ἔλθοιμι and ἔδοιμε meant may 
Igo and may I see, The reasons given above, for thinking a derivation 
of the hortatory subjunctive from the simple future expression more 
probable than the reverse, apply equally to the corresponding uses of 
the optative. 

In these neutral optatives, of which 1]. iv. 18, 19 gives the most 
striking examples, we probably come nearest to the primitive use out 
of which the two most common uses of the independent optative 

' To show the uncertainty that exists concerning some of these optatives 
in the minds of modern scholars, I give some of the most recent translations 
of four of thei. 

Il. vi. 164: You may as well die, Monro; 7 pray that you may die, Leaf 
(ed.); Die, Proetus, Leaf (transl.); Du wirst selbst sterben miissen, Delbriick. 

I]. xxiii. 151: 7 may as well give, Monro ; ‘*The optative expresses a wish,” 
I should like to give it, may I be allowed to give it, Leaf; I may give, Myers ; 
Ich werde mitgeben, Delbriick. 

Il. xxi. 274: Jam ready to suffer, Monro; Perish; then let come what may, 
Leaf ; After that let come to me what may, Myers. 

Il. xxiv. 149: Only a herald may follow, Monro; I permit a herald to go 
with him, Leaf; Let some older herald attend on him, Myers. 








Fie et 5 ee TTR gee eee ge 





RELI 





384 APPENDIX { 


(potential and wishing) were developed. Before the Homeric period 
these two uses were already established, the potential with its mark 
of κέ or ἄν and its negative ov, and the wishing with no external mark 
and its negative μή. It is hardly possible that the first potential use 
of the optative was marked by κέ or ἄν, for we find undoubted pc tential 
optatives in Homer without either of these particles (see § 240), and 
even in Attic poetry such indefinite expressions as οὐκ ἔσθ᾽ ὅστις, οὐκ 
ἐσθ᾽ ὅπως, etc, have the optative without ἄν (§ 241). Although the 
early Greek, even in Homer, did not always use κέ or ἄν with the 
potential optative, there is no evidence that it ever failed to distinguish 
the wishing optative in negative sentences by the use of μή, while the 
potential was always negatived by ov. The Sanskrit optative, which 
must have had a common origin with the Greek, appears in its earliest 
use in the state in which we have supposed the early Greek optative 
to have been, #.¢. used both in a potential sense and in wishes without 
any particle like κέ or ἄν, and occasionally in a neutral or concessive 
sense. But while the negative πά (=ov) is always found in the 
potential use, we have both ma’ (= μή) and πά in wishes and similar 
expressions in which the Greek has only μή The same peculiarity 


1 See Delbriick, Conj. ει. Opt. pp. 26, 194, 198, 199. Whitney, who agrees 
generally with Delbriick in deriving the other uses of the Sanskrit optative 
from the idea of wish or desire, says of the actual use of the mood (Sanskrit 
Grammar, ὃ 573): ‘* But the expression of desire, on the one hand, passes 
naturally over into that of request or entreaty, so that the optative becomes 
a softened imperative ; and on the other hand, it comes to signify what is 
generally desirable or proper, what should or ought to be, and so becomes the 
mode of prescription ; or, yet again, it is weakened into signifying what may 
or can be, what is likely or usual, and so becomes at last a softened statement 
of what is.” Again, in § 574: “ Subjunctive and optative run closely parallel 
with one another in the oldest language in their use in independent clauses, 
and are hardly distinguishable in dependent.” In § 575: **The difference 
between imperative and subjunctive and-optative, in their fundamental and 
most characteristic uses, is one of degree... . There is, in fact, nothing in 
the earliest employment of these modes to prove that they might not all be 
specialised uses of forms originally equivalent having, for instance, a general 
future meaning.” In § 581: ‘In all dependent constructions, it 1s still 
harder even in the oldest language to establish a distinction between subjunctive 
and optative: a method of use of either is scarcely to be found to which the 
other does not furnish a practical equivalent.” 

The original relation of the Sanskrit subjunctive and optative here stated 
closely resembles what I believe to have been the original relation of the 
Greek subjunctive and optative, the optative being essentially a sort of weaker 
subjunctive, both expressing essentially the same ideas. My own view 
would, I think, agree substantially with that suggested by Delbriick (Syn- 
taktische Forschungen, iv. p. 117) as an alternative to his earlier view presented 
in his Conjunctiv und Optativ (vol. i. of the same work) eight years before : 
‘Kine andere Méglichkeit wire, in beiden Modi den futurischen Sinn zu 
finden, und zwar im Conj. die Bezeichnung der nahen, im Opt. die der ferner- 
en Zukunft. Unter dieser Voraussetzung miisste die von mir Synt. Forsch. 1. 
gewahite Anordnung ginzlich umgestaltet werden.” I was, of course, not 
aware of this important concession of Delbriick when I suggested in the same 
month (August, 1879), in my Greek Grammar, p. 258, the relation of the 
optative to the subjunctive which is advocated in the present work. 

Since the above was written, Delbriick in his Alt-Indische Syntax has 








1] RELATION OF OPTATIVE TO OTHER MOODS 385 


as W c - | . 


ἔλθω, I shall go (neg. ov), or let me go (neg. μή) 
εἐλθῃς, thou wilt go( ., ), or go thou ( 2 ᾿ 
; ἐλθῃ, hewill go ( ,, ), or let him go ( : ) 
ἔλθοιμι, I may or might go (neg. ov), or may I go (neg. μή 
ἔλθοις, thou mayest or mightest go ( ) or mayest thou go ( yee 
ἔλθοι, he may or might go ; ( as Ὶ or sail go ᾿ ( : 
Py 9 


Although the Greek which is best known to us did not use the second 
and third persons of the subjunctive in a hortatory sense | there rts Ὁ 
little doubt that such a use existed in the earlier language as pe ; 
from the use in Sanskrit and in Latin, and from the Greck -orohibitions 
with μή. (See ὃ 258.) In an Elean inscription we find two cas f 
the third person : τὸ δὲ Yadurpa . . . ἀνατεθᾷ ἐν τὸ iapd ὦ Διὸ 
τῷ ᾿Ολυμπίω, and (voted) that the decree be set u case Ce ἽΝ 
μέλειαν ποιήαται (subj.) Νικόδ | Boheve ho a 
de i }.) Nixodpopop ὁ Bwroypadop, that N. have 
Both moods alike developed a distinct potential use, which was dis 
tinguished from the other by κέ or ἄν ; and in Homer ‘We have ‘leas 
like ἔλθω κε and ἐλθῃ xe parallel with ἔλθοιμί κε and ἔλθοι κε all 
negatived by ov. The potential subjunctive, however, did not mares 6 
the Epic period, while the potential optative became fixed in the 
language. The future indicative also developed a potential form with 
ke or av, Which appears to have survived the potential subjunctive, at 


least i Ὁ ial 1: ingli 
in the colloquial language. The English has no form except its 


vacue Γ γ lp ΣῪ σας Υ͂ ; Ε 
a I may take to express the various shades of meaning denoted by 
ἐλουμαΐὶ K € [κ Ϊ I hae 
“ ὑμαί κε, ἕλωμαι, EAwpai κε, and ἑλοίμην, which once stood between 
€ ᾿ > "0 ξ Γ : | 

> shall take, and ἑλοίμην av, I should take. (See § 399.) The 
Su ) ; re ΥΩ Ἷ ὮὯὮΌ Ἷ Ἷ Y y Ἷ 7 Ἷ : : : 
᾿ ager ἫΝ fore, in its two chief uses in independent sentences 
rom which all others are derived, w: igi τ κα 
na iy ancl Hace fos rived, w as — accompanied by a 

: yptative, expressing the same idea less disti 
ὶ Sc 5S Cli ν 

and decidedly. : ee 


a “ us now = how this weaker subjunctive (or future) form enters 
into the various dependent constructi is, | 
ξ nstruc , that is onditic 
nas ees pen ( ictions, that is, into conditional and 
al sentences and indirect discourse. 
The only dependent construction in which the optative is an original 
©) λ ; ΄ . : τ 
— not representing another mood after a past tense, is that of protasis 
(including the conditional relative clause, but excluding the past generic 


ΕΑ ΗΝ ων ᾿ ee ; ; 
ches thet - (> a to his earlier view, discussed above) 
g 2 potential and wishing functions » optative istinct i ir 
πεν ig functions of the optative are distinct in their 
] Delt ee a " . 
elbriic "sch. iv 7 
wn te ἡ πὰ Fon sch. iv. p. 117, quotes these passages from Cauer (No 
yaad all ὧν " says of this use: “Es ist nicht zu bezweifeln, dass 
B dii onjunctiv-Typus im Griechischen ausstarb, weil der Imperativ den 
ediirfniss geniigte.” See also i. p. 20 pe 


2C 








386 APPENDIX [1 


condition), Here we see the same relation between ἐὰν (or εὖ ἔλθω 
and εἰ ἔλθοιμι, if I shall go and if I should go, as between the original 
ἔλθω, I shall go, and ἔλθοιμι, IT may (or might) 90, the optative being 
a less distinct and vivid form for presenting a future supposition, 1t 
may be for presenting the same supposition which has already been 
presented by the subjunctive. The distinction, whatever it may be 
thought to be, is that which appears in our distinction of shall and 
should, and there will always be differences of opinion as to the exact 
nature of this.! The objections to deriving this form of condition 
from the optative in wishes have already been considered, - On the 
theory that the protasis is an offshoot of the conditional relative clause 
(see § 398), we should understand εἰ ἔλθω as meaning originally ἴη 
case (i.e. in the case in which) I shall go or may go, and εἰ ἔλθοιμι in 
case I should go or might go,—should and might being here merely 
weakened forms of shall and may. (Homeric optatives referring to the 
present are discussed below.) : ᾿ 
In the whole class of final sentences, in which the subjunctive and 
optative are probably the only primitive forms, the optative always 
represents a dependent subjunctive in the changed relation to its lead- 
ing verb in which it is placed when this verb is changed from present 
or future to past time, a change which we represent by our change 
from may to might or from shall to should ; as ἔρχεται ἵνα LON τοῦτο, 
he comes that he may see this, ἦλθεν ἵνα ἴδοι τοῦτο, he came that he 
might see this, ete. The thought in the dependent clause is in both 
cases what would be expressed originally by ‘va (dw, adapted to different 
circumstances ; and the original subjunctive (‘va dy) could always be 
retained, even after past tenses, and by some writers 1t was generally 
retained ($§ 318-321). The change is, in fact, the same which is 
made in indirect discourse when the leading verb is past, since a past 
final clause always expresses the past thought of the leading subject 
($703). This relation to indirect discourse is especially clear when the 
future indicative is used after primary tenses, with the future optative 
corresponding to it after past tenses. : 3 
The optative of indirect discourse has much wider relations, which 
were greatly extended as the language developed. Here the optative 
represents not merely the subjunctive but also the indicative in the 
changed relation in which these are placed by a change of the leading 
verb from present or future to past time, the tenses of the optative 
(with some restrictions) representing the corresponding tenses of either 
subjunctive or indicative at pleasure, the present including also the 
imperfect. In the development of the language, the want of an optative 
1 For an attempt to make this distinction more clear and to remove some 
difficulties concerning it, see my paper on ‘Shall and Should in Protasis and 
their Greek Equivalents,” in the Transactions of the Am. Phil. Assoc. for 1876, 
yp. 87-107, and in the English Journal of Philology, vol. vin. no. 15, ΒΡ. 39-59. 
I have there given the best answer in my power to the objection that my 
explanation of the optative in protasis as “ less distinct and vivid than the 
subjunctive lacks distinctness; this answer is, briefly, that my statement 18 
as distinct as the distinction itself to which it refers. 


pire ig 


mn 


ne Gp NSRP Gn ow 





[1 RELATION OF OPTATIVE TO OTHER MOODS 387 


form to represent the future indicative was felt, and the future optative 
was added to the verb to supply the need, appearing first in Pindar. 
In Homer, this use of the optative is imperfectly developed, as the 
optative with ὅτε or ws in a quotation representing a simple indicative 
is still unknown (§ 671). Still the Homeric language has most of the 
other constructions of indirect discourse, including the optative in 
indirect questions representing both the indicative and the subjunctive. 
This optative in Homer appears (as we should expect) more as the cor- 
relative of the subjunctive than as that of the indicative. In indirect 
discourse, as in final constructions, the optative is not absolutely de- 
manded after past tenses; and in some writers the original indicatives 
and subjunctives are more common (§ 670). The future optative, as 
a new form, is always less freely used than the older tenses. 

In final constructions and in indirect discourse the optative appears 
as a subjunctive or indicative (as it were) transferred to the past, and 
it here has many points in common with the Latin imperfect and 
pluperfect subjunctive. In Homer, moreover, the present optative is 
regularly used in present unreal conditions and conclusions, and both 
present and aorist optative with κέ occasionally refer to the past like 
the imperfect and aorist indicative with κέ or dv. These uses, taken 
in connexion with the secondary terminations of the optative, might 
lead us to think that the optative was originally a past expression, so 
that καί νύ κεν ἔνθ᾽ ἀπόλοιτο, and now he would have perished there, 11. 
v. 311, would represent the regular use of the primitive optative, 
instead of being (as is commonly thought) a rare exception. Against 
this view, however, there are many considerations to be urged. 

1. The optative is fully established in Homer in wishes and condi- 
tions as a future expression, and also in present unreal conditions, the 
imperfect indicative here being still confined (like the aorist) to the past. 
In past unreal conditions the optative never appears in protasis, and 
only rarely in apodosis, the aorist indicative being already established 
here before Homer. Thus, while οὐκ ἂν γνοίης in 1]. v. 85 means you 
would not have discerned, it would commonly mean, even in Homer, you 
would not discern (as future), and the common Homeric expression in 
Il. v. 85 would be οὐκ ἂν ἔγνως. The evidence of the Homeric 
language, therefore, shows that the present optative is the original 
form in present unreal conditions and conclusions and in present un- 
attained wishes, but is opposed to the view that the optative was ever 
regularly past. 

2. It is hardly possible that the past unreal conditional preceded 
in development the ordinary future supposition. Every primitive 
language must have needed expressions like if he should go he would see 
this before it ventured upon ¢f he had gone he would have seen this. If 
now we suppose that οὐκ ἂν γνοίης had originally the sense you would 
not have discerned, we must assume that the Greek expressed this ide: 
before it could express you would not discern (future), for the language 
never had any other form to express the latter. We cannot hesitate, 
therefore, to find in the common future meaning of οὐκ ἂν γνοίης the 


-πι τ 





388 APPENDIX { 


original force of the expression, and to look upon the occasional 
reference to the past as a relic of an early attempt to express you 
would not have discerned by a form already appropriated to another 
use. 

3. The Homeric optative in conditional sentences agrees remarkably 
with the Sanskrit in both the future and the present use, the Sanskrit 
optative being used both in future and in unreal present conditions 
and conclusions, but not in past conditions or conclusions. This seems 
to show that the Greek inherited the two principal Homeric uses of 
the optative, (1) in future conditions and wishes, and (2) in present 
unreal conditions and unattained wishes, while, so far as our evidence 
goes, the occasional use of the optative in past potential expressions is 
an extension of its use beyond its hereditary limits made by the early 
Greek itself. 

4. The argument drawn from the past tenses of the Latin subjunc- 
tive will not apply to Greek conditional sentences, for here the present 
and perfect subjunctive in Latin (not the imperfect and pluperfect) 
correspond to the Greek optative in its most frequent use, and in the 
older Latin these primary tenses sometimes express present unreal 
conditions. 

The most natural view seems to be, that the primitive optative, 
before it came into the Greek language, was a weak future form, like 
he may go and may he go, from which on one side came its potential 
and its future conditional use, and on the other side its use in ex- 
hortations and wishes. These uses would naturally all be established 
before there was any occasion to express either an unreal condition or 
an unattained wish. The need of a form for present unreal con- 
ditions and present unattained wishes would naturally come next, and 
the present optative was made to include these also, no practical 
difficulty being caused by having a single form for it would be as both 
present and future, none being felt in Homer and none being now felt 
in English. In this state the optative probably came into the Greek, 
before any attempt was made to extend its use to past unreal conditions. 
When a form was required for these, the optative may have been used 
at first, on the analogy of present unreal conditions ; but here the 
serious difficulty of using ἀπόλοιτό κε for he would have perished when 
it was already familiar in the sense he would perish (hereafter) probably 
prevented the establishment of this usage. 3efore our evidence begins, 
the past tenses of the indicative were firmly established in past un- 
real conditions, while the optative was here a rare exception, even in 
apodosis, and was never used in protasis. But no attempt was yet 
made to dislodge the present optative from present unreal conditions 
or the corresponding wishes, although the use of ὥφελον or ὥφελλον 
in Homer shows that a past indicative in a present sense was not 
absolutely repugnant even to the early usage. But afterwards a new 
tendency prevailed, and the imperfect indicative took the place of the 
optative in present unreal conditions, still retaining its older use (with 


the aorist) in past conditions. The Greek, Sanskrit, and Latin appear 





11] ORIGIN OF THE CONSTRUCTIONS OF οὐ μή 389 


to have developed their expressions of past unreal conditions inde. 
pendently. The Sanskrit, which seldom needed such a form, used its 
past future, as the Greek occasionally used ἔμελλον with the infinitive 
(see § 428). 

The optative in past general suppositions only represents the cor. 
responding subjunctive transferred to the past. This is, moreover, not 
to be treated as a primitive use of the optative, for reasons which 
apply also to the generic subjunctive (see §§ 11, ὃ, and 17). 

If the optative, at the time of its origin in some ancestral language 
ever actually existed as a past form, as its terminations certainly seem 
to indi “ate, no effect has come down to the Greek from this remote 
origin, except perhaps the use of the optative to represent the subjunc- 
tive (and afterwards the indicative) transferred to the past in final 
constructions and indirect discourse. Even here, its relation to the 
subjunctive, which is probably all that is primitive in this use, is 
substantially that of a “remoter future,” as it is in independent 
sentences and in protasis, 


Il. 


ON THE ORIGIN OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF ov μὴ WITH 
THE SUBJUNCTIVE AND THE FUTURE INDICATIVE! 


THE origin of the construction of ov μή has never been satisfactorily 
explained. While there is a general agreement as to the meaning of 
the two forms of expression in which this double negative occurs, that 
; ae ee 
(1) ov μὴ γένηται or ov μὴ γενήσεται is it will not happen, and (2) οὐ 
μὴ καταβήσει is do not come down, there is great diversity of opinion 
as to the manner in which these meanings are obtained from the Greek 
expressions, and still greater as to the origin of the constructions them- 
selves. Most scholars have explained expressions of denial with ov 
μή and those of prohiition on entirely different theories, which involve 
different views of the functions of the negatives in the two forms. 
[he explanation of the expressions of denial (like οὐ μὴ γένηται) 
which has gained most favour is that of an ellipsis after ov of a verb 
or other form denoting fear, on which μὴ γένηται depends ; so that the 
full form would be οὐ δέος ἐστὶ μὴ γένηται, there is no fear that it will 
happen. Since a strong argument for this ellipsis is the existence of 
such examples as ov φόβος μή σε ἀγάγω, XEN. Mem. ii. 1, 25, and 
ovxt δέος μή σε φιλήσῃ, AR. Eccl. 650, which, by omitting φόβος and 
δέος, would become οὐ μή σε ἀγάγω and οὐχὶ μή σε φιλήσῃ, it can 
hardly be said that this is supposed to be one of the unconscious 
ellipses which are no longer felt in actual use. This explanation, 


ΞΡ Reprinted, with a few changes, from the Harvard Studies in Classical 
Philology, vol, i. pp. 65-76, 





390 APPENDIX [1 


however, does not help to account for the prohibitions in the second 
person, like od μὴ καταβήσει, for there is no freak of language by 
which οὐ δέος ἐστὲ μὴ καταβῇς or even οὐ δέος ἐστὲ μὴ καταβήσει 
(if we can suppose such an expression) could be transformed into ov 
μὴ καταβήσει, in the sense do not come down, The prohibitions have, 
therefore, generally been explained, on Elinsley’s theory, as interroga- 
tive ; and ov μὴ καταβήσει; is supposed to mean will you not not 
come down? i.e. do not come down, All subjunctives that are found in 
these prohibitions, as in οὐ μὴ σκώψῃς μηδὲ ποιήσῃς, AR. Nub. 296, 
have generally been condemned since Brunck and Elmsley, and such 
subjunctives are seldom seen in recent editions of the dramatists. 

But all attempts to explain these constructions of ov μή on different 
theories lead to fatal difficulties. We cannot make all the prohibitions 
interrogative, nor can we change all the prohibitory subjunctives to 
futures without violence to the text; nor are all cases of ov py with 
the second person of the subjunctive or of the future prohibitory. 
The following examples show a complete transition from one of the 
uses of οὐ μή to the other, and yet no line of distinction, on which 
different theories of construction can reasonably be based, can be drawn 
between any two of them :— 

Οὔτοι σ᾽ ᾿Αχαιῶν, οἶδα, μή τις ὑβρίσῃ, no one of the Achaeans, I 
am sure, will insult you. Sopu. Aj. 560. Οὔ σοι μὴ μεθέψομα ποτε, 
I never will follow you. Td. El. 1052. Κοὐχὶ μὴ παύσησθε, and you 
will not cease. Ar. Lys.704. ᾿Αλλ᾽ οὔ ποτ᾽ ἐξ ἐμοῦ γε μὴ πάθῃς τόδε, 
but you shall never suffer this from me. Sopu. El. 1029, Οὐ μή ποτ᾽ ἐς 
τὴν Σκῦρον ἐκπλεύσῃς, you shall never sail off to Scyros, Id. Ph. 381. 
Οὐ μὴ σκώψῃς . . . GAN εὐφήμει, do not jeer (i.e. you shall not jeer), 
but hold your tongue. Ar. Nub. 296 (this cannot be interrogative). 
Ov μὴ προσο ίσεις χεῖρα μηδ᾽ ἅψ ει πέπλων, do not bring your hand 
near me, nor touch my garments, Eur. Hipp. 606 (generally made 
interrogative). 

It should be made a first requisite of any theory that it shall 
explain all these cases on the same general principle. 


A preliminary question to be settled, if possible, is whether ov and 


μή merely combine to make a single strong negative, or whether ov as 
an independent adverb negatives μή and the verb taken together. The 
difficulty either of conceiving οὐ and μή as forming a single strong 
negative, as οὐ and οὐδέν or μή and μηδέν often do, or of understand- 
ing how μὴ γένηται, which by itself cannot mean ἐξ will not happen, 
can be strengthened by οὐ into an expression with this very meaning, 
has made it impossible to defend the former view on any recognised 
principle, even when it was adopted for want of something better, as 
in the earlier editions of the present work. The supposed analogy of 
μὴ ov forming a single negative with the infinitive will hardly hold 
as a support of this; for, while we cannot have a sentence like οὐχ 
ὅσιόν ἐστι μὴ οὐ βοηθεῖν continued by an infinitive with οὐδέ (e.g. by 
οὐδὲ ἀμύνεσθαι), we frequently have sentences like ov μὴ καλεῖς pe 
μηδὲ κατερεῖς τοὔνομα, where μηδέ continues the prohibition without 





11] ORIGIN OF THE CONSTRUCTIONS OF ov μή 391 


repeating ov, showing the distinct force of each part of this double 
negative. But this only brings out more emphatically the perplexing 
question that lies at the basis of the whole discussion. If οὐ is an 
independent negative, as by every principle of Greek negatives it 
should be, what does it negative? It is clear that there is only one 
active negative in ov μὴ γένηται, it will not happen; and οὐ μὴ 
σκώψῃς, do not jeer, surely does not have one more active negative 
than μὴ σκώψης.} Η 

᾿ It seems obvious, therefore, that if ov is an independent negative 
in ov μὴ γένηται, the negative force of the μή must in some way be 
in abeyance, as otherwise the two simple negatives would make the 
sentence as a whole positive. We may naturally turn for a suggestion 
here to the principal form of expression in which the negative force 
of μή seems to be in abeyance,—to Plato’s favourite subjunctive with 
py as a form of cautious assertion, as μὴ φαυλὸν x, 1 th ink it will prove 
to be bad, Crat. 425 B. (See ὃ 264 and the examples.) Such ex- 
pressions are, practically, cautious aflirmative statements, the fear that 
something may prove true having by usage softened into a suspicion, 
and this again into an idea of probability or possibility, so that μὴ 
φαῦλον 7, which originally meant may it not prove bad (as I fear it 
may), has come to mean I suspect it may prove bad, and finally, I think 
it will prove bad or tt will probably prove bad. The expression, however, 
always retains at least the implication that the fact thus stated is an 
object of apprehension to some one, though it has lost all of its original 
reference to such apprehension on the part of the speaker? If now a 
writer wished to express the negative of one of these cautious asser- 
tions, in which the original force of μή has practically disappeared, he 
would say, for example, ov μὴ φαῦλον ἢ» it will not prove to be bad. 
We thus have a simple explanation of such sentences as ov μὴ οἷός T 
1/85 you will not be able, Puat. Rep. 341 B, and ov μὴ δυνατὸς ὦ. I shall 
not be able, Id. Phil. 48 D, the former being the negative of μὴ οἷός T 
ys, 1 suspect you will be able, the latter of μὴ δυνατὸς ὦ, I suspect that I 


1 he fo. i ὦ : 

, Ihe idea suggested rather than advocated by Gildersleeve (American 
᾿ . ) . see ‘ ‘  % ἂν ab = . . 
Journal of Philology, iii. pp. 203, 205), that οὐ is an independent negative, 
nay, while μή introduces a question which expects a negative answer, was 
evidently held by the copyists of some of the best Mss. of Aristophanes or by 

»7}» 78 lA ὩΣ Ὁ . ων ¢ = ~4 " ‘ , ᾿ 
their predece SSsors : thus, Rav. and several Paris Mss. have οὔ" μὴ σκώψῃης (or 
- - \ oc . “ 7 — Me 5 ul Φ Υ | »-- Γ 4 ‘ 
oxayns) in Nub. 296; Ven. 474 has οὔ" μὴ Anphons in Nub. 367, and οὔ" μὴ 
λαλήσεις in 505. See the Ms. readings given in T'ransactions of the American 
Philological Association for 1869-70, }Ρ. 5, ᾿ 
eee I give the following passages of Plato, with Jowett’s translation, to 
illustrate this idiom :— 
ot 7 «ι ὲ ; 4 A = ‘ ᾽ . ‘es ; ty / “δ 
Αλλως δὲ συνείρειν μὴ φαῦλον 7) καὶ οὐ καθ᾽ ὁδὸν, ὦ φίλε ᾿Ἑρμόγενες, if they 
are not, the composition of the wi. WY dear He rivoge WS, will be @ 5077} piece of 
work, and in the wrong direction. Crat. 425 B. ᾿Αλλὰ μὴ ὡς ἀληθῶς, τὸ τοῦ 
7 , , ἃ ᾿ “-“ ε ᾽ i" on a . ᾿ Φ a a, 4 * A rn 
Ἑρμογένοι 4, γλίσχρα ἢ ἢ ὁλκὴ αὕτη τῆς ὁμοιότητος, ἀναγκαῖον δὲ ἢ καὶ TW φορτικῳ 
τούτῳ προσχρῆσθαι, TH ξυν θήκῃ, but the force of resemblance, as Hermogenes says, 
iS @ ΠΡΟ thing > and the mechanical aid of conve ntion must he further employed 
or ‘ ‘ "«ἱ " ᾿ 7. 5 ᾽ . = e . - 
Ib. 435 U. Μὴ οὐδὲν ἄλλο σκεπτέον ἡ, the only question which remains to be con- 
sidered is, ete. Crit. 48 C, 





392 APPENDIX [i 


shall be able. So, by prefixing οὐ to μὴ ἀναγκαῖον ἢ, it may be 
necessary, we have ov μὴ ἀναγκαῖον ἢ, it will not be necessary. (See 
footnote, p. 394.) 

This use of μή with the independent subjunctive in Plato, is, how- 
ever, confined to the present subjunctive, and generally to 7 (or ἔχῃ 
with an adverb), while οὐ μή generally has the aorist subjunctive or 
the future indicative, and only rarely the present subjunctive, even in 
Plato. (See examples in $295.) Still, the successful application of 
the principle to the few present subjunctives which are like those above 
quoted indicates that we are on the right track. 

The independent subjunctive with μή is by no means confined to 
the Platonic construction above mentioned, although this is its chief 
representative in Attic Greek, It is familiar in Homer in expressions 
of apprehension combined with a desire to avert the object of fear; as 
μὴ δὴ νῆας ἕλωσι, may they not seize the ships (as I fear they may), 1]. 
xvi. 128. (See $261.) In such expressions sometimes the fear itself 
and sometimes the desire to avert the danger is more prominent ; see 
Od. v. 415: μή πώς μ᾽ ἐκβαίνοντα βάλῃ λίθακι προτὶ πέτρῃ κῦμα 
μέγ ἁρπάξαν, μελέη δὲ μοι ἔσσεται ὁρμή, ie. I fear that some wave 
may dash me upon a rock as I am emerging from the sea, and my effort 
will (then) be in vain (the clause of fear being merged in a direct state- 
ment). See also 1]. 1. 195, xviii. 8; Od. v. 356, xvi. 255. Between 
Homer and Plato, we find only eight cases of independent μή (or μὴ 
οὐ) with the subjunctive ;1 but in these we can see the transition from 
Homer’s clause of apprehension to Plato’s cautious assertion, (See 
§ 264.) In four of these cases, the speaker expresses fear and a desire 
to avert its object. These are Eur. Alc. 315, μὴ σοὺς διαφθείρῃ 
ydpous,—Or. 776, μὴ λάβωσί σ᾽ ἄσμενοι,---Η. F. 1399, GAN αἷμα 
μὴ σοῖς ἐξομόρξωμαι πέπλοις,-- Ἐπε5. 115, μὴ οὐ μόλῃς πόλιν. In 
the other four we see either the cautious assertion found in Plato or 
a near approach to it. In Hpr. νυ. 79, we have ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον μὴ οὐ 
τοῦτο ἢ τὸ μαντήιον, but I suspect rather that this will prove not to be 
the meaning of the oracle (precisely Plato’s usage). Cases of μὴ ov of 
course illustrate this use of μή with the subjunctive equally with those 
of the simple μή. In Eur. Tro, 982, Hecuba says to Helen, μὴ ov 
πείσῃς σοφούς, I suspect you will not convince wise people, with the 
same sarcastic tone which is in Plato’s μὴ οὐκ ἢ διδακτὸν ἀρετή, 1 
suspect it will prove that virtue is not a thing to be taught, Men. 94 E 
(said by Socrates, who is arguing that virtue is ov διδακτόν). In AR. 
Eccl. 795, most editions have μὴ γὰρ οὐ λάβ Ss ὅποι (86. ταῦτα κατα- 
Ons, where the Mss. give an impossible λάβοις), Ϊ suspect you will not 
find a place to put them down, with the same affectation of anxiety as 
in the two preceding examples. In Xen. Mem. iv. 2, 12, we have one 
of the rare interrogative forms of the subjunctive with μή, in which 
Euthydemus says to Socrates, μὴ οὖν οὐ δύνωμαι (vy. 1. δύναμαι) ἐγὼ 
τὰ τῆς δικαιοσύνης ἔρη α διηγήσασθαι; do you suspect that I shall be 


1 I depend here on Weber’s statistics, given in his Entwickelungsgesch ichte 
der Absichtssitze. 





11] ORIGIN OF THE CONSTRUCTIONS OF οὐ μή 393 


(or am) unable to explain the works of Justice? He adds, καὶ νὴ Δί 
ἔγωγε τὰ τῆς ἀδικίας, I assure you, I can explain those of Injustice. 
Here the spirit of the expression is the same as in the other cases. 
Compare the similar interrogatives in Plato: Phaed. 64 C, Rep. 603 
C, Parm. 163 Ὁ, Sisyph. 387 C. But for the eight cases of inde- 
pendent μή that have been quoted, we should never know that the 
construction existed between Homer and Plato. We have good ground 
for believing that it remained as a colloquial idiom in the language 
though it seldom appeared in literature until Plato revived it and 
restored it to common use as a half-sarcastic form of expressing mildly 
a disagreeable truth. In Plato, the construction is not confined to 
this peculiar sense, for we find cases in which honest apprehension is 
expressed as in the older use. Weber quotes Euthyd. 272 C, μὴ τοῖν 
ξένοιν τις ταὐτὸ τοῦτο ὀνειδίσῃ, I am afraid some one may insult the 
two strangers vm this same way (or let no one insult them, as I fear some 
one may); also Symp. 193 B, καὶ μή μοι ὑπολάβῃ, I hope he will not 
answer me; and Leg. 861 E, μὴ τοίνυν τις οἴηται. 

It appears, therefore, that the independent subjunctive with μή 
was in good use in the fifth century B.c. in the two senses illustrated 
by fur. Or. 776, μὴ λάβωσί oe, I fear they may seize you, and by 
Eur. Tro. 982, μὴ ov πείσης σοφούς, I suspect you will fail to convince 
wise people. From the persistence of the original meaning, even in 
Plato, we may probably assume that the expression more frequently 
included the idea of apprehension which is essential to it in Homer 
3ut the other examples show that μὴ λάβωσί σε must have been in 
equally good use in the sense I suspect they will seize you (implying no 
apprehension). If now we suppose ov to be prefixed to μὴ eBook 
σε, we shall have ov μὴ λάβωσί oe, which could be said with the 
meaning I am not afraid that they will seize you, and equally well 
with the meaning they shall not seize you. The former sense agrees 
precisely with that of some of the older uses of ov μή with the sub- 
junctive. If the strange example from Parmenides (vs. 121) is genuine 
we have ov μή ποτέ tis σε βροτῶν γνώμῃ παρελάσσῃ have is "0 
danger that any mortal will surpass you im ‘wisdom. to Avec Sept 
38 (one of the oldest cases, 467 B.c.), οὔ τι μὴ ληφθῶ δόλῳ, I have πο 

fear of being caught by any trick, we can easily understand οὐ πὸ ληφθῶ 
as the negative of μὴ ληφθῶ, I fear I may be ca ught. Soin Parmenides 
we have the gee of μή τίς σε παρελάσσῃ, I fear some one may 
surpass You. v μή τις ὀνειδίσῃ would be a natur gative of μή 
Tis ὀνειδίσῃ, fie ἀξ one nan Smal in Prams oo ae a. Ο ει So, 
where there is no denial of apprehension, οὐ μὴ πάθῃς τόδε yon shall 
Pa suffer this, Sopu. El. 1029, may be the negative of μὴ πάθης τόδε, 
suspect you will suffer this; and οὐ μὴ ἐκπλεύσῃς hil. 98 é 
be the negative of μὴ ἐκπλεύσῃς, 1 ae sa pga: ag 
neg ἢ Ί ἶ y. So οὐ 
μὴ ναῦς ἀφορμίσῃ (Kirchoff, -σῃς) χθονὸς, πρὶν ἄν, ete. you shall not 
move your ships from the shore, until, etc., Eur. I. T. 18, will be the 
negative of μὴ ναῦς ἀφορμίσῃ, I suspect you will move your ships, 
These expressions with ov μή were always colloquial, as were also (at 





394 APPENDIX [τ| 


least in Attic Greek) the expressions with μή and the subjunctive from 
which they are here supposed to have sprung.’ 

If it is thought that the limited number of cases of independent μὴ 
with the subjunctive not implying apprehension do not justify Ἕ 
assumptions which have been based on them, it is easy to: 007 now ‘ 16 
change from the denial of an apprehension to the denial τ ee - 
might have taken place within the ov μὴ construction, ise - " 
suppose such expressions as ov μὴ ληφθω and οὐ μὴ Tis σε vf ρίσῃ + 
have been established as the negatives of μὴ ληφθῶ, I fear I may . 
caught, and μή τίς σε ὑβρίσῃ, I fear some one may insult you, they 
must soon have fallen out of this relation to the parent forms, and 
have been felt in use to be mere future negative assertions, ν 
that they could not long be restricted to sentences In a 
apprehension was implied. Thus, ov μὴ vavs ἀφορμίσῃ _— 
would soon become as natural to those who used these forms as the 
older οὐ μή tis σε ὑβρίσῃ. According to this view, ov μὴ ree: Ae 
subjunctive would come into the language in the sense of a anne : 5 
an apprehension, which is essentially the same general μον “τὸ 
supposed by the theory of an ellipsis of δέος ἐστίν. re —. 
great advantage in dispensing with this troublesome an — 
ellipsis, and deriving the meaning from the sentence as it stanis. 
There is surely no more ground for assuming this ellipsis here than in 
the independent subjunctive with μή, which is an older construction 
than the dependent subjunctive with μὴ. And if we accept μὴ =e 
σε ὑβρίσῃ as a complete construction, without the help of δέος ἐστίν, 
it is absurd to invent an ellipsis to explain ov μὴ τὶς σε ὑβρίσῃ as ἃ 
shorter form for οὐ δέος ἐστὶ μή τίς σε ὑβρίσῃ. In fact, dispensing 
with this ellipsis removes the most fatal objection to the view of the 
sentence on which the old theory was based. 


1 It may perhaps be urged, in opposition to the view weeral. ager γα τ ταῖν 
οὐ μὴ λάβωσί σε, they will not seize you, cannot be the — : a —_ 
σε in its sense of J suspect they will seize you, or even In -_ Γ fe pes he 
may seize you, because the regular negative of this is μὴ τ λάξ ωσί σε, ie 
may call μὴ οὐ πείσῃς σοφούς (Eur. Tro. 982) the negative o ‘BH πείσῃς σ ἣν : 
But οὐ in μὴ οὐ melons negatives only the verb, w rereas οὐ In ov μὴ πείσῃς 
would negative the whole expression μὴ πείσῃς. Μὴ οὐ πείσῃ: is δ᾽ = 
negative, meaning 7 suspect you will not convince them, —— ing eli 
certain way to μὴ melons, 1 suspect you will convince them. but ov μὴ wa us 
would be the true negative of μὴ πείσῃς, denying it absolutely , in the 86 me 
there is no ground for suspicion that you will convince them, on cy 
there is no fear that you will convince them, i.e. you will not convin . em. 
There is all the difference in the world between suspecting ἃ negative (2.9. 
suspecting that something will not happen) and ΘΟ ΝΕ σαν 9. 
denying that there is any suspicion that something wi ἐν oe aes a κα 
one could understand μὴ οὐ δυνατὸς ὦ, I suspect 1 shall not be ¢ Me, an τὰ 
negative of μὴ δυνατὸς ὦ, I suspect I shall be able. rhe a hag ag lig 
much rather οὐ μὴ δυνατὸς ὦ, there is no chance that I shall ve able, τῷ ΜΑΣ, 
Phil. 48 D. The negative power of οὐ in negativing μὴ egg in i B 8 - 
of I fear they may seize you is perhaps still more apparent. Where as μὴ ' 
λάβωσί σε in this sense would mean J am afraid they may Με St a pe : μὴ 
λάβωσί σε would mean Ido not fear (or there ts no Ganges that t vey Wi ‘ Ζ 
you, which is felt as a strong negative, they will not seize you. 





11] ORIGIN OF THE CONSTRUCTIONS OF οὐ μή 395 


In whichever of the two ways above suggested the subjunctive 
with ov μή came to express a simple future denial, it was only natural 
that the Attic Greek should soon begin to use the future indicative in 
place of the subjunctive in the same sense. Thus we have in Sopu. 
El. 1052, οὔ σοι μὴ μεθέψομαί ποτε, and in Ar. Ran. 508, ov μή 
σ᾽ ἐγὼ περιόψομαι, both expressing denial. At this stage all 
recollection of the original clause with μή and the subjunctive must 

have been lost, as there was no corresponding clause with μή and the 
future indicative in common use, of which ov μή with the future could 
be the negative. A most striking proof of the entire loss of this 
tradition is given by examples of indirect quotation of οὐ μή with the 
future. In Sorx. Ph. 611 we have τά τ᾽ ἄλλα πάντ᾽ ἐθέσπισεν, καὶ 
τἀπὶ Tpotas πέργαμ᾽ ws οὐ μή ποτε πέρσοιεν εἰ μὴ τόνδε ἄγοιντο, 
the direct form being οὐ μή ποτε πέρσετε ἐὰν μὴ τόνδε ἄγησθε. 
In Xen. Hell. i. 6, 32, εἶπεν ὅτι ἡ Σπάρτη οὐδὲν μὴ κάκιον οἰκιεῖται 
αὐτοῦ ἀποθανόντος, the future indicative is retained in an otherwise 
similar construction. In Eur. Ph. 1590, we find εἶπε Τειρεσίας ov 
μή ποτε, σοῦ τήνδε γῆν οἰκοῦντος, εὖ πράξειν πόλιν, representing 
οὐ μή ποτε εὖ πράξει. We could not explain οὐ μὴ πράξειν as an 
independent expression on any theory, either with or without an 
ellipsis. Such forms show the advanced stage which the construction 
of ov μή had reached. (See ὃ 296.) 

We find in the Roman comic poets a few cases of neque with haud 
in the same clause, forming a single negative. Such are Pravr. 
Bacch. 1037, Neque ego haud committam ut, si quid peccatum siet, 
fecisse dicas de mea sententia ; and Ter. Andr, 205, Neque tu haud 
dices tibi non praedictum. Neque haud may fairly be supposed to be 
a translation of οὐδὲ μή in a Greek original. If it is, it shows that 
the Roman poet understood ov μή with the subjunctive or the future 
indicative as a simple expression of denial. 

When ov μή with the future indicative had been established as a 
regular form of future denial, the second person singular probably 
began to be used as a form of prohibition. As the future could be 
used in positive commands in an imperative sense, as in πάντως δὲ 
τοῦτο δράσεις, but by all means do this, Ar. Nub, 1352, it could also 
take the simple ov in prohibitions, as in χειρὶ οὐ ψαύσεις ποτε, you 
shall not touch me with your hand, or do not touch me, Eur. Med. 1320. 
(See § 69.) The dramatists soon introduced the new form with od μή 
into such prohibitions, generally with the future indicative, but 
occasionally with the more primitive subjunctive. Thus οὐ μὴ κατα- 
βήσει had the sense of do not come down, derived from you shall not 
come down, as ov ψαύσεις (above) from meaning you shall not touch 
came to mean do not touch. One of the strongest objections to the 
older views of the forms with ov μή is that they generally require a 
distinct explanation of this prohibitory construction. Elmsley’s theory 
of a question with two negatives, explaining οὐ μὴ καταβήσει; as 
will you NOT NoT come down ? hence do not come down, was stated in the 
Quarterly Review for June 1812, and in his note to Eur. Med. 1120 


ates 


yer 


κι ats | οὐρα ρςκρο δεῖν ἔα: 





396 APPENDIX [π 


(1151 Dind.). Many who do not adopt Elmsley’s theory in full still 
accept the interrogative form, and these sentences are now generally 
printed as questions. Long before Elmsley, the famous Canon 
Davesianus” had proscribed all sigmatic aorist subjunctives with οὐ 
μή as well as with ὅπως μή. This edict removed nearly or quite all 
the troublesome subjunctives that would have opposed Elmsley’s view, 
and left only the future indicative in his doubly-negatived questions, 
which of course required an indicative. This again set up an artificial 
distinction in form between the prohibitory construction allowing only 
the future indicative, and the other construction allowing both sub- 
junctive and future indicative. : : 

3ut it has been more and more evident in later years that this 
distinction in form between the two constructions cannot be main- 
tained. It was seen by Brunck, before Elmsley’s interrogative theory 
appeared, that it would be absurd to distinguish sentences like ταῦτα 
οὐ μή ποτ᾽ ἐς τὴν Σκῦρον ἐκπλεύσῃς ἔχων, you shall never saul away to 
Scyros with these arms, Sopu. Ph. 381, from ov μὴ καταβήσει, you 
shall not come down, Ar. Vesp. 397. He therefore wrote ἐκπλεύσεις 
in the former, with the note “soloece vulgo legitur ἐκπλεύσῃς. But 
ἐκπλεύσεις proved to be even a greater solecism than ἐκπλεύσῃς was 
thought to be, for the only classic future of Tew is the middle πλεύ- 
σομαι or πλευσοῦμαι, and ἐκπλεύσει will not suit the verse. 5o 
ἐκπλεύσῃς had to be restored. Again, while almost all the sentences 
containing a prohibition with ov μή, followed by a positive command 
with ἀλλά or δέ, could admit of Elmsley’s punctuation and interpreta- 
tion,—as οὐ μὴ λαλήσεις ἀλλ᾽ ἀκολουθήσεις ἐμοί; ΑΒ. Nub. 505, 
explained as won't you not talk nonsense and follow me ?—another 
passage of the Clouds resisted both of these and also the prescribed 
form. In 296, the Mss. have ov μὴ σκώψῃς μηδὲ ποιησῃς ἅπερ 
οἱ τρυγοδαίμονες οὗτοι" ἀλλ᾽ εὐφήμει. . Brunck emended this without 
hesitation to od μὴ σκώψεις μηδὲ ποιήσεις, with the note : soloece 
vulgo σκώψῃς .. - ποιήσῃς." But there was no place for Elmsley x 
interrogative mark, which could not stand after the imperative, and 
could not be inserted after οὗτοι without implying that the other 
sentences (like Nub. 505 above) were wrongly punctuated. _ The 
emendation oxwyers was as unfortunate as ἐκπλεύσεις, as the future 
of σκώπτω is σκώψομαι, not σκώψω, so that a further emendation to 
σκώψει was needed. In this battered condition, and with no inter- 
rogative mark to help the interpretation, the passage usually appears, 
even in the latest editions. (See §§ 298, 300, 301.) So long as it 
is proposed to explain these prohibitions and the ordinary denials 
with ov μή on entirely different theories, with nothing common to 
the two constructions, it "may not seem unreasonable to force a few 
examples like Nub. 296 and 367 into conformity with the general 
usage. But on any theory which makes no distinction in construction 
between the prohibitions and the other negative expressions of denial 
or refusal (for example, between οὐ μὴ ἐκπλεύσῃς, you shall not sail 
away, and οὐ μὴ καταβήσει, do not come down, Le, you shall not come 





11] ORIGIN OF THE CONSTRUCTIONS OF ov μή 397 


down), there is no more reason for objecting to οὐ μὴ σκώψῃς than to 
ov μὴ ἐκπλεύσῃς. An occasional subjunctive, like οὐ μὴ σκώψῃς or 
ov μὴ ληρήσῃς, is indeed no more than we should naturally expect 
in a construction which had its origin in the subjunctive. In such 
expressions, further, the analogy of the equivalent μὴ σκώψῃς and μὴ 
ληρήσῃς would tend to make the aorist subjunctive unobjectionable 
and perfectly natural. A reference to the list of passages quoted on 
page 390 will show the inconsistencies into which every one must fall 
who attempts to explain the prohibitions and the clauses of denial on 
different theories. We cannot separate οὐ μὴ σκώψῃς from od μὴ 
ἐκπλεύσῃς in construction, nor the latter from οὐ μὴ πάθῃς, nor this 
— ΟΝ ov μή τις ὑβρίσῃ, on any consistent principle of interpre- 

Sentences of one class have been claimed as decisive witnesses in 
favour of the interrogative theory. They are represented by οὐ 
θᾶσσον οἴσεις, μηδ᾽ ἀπιστήσεις ἐμοί; will you not more quickly extend 
a (your hand), and not distrust me? Soru. Tr. 1183. These are un- 
doubted questions, but there is no construction with οὐ μή in them. 
They consist of one question with ov, implying an affirmative answer, 
will you not extend your hand? and another with μή, implying a 
negative answer, and you will not distrust me, will you? The com- 
pound of the two has the general sense expressed in the first transla- 
tion above. (See § 299 and the examples.) 

In conclusion, we may sum up the result of the investigation as 
follows. The original construction of οὐ μή with the subjunctive was 
developed as a negative form of the independent subjunctive with μή, 
which had already become an expression of apprehension with desire 
to avert its object, even if it had not passed into the stage of a 
cautious assertion ; in either case, the real negative force of μή was 
in abeyance. The aorist subjunctive is the most common form here, 
the present being less frequent. This form of future denial next 
admitted the future indicative in the same sense as the subjunctive. 
The second person singular of this future with οὐ μή was used by the 
dramatists as a prohibition, without abandoning the sense which the 
future can always have in both positive and negative commands. In 
these prohibitions the future indicative, in which they had their 
origin, is generally used ; but the subjunctive occasionally occurs, 
being analogous to the ordinary aorist subjunctive with μή in pro- 
hibitions ; eg. μὴ σκώψῃς supporting οὐ μὴ σκώψῃς.3 


' For a further discussion of the form of the sentences with οὐ μή, in con- 
nexion with that of clauses with ὅπως and with the Canon Davesianus, see 
Trans. of the Am. Phil. Assoc. for 1869-70, pp. 46-55. 

“ Since this paper was written, I have seen that Kvitala, in two articles 
on οὐ μή in the Zeitschrift fiir die oesterreichischen Gymnasien for 1856, pro- 
posed an explanation of οὐ μή with the subjunctive, which at one important 
point came very near the view now presented. He states two (apparently 
theoretical) meanings which he supposes μὴ θάνῃς to have had at some 
period (zwei Bedeutungsentwickelungen) : one, “ Du wirst doch wol am Ende, 
trotzdem dass ich es abzuwehren suche, sterben ;” the other, ‘Ich fiirchte, 


See  χενσασνν 





APPENDIX 


IIL. 
STATISTICS OF THE USE OF THE FINAL PARTICLES. 


Tue following tables are based on the statistics given by Dr. Philipp 
Weber in his Entwickelungsgeschichte der Absichtssittze, 

1. Statistics of the use of the Final Particles in pure final clauses 
by different authors. 





Ὅπως ἄν 


"Ogpa.| YPP® | “Iva. | “Os. . ᾿ ' with 
κε or ἄν. ; fe. Subj. 


Homer .. .| 22: 14 145 
Hom. Hymns | 1 (opt.) 5 
SE a ie ee 
Pindar 

Aeschylus 

Sophocles 

Euripides 

Aristophanes | 

Herodotus | 

Thucydides . | 

Xenophon 

Plato . a 

Ten Orators.| ... της 579 8.3 or 49 


| Demosthenes oe τῷ 253 


Ι 
| 











dass du doch wol (trotz meiner Abwehr) sterben werdest.” By prefixing ov 
to μὴ θάνῃς in these meanings, he arrives at two uses of οὐ μή with the sub- 
junctive. The second meaning comes so near the independent subjunctive 
with μή in Homer, that it is surprising that neither this nor the equally 
important μή in Plato is mentioned. But no use is made of the advantage 
here gained in explaining οὐ μή with the future indicative, either in prohibi- 
tions or in denials. The prohibitions are made interrogative, οὐ μὴ δυσμενὴς 
ἔσει; being explained as ““ΝΙοῦ wahr?—du wirst doch nicht feindselig 
seyn?” The future of denial is explained simply as developed from the 
interrogative future, as a form of reply to this, by leaving out the inter- 
rogative element. 

1 For ὅπως ἄν with the optative in Attic Greek, see § 330. 

2 Omitting Od. xxi. 301. * In Agam. 364 ὅπως has the optative with dy. 

4 Two of these occur in Lysistr. 1265, 1305, in the Χορὸς Λακώνων : the 
third is in Eccl. 286. 

5 Including 10 with future indicative. 

6 Ὅκως. See Weber’s erratum for his p. 130. 

7 Omitting Cyr. viii. 3, 2 (see p. 400, footnote), and Xenophon’s peculiar 
cases of ὡς ἄν with the optative (see ὃ 8236, 2). See Appendix LV. 

8 Weber omits Dinarchus in p. 185 (see his p. 182). 

9 Dem. xxiv. 146 is omitted, as ὡς cannot be final there. The only sure 
examples of ws final in the orators are ANT. v. 53, vi. 15; AND. i. 99. Lys. 
xxviil. 14 is probably corrupt (see 4m. Jour. Phil. vi. p. 56). 





111] STATISTICS OF THE USE OF THE FINAL PARTICLES 399 


2. Statistics of the use of the four Final Particles in pure final 
clauses in the Iliad and the Odvssey. 
SuBJ, Fur. Inp. Opt. 


"Odpa (pure) Il. “θ΄ Ξῳ5. “δι σους δὲ ΕἸ, 118 
Od. 8: Od. 110 


"( )ῴφρα κε 


( )φρ᾽ ἄ V 


Total cases of ὄφρα 937 


"Iva (pure) 


—145 (total). 


16 


i 5e 


Total cases of ws 62 


κι. πως (pure) od 


— 9 (total). 


3. Examples of ws and ὅπως in object clauses in Homer after verbs 
of planning, trying, ete. (see § 341). | 

Simple ws with subjunctive: Il. ii. 4 (some read opt.), Od. v. 24 
(2.) “Qs xe with subjunctive : Il. iv. 66 (=7] ), ix. 112 τ 235 xi, 
459; Od. i. 205, ii. 168, 316, 368, ν. 31, vii. 192. (10) c= 
Simple ὅπως with subjunctive: 1]. iii. 19, 110, xvii. 635, 713, Od. 
1. 77, xill. 365, 386. (7.) “Ὅπως xe with subjunctive : Od. i. 270, 295 
lv. 545; so 1], ix. 681, if this is subjunctive. (4.) 


caggema τος τ 


“ὦ SRS 


.- 4 
0 ican χεῖρον ον τον 


ηνών:ττν 


Φερεγαιτ εν» σὰ 


tn σῶς: 





400 APPENDIX [rv 


. 7 h 
; . . : 1. vi 118. (8. Ὅπως wit 
3 th optative: Il. ix. 181; Oc εὐνῇ τὰ 5 ὃς. 
ξγιώλος Il δ κα 160, xxi. 137, xxiv. 680; Od. iii. 129, vii. 345, 1x 
oO : μὴ = e ἢ 
420 554, xi. 229, 480, xv. 170, 208. (11) ive, and omits 
Weber cites ὅππως κεν cows in IL ix. 681 as optative, ὃ 


ees . J 1 verse, ‘ . 
. iii. 19 as a suspectec , . on in 
Od ing verbs are used to introduce this constructi 
The following 


> ti > Dy > ρ 1ρ ᾽ > 


each once. (36.) 


BY 


XENOPHON’S PECULIAR USE OF ὡς, ὡς av, AND ὅπως av 
= IN FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES. 


In ΕἾΝΑΙ, CLAUSES. 


I ( ( ) . 


riter of Attic ee 
8 mg ard statistics (p. 398) show that while ws 1s the favourite 
ions. sber’s statistics (p. 


| “iS anes, 'T sydides 
rticle in tragedy, it is hardly found in Aristophanes, Thue: , 
a ay ΔῈ ὲ 


Plat , and the Jrat Ἢ Χ ᾿ ) . . ‘ | “ls Og | } ro 


ay ither subjunctive or 


Ge 


optative, ral peculiarities 


i ᾿ ὡς ἄν in final clauses, however, seve 
9. In his use of ws ἄν in final clauses, te —. . 
wwpear, which show that Xenophon felt the origina ve 
a r] Xi “3 occur. 
ie αἰ lverb of manner (§ 312). The following examples ‘ 
sere f ei es of ὡς ἄν with the subjunctive, six are normal, 
(a) Of eight cases o ὡς τος 
while two show the relative force of ὡς: μ΄ 
” ὦ , ᾿ ᾿ Cons 
"Kava χρὴ τοὺς ἄνδρας τὸ μετριον ers aL - peta 
ἣν ; vinst sleep. Cyr. 11. 4, 20. ὲ 
ἱ ᾿ Ἢ be able to fight ag 4, 2 
ομαχεῖν. that ther e | a 
τὰ len dl LK . An. ii. 5, 16. "AAX ἕπεσθαι χρὴ Kat προ 
δ᾽ ἃ θῃς. ἀντάκουσον. An. ii. 5, : | 
Bata ac ἢ ( λλόμενον δύνησθε ποιεῖν. An. v1. 
έχειν τὸν νοῦν, ὡς ἂν τὸ παραγγελλόμενον δυνῇ 
‘ So Cyr. vill 9; Ag. xi. 1; Eques.iv.4. Ee 
= τα. = ide : ee ‘oe Y > TTOVONS YYEOr; 
ἂν Ov ΐ ; ; ἕπεσθαι, τῷ μέσῳ τῆς OT 
Ὡς ἂν ὃυνηται TOL O στρᾶτον » TY ee ὁ ἐδ 
x ; f 
lead on at a medium rate of speed, that the army may be ¢ ef 
ead ὁ . . » ἰ serie , ovtative 
ul The analogy of the following cases of the oy 
you. Cyr. ii. 4,28. (The analog’ ee et 
: ‘ustify the translation, lead at a rate at whu y may 
τέ justity πο ἀεύτσον ε Ἂ a = oa Bos ov ιάλα αὔξονται, 
able to follow you.) At μὲν κνημαι εἰς μέγεσος ! 


ε ὌΝ a ἢ, 
ως αν υνωνται 


- 
᾿ 


ive Wi vs ἄν are 
ae = the optative with ὡς 
Υ͂ ἣ 99 where the examples of x P ee ee 
* See W = P = Cyr. viii. 3, 2 as an example of the — abe ; = 
iv eber cites UyT. ie ae πϑν wa inal clause. 

also : has ὡς ἂν ἐξαγγείλῃ as a relative clause, but ἣν we Ye optative 

ion a led Oyr. vii 5, 81 and Eques. ix. 3 to the examples 
ave adi gis Ve 


given by Weber. 





Iv] XENOPHON’S USE OF ὡς, ὡς ἄν, AND ὅπως ἄν 401 


πρὸς δὲ ταύτας ὡς ἂν συμμέτρως ἔχῃ συναύξεται καὶ τὸ ἄλλο σῶμα, 
Le. the rest of the (horse’s) body grows so as to be in the right proportion 
to the legs. Eques. i. 16. These two cases are (as Weber says of those 
of the optative) on the line between final and consecutive sentences. 
The original relative and conditional force of és (§ 312, 2) can here be 
plainly seen. 

(6) The original relative force of ὡς, as, is much more apparent 
when ὡς ἄν takes the optative in Xenophon with a potential force, 
especially after primary tenses. These examples occur :— 

ΠΡροσφέρουσιν ὡς ἂν ἐνδοῖεν τὸ ἔκπωμα εὐληπτότατα τῷ μέλλοντι 
πίνειν, they offer the cup im the most convenient way in which they can 
present τέ for the one who is to drink (lit. as they can present it most con- 
venrently). Cyr. i. 3,8. ‘Qs δ᾽ ἂν καὶ of πόδες εἶεν τῷ ἵππῳ κράτιστοι, 
εἰ μέν τις ἔχει ῥάω ἄσκησιν, ἐκείνη ἔστω, if any one has any easier exer- 
cise for keeping the horse’s feet as strong as possible. Hipp. i. 16. So also 
Eques. ix. 3: οὕτως ad εἰς τὸ θᾶττον (χρὴ) προάγειν, ws ἂν μάλιστα 
λανθάνοι αὑτὸν ὁ ἵππος εἰς τὸ ταχὺ ἀφικνούμενος. 

ὋὉ ᾿Αρμένιος ἐφοβεῖτο, ὅτι ὀφθήσεσθαι ἔμελλε τὰ βασίλεια οἰκοδο- 
μεῖν ἀρχόμενος, ὡς ἂν ἱκανὰ ἀπομάχεσθαι ein, beginning to build his 
palace so that it would be capable of defence (in a manner in which it would 
be). Cyr. iii, 1, 1. "Edogev αὐτῷ τοῦτο ποιῆσαι, ὡς ὅτι ἥκιστα ἂν 
ἐπιφθόνως σπάνιός τε καὶ σεμνὸς φανείη, to do this so that he would 
appear, etc. Cyr. vii. 5,37. (Here the separation of ἄν from ὡς makes 
the potential nature of φανείη ἄν especially plain.) 
μάλιστα ἄνθρωποι ἐπιθυμοῦ U 


“> 


ε Ω] on 
Ws ὁ ἂν now TE, 


Εἰ ὧν μὲν 
μουσιν ὁ δαίμων TAUTG ἡμῖν συμπαρεσκεύακεν, 
ταῦτα φαίνοιτο αὐτός τις αὑτῷ ταῦτα παρα- 
σκευάσει, k.7.A., if, while God has helped to provide for us what men 
most desire, any one will then provide these for himself so that they 
would appear most agreeable to h vm, ete. Cyr. vii. 5, 81. Συντεταγμένον 
μὲν οὕτως ἦγε τὸ στράτευμα ὡς ἂν ἐπικουρεῖν μάλιστα ἑαυτῴ δύναιτο, 
ἡσύχως δὲ ὥσπερ ἂν παρθένος ἡ σωφρονεστάτη προββαίνοι, he led the 
army so ordered that it would be best able to help him, and as quietly as 
the most modest maiden would walk. Ag. vi. 7. (Compare this with 
Cyr. 11, 4, 28 under a, and compare ὡς ἄν and ὥσπερ av here.) See 
ὃ 329, 2, for similar cases in Demosthenes. 

Il. (Ὅπως.) Xenophon’s favourite final particle is ὅπως, but there 
is nothing peculiar in his use of it in pure final clauses with either 
subjunctive or optative. He further uses ὅπως ἄν with the subjunc- 
tive like other Attic writers (see examples in § 328). 

With the optative he uses ὅπως ἄν in four cases with a distinct 
final and an equally distinct potential force. These examples are 
quoted in § 330. The only other case is Tuvc. vii. 65. 


In Ossect CLAUSES AFTER VERBS OF striving ETO. 


Xenophon is more peculiar in his use of ὡς, ὡς ἄν, and ὅπως ἄν in 
these clauses than in pure final clauses, Here he generally uses ὅπως 
with the future indicative, subjunctive, 


and optative, and occasionally 
2D 


ee - 





402 APPENDIX [iv 
ὅπως ἄν with the subjunctive, like other Attic writers (see examples in 
§§ 339 and 348). But he distinctly violates Attic usage by having ws (in 
the sense of ὅσως) with both subjunctive and future indicative, and 
with the present, aorist, and future optative ; also ὡς av with both 
subjunctive and optative and ὅπως ἄν with the optative ; and further 
by allowing the optative with ὡς ἄν and ὅπως ἄν to follow both primary 
and secondary tenses. His use of ὡς ἄν and ὅπως ἄν with the optative, 
especially after primary tenses, shows strongly the original relative 
and interrogative force of ὡς and ὅπως. 

The examples of the exceptional uses are these. 

(Qs.) ᾿Επιμελοῦνται ὡς ἔχῃ οὕτως. Occ. xx. 8. Σκοπείτω τὰ 
ἔμπροσθεν, ὡς μηδὲν ἡμᾶς λάθῃ. let him keep a look-out in front, to see 
that nothing escapes us. An. vi. 3, 14. Πῶς δ᾽ οὐ (χρὴ) φυλάξασθαι 
ὡς μὴ καὶ ἡμᾶς ταὐτὸ δυνασθῇ ποιῆσαι; Hell. ii. 3, 33. ἜἜπεμέλοντο 
ὡς μὴ κωλύοιντο πορεύεσθαι, they took care that they should not be 
prevented from marching. Cyr. vi. 3,2. Ἐπεμελήθη ὡς τύχοιεν πάν- 
rev τῶν καλῶν. Cyr. vii. 3, 11. 

‘Os δὲ καλῶς ἕξει τὰ ὑμέτερα, ἐμοὶ μελήσει (like the regular ὅπως 
ἕξει). Cyr. iii. 2, 13. "ExepeAn On ἢ ὅπως φῦλόν Te ἀποστήσεται ἢ 
ὅπως τὸ ἀποστὰν μὴ ἀπόληται ἢ ὡς καὶ βασιλεὺς μὴ δυνήσεται 
πράγματα παρέχειν (two regular cases of ὕπως with one case of ws). 
Ag. vii. 7. Lpoetrov ὡς μηδεὶς κινήσοιτο μηδὲ ἀνάξοιτο. Hell. 
ii. 1, 22. 

(Ὡς av.) Subj. Td ὅσα ἂν γνῷ ἀγαθὰ εἶναι ἐπιμελεῖσθαι ὡς ἂν 
πραχθῇ. Hipp. ix. 2. Οὐ φέρει καρπὸν ἢν μή τις ἐπιμελῆται ὡς ἂν 
ταῦτα περαίνηται. Ibid. 

Opt. ᾿Ἐπιμέλονται ὡς ἂν βέλτιστοι εἶεν οἱ πολῖται, they take care 
that (of the way by which) the citizens may be the best. Cyr. 1. 2, 5. 
᾿Ἐπιμελούμενος τούτου ὡς ἂν πραχθείη, seeing how th is could be done. 
Cyr. i. 6,23. So Hipp. 1. 12; Eques. ix. 3. Ἢν γνῶσιν (αὐτὸν) 
δυνάμενον παρασκευάζειν ὡς ἂν πλέον ἔχοιεν τῶν πολεμίων, mpos δὲ 
τούτοις κἀκεῖνο λάβωσιν εἰς τὴν γνώμην ὡς οὔτ᾽ ἂν εἰκῆ οὔτ᾽ ἄνευ 


la 


“~ ε > a“ > A , , ~ 
θεῶν ἡγήσαιτ αν ἐπι πολεμίους, TAaVTa Ταυτα πιθανοτέρους ποίει, 


Hipp. vi. 6. (Compare ws ἂν πλέον ἔχοιεν, to provide means by which 
they could be superior, with ὡς οὐκ ἡγήσαιτ' ἄν, to get the wea that he 
would not lead, indirect discourse). 

‘Os dv ἀσφαλέστατά γε € ἰδείην ὁπόσον TO στράτευμά ἐστιν ἐποίουν. 
I took the course by which I should know most accurately the size of the army. 
Cyr. vi. 3,18. A ἰσθανόμενος (αὐτὴν) ἀντεπιμελουμένην ὡς καὶ εἰσιόντι 
εἴη αὐτῷ τὰ δέοντα, καὶ, εἴ ποτε ἀσθενήσειεν, ὡς μηδενὸς ἂν δέοιτο, 


1 See also ὡς with the subjunctive in An. iii. 1, 35 and 41; Cyr. i. 6, 24; 
Hell. v. 4, 33; Occ. vii. 34 (dis), xx. 4 (bis) and 16; Rep. Lac. xiv. 4; and 
ws with the optative in An. i. 1, 5; Cyr. v. 1, 18, vi. 3, 4, vill. 1, 42; Hell. 


iii. 4, 15, v. 2, 1 and 5; Ages. i. 19 and 22 and 23, ii. 31; Rep. Lac. iii. 3. 
This list includes all object clauses with simple ws not given above. All 
Weber’s examples of these clauses inXenophon which have ws with the future, 
ὡς ἄν with the subjunctive or optative, or ὅπως ἄν with the optative are quoted 
or cited in the text above, except Cyr. vii. 5, 81, which is classed with final 


clauses in p. 401. 


Tee TAR Wl Wk pil ν μέν ᾿ 





Vv + Torn τυ Υ Ὁ “-- 
] CONSTRUCTION OF ἔδει, χρῆν, ETC. WITH INFINITIVE 403 


5 ΄ , 
ἐκ πάντων τούτων HAG Ἴ Tr. V 
tein eo jAtoKeTo ἐρωτι. Cyr. v. 1, 18. (Here the protasis 
si ενήσειεν causes the change from ὡς with the simple optativ: 
οἱ Ἢ ᾿ i . ΒΞ nn - . ᾿ Ἄ 
᾿ 16. potential ὡς μηδενὸς ἂν δέοιτο, in which the separation of ἄν 
J ~ Ὺ ᾿ 3 Py 
18 ws is to be noticed.) ᾿Εκπεπονημένους ὡς ἂν κράτιστοι εἶεν 
v0 
roughl y travned to be the best (in the way in which they would be ὃ (δ. 
Hell. vi. 4, 28. So Cyr. ν. 2,2; R 7 τὰ 
“9 ; . Vv. 2,25; Rep. Lac. vi. I. 
π rw 
Pe tg Ba Three examples after primary tenses are 
specially peculiar. cl ἢ és 
2), θῶς je he ; ECAEVELS a ἐπιμελεῖσθαι οτως ἂν μὴ παντάπασιν 
] evns γένοιο, you bid me see how you could escape becoming % 
truth absolutely poor. Occ. ii. 9. ae 


\ Ὁ “ a a ε ea 
h ZKOTW OTWS ἂν ὡς ῥᾷστα διά 
ἶ solu ς ῥᾷστα διάγοιεν 
T)ILELS i ' " 2 
7 ς ἣν ἂν μάλιστα ἂν εὐφραινοίμεθα θεώμενοι αὐτούς, 1 try 
see . . ᾿ "ὦ m . . μ Ρ 
ἢ βρῆ i. τ y _— live the easiest lives, and how we might take most 
elight in beholding them, Sy ri Τί οὐ τὴ " 
( . Symp. vil. 2. Τί ov τὴν δύ ἔ 
tint h δ ‘ ν δύναμιν ἐἔλε 
or = ‘ ; . ! Z . 
τως εἰδότες πρὸς ταῦτα βουλευσόμεθα ὅπως ἂν ἄριστα rable τὸν 
μεθα, that we might take counsel (§ 324) how we mi 
δ ow we might fight the best. Cyr 


il. 1, 4. Here belongs ὁ 

» 4. sre belongs also Piat. Lys. 207 E U 

z g AT. Lys. 207 E, προθυμοῦντα ἢ 

εὐδαιμονοίης (349). Si is eee 
Eich - > , may. nv 5 

. Ἐπ epee ge gas ὅπως av ἀλυπότατα εἴποι. Cyr. i. 4, 13 

; . Ν ‘ ὲ ; νὴ 5 + . a. 
“KoTwv 0 αὖ ὅπως ἂν Kal ἡ πᾶσα ἀρχὴ κατέχοιτο καὶ ἄλλη ἔτι 
r ε , ee . ; 
ΡῈ ν ΩΣ Cyr. vii. ὅ, 70. Soiv. 2, 34, viii. 1, 14 and 

«ες « \ νΝ x : ᾿ : 

7. ᾿Ιλογιζόμεθα ws ἱκανὸν ᾿ j d ἢ ἷ ; 
με ΡΥ ΝΗῚ y εἴη εἴ τις δύναιτο ἐπιμεληθῆναι ὅπως ἂν 
κ κἀγαθὸς preases Cyr. 1. 6, 7. (Was the oratio recta here 

; , : ἡ | 
ὅπως av γένηται ἢ) ᾿βουλεύετο ὅπως ἂν μὴ βαρὺς εἴη τοῖς ξυμμά. 
xows. Hell. iii. 2,1. So vii. 1, 33; An. iv [4 
χοις . Ss , 33; An. iv. 3, 14, v. 7,20. Πάντ᾽ 

A x” ~ ’ Ν 5 
renga’ ὅπως ἄν Ov ἐκείνου ἐγκριθείη. Hell. iv. 1,40. To μὲν 

εῷ οὐδὲν ἐκοινώσαντο ὅπως ἂν ἡ εἰρή έ ᾿ αὐέῳ ν 

ἱ ᾿ WTO ὅπως GV ἢ εἰρήνη γένοιτο, αὐτοὶ δὲ ἐ 

; x αὐτοὶ δὲ ἐβου- 
λεύοντο. Hell. vii. 1, 9}. : - 


? 


ε 2 


ON SOME DISPUTED POINTS IN THE CONSTRUCTION 
OF ἔδει, χρῆν, ETC. WITH THE INFINITIVE! 


SUPPLEMENT TO §§ 415-423. 


THE familiar cons : 4 a 
ON ar constructi by whic "ΟἹ ὦ 
ΝΞ mine tse ings iction 9) which €0€EL, Χρην oY ἐχρῆν, εἰκὸς ἦν, 
[ ὁ. eV, ἐξῆν, and other imperfects denoting obligation, propriety, or 
38 are Te) τῇ ΜΝ δ, “ 9 “ff v9 
possi lity, are used with the infinitive in an idiomatic sense, the whole 
πον becoming a form of potential indicative, and gene rally 
Ἂν ipa opposite of the action or the negation of the infinitive 
1as already been explained in SS ΕΣ ἘΠ ’ 
wei y been explained in δὲ 415-423. Some additional remarks, 
fever, seem necessary Pat re ees . : 
ες ᾿ L necessary, to guard against prevailing misapprehensions, 
r 16 ρα ag distinction between this idiomatic construction and 
1e use of these imperfects as ordinary past tenses (ἃ m\ 3 
perfects as ordinary past tenses (§ 417) is generally 


Many parts of this paper are identical with the article with the same 


title in the Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. i. pp. 77-88 





404 APPENDIX [v 


indicated only by the context, and not by the words themselves. It 
may even be doubtful in some cases which meaning is intended. 
Thus, in Dew. xviii. 190, τί τὸν σύμβουλον ἐχρῆν ποιεῖν; οὐ. .. 
ἑλέσθαι; nothing in the words shows whether the action of ἑλέσθαι 
+s real or not ; but the following τοῦτο τοίνυν ἐποίησα shows that the 
questions refer merely to a past duty which the speaker actually 
performed. Indeed, the idiomatic use of ἔδει etc. with the infinitive 
may be found in the same sentence with the ordinary use of these 
imperfects as past tenses without reference to any condition. A 
familiar case is in the New Testament, Maru. xxiii. 23, ταῦτα δὲ 
ἔδει ποιῆσαι κἀκεῖνα μὴ ἀφεῖναι, these (the weightier matters of 
the law) ought ye to have done, and yet not to have left the others (taking 
tithes) undone. This is equivalent to two sentences, ταῦτα ἔδει ὑμᾶς 
ποιῆσαι, ye ought to have done these (which ye did not do), and ἐκεῖνα 
ἔδει ὑμᾶς μὴ ἀφεῖναι, ye were right in not leaving those wndone (which 
ye did not leave undone). We have a decisive proof of the idiomatic 
use when the present infinitive with ἔδει etc. refers to present time, as 
when χρῆν σε τοῦτο ποιεῖν means you ought to be doing this (but are 
not) ; for these words without the potential force could mean only 2 
was (once) your duty to do this. This use of a past tense to express 
present time, which is found in Greek, Latin, and English (§ 417), is 
an important characteristic of this idiom. 

It is generally laid down as an absolute rule that in this idiom the 
opposite of the infinitive is always implied. See Kriiger, § 53, 2, 7, 
where the usual formula is given, that with ἔδει τοῦτο γίγνεσθαι we 
must understand ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γίγνεται, but with ἔδει ἂν τοῦτο γίγνεσθαι 
we must understand ἀλλ᾽ οὐ δεῖ This principle was first formulated, I 
believe, by G. Hermann. It covers nearly all the ordinary cases, and 
has generally been found to be a convenient working rule, though 
many passages show that it is not of universal application. The 
following three classes of examples show the need of a more flexible 
formula. 

(1) In the following cases the opposite of the leading verb is 
implied far more than that of the infinitive, the action of the latter 
+n the first case being emphatically affirmed :— 

Hor. i. 39 (χρῆν σε ποιέειν τὰ ποιέεις), DEM. ix. 6, XXxiil. 37, 
and Eur. Med. 490 (reading συγγνωστὸν jv). These are quoted and 
discussed in ὃ 422, 1. 

(2) In concessive sentences introduced by καὶ εἰ, even if, οὐδ᾽ εἰ, 
not even if, or εἰ, although, which contain unreal conditions, the action 


1 See Hermann, de Particula “Av, i. 12. In discussing Sopn. Elec. 1505, 
χρῆν δ᾽ εὐθὺς εἶναι τήνδε τοῖς πᾶσιν δίκην, Hermann says: Χρῆν dicit, quia 
oportere indicat sine condicione: nec potest opponi, add’ οὐ xp}: nam si 
oportet, quomodo potest non oportere? At non omnia fiunt, quae oportebat. 
Itaque quod opponere potes, aliud est: ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἔστι." 

The ‘‘ opposite” implied in a negative expression of this kind (even when 
the negation belongs to the leading verb) is an affirmative. Thus οὐ προσῆκεν 
ἐλθεῖν, he ought not to have gone, implies ἀλλ᾽ ἦλθεν, as ἔδει τούτους μὴ ζῆν 


implies ἀλλὰ ζῶσιν. 





ν CONSTRUCTION OF ἔ ἣν, E 
] ONSTRUCTION OF ἔδει, χρήν, ETC. WITH INFINITIVE 405 


or negati é a § is isti 
“ — of the apodosis must be distinctly affirmed § 412, 3) 
ἊΝ te the common formula cannot be applied ἜΣ 
e s . = 22 . ᾿ . . 2 
Θ 1800. xvi. 19, and Isar. vi. 44, quoted in ὃ 422, 2; and 
following. Kai yap ἃ ἜΝ Bees βεὴ Bare Pg 
5. γὰρ ἄνευ τούτων (1.6. καὶ εἰ μὴ εἴχετε τούτους) ἐξῆ 
τοι TOLEELY ταῦ Le. even 2 | hy a 
μα, νυ εἰν ταῦτα, 1.6. even if you had not all mankind with you = 
could still do what you now do. Hor. vii. 56 ae 
of course affirmed.) EK 


3a3> ¢ 


σῦσε, . . . ovd οἱ 


sie bag ag: ; (Here ταῦτα ποιέειν is 
ap WV aT τ 5 ὶ 4 
Be et JY ἅπασι πρόδηλα τὰ μέλλοντα γενήσε- 
rele ag : re οστατέον TH πόλει τούτων ἦν, i.e. Athens 
; even then to have withdrawn fro 1 
vn from this polie Thi 
ἐν φῆ . ν to | awn policy, which she 
llowed (ἀποστατέον ἦν = ἀποστῆναι ἔδει). Dem. xviii. 199 ὃ 
also Dem. xv. 28. Ei γὰρ μηδὲν εἴ ἂν ἃ Saas er 
ae dae od 28, ὲ γὰρ μηδὲν εἴχετε τῶν ἄλλων λογίσασθαι, μηδ᾽ 
’ Ἶ + Ὶ 2 
τᾷ r αὐτῶν οἷοί TE ἥτε ταῦτα συνεῖναι, ἦν ἰδεῖν παράδειγμα 
ΛΑυνσε ς σί. 
- a Bip or although you had no other cases to consider, and 
could not learn this lesson in 1 : , 
‘ SSC Our own experrvence, You “gh 
Ν “i , you might have see 
example in these Olynthians, Id. xxiii. 107 : ae 
These ex | . 
1ese examples are important as showi 
28 are nt as showing re is ing i 
pier ead portant showing that there is nothing in 
eb ton like ἐξὴν σοι ποιεῖν τοῦτο, even in its idiomatic sense 
po ον involves the denial of the action of ποιεῖν Es 
(‘ I 5 > > Ἰροοοῖσσω > e Tel . 
a l _ concessive examples, in which the apodosis ought to 
e icy , we find the action of the infinitive denied : 
See Sopn. O. T. 2 IC. 1. ii, 71, q 
55, Tuuc. i. 38, Isoc. xii. 71, quoted in § 422 
7 2 


a ay 


ἢ εὐ 23m “ 2 ‘ 
hese are important as showing that the real apodosis in these 


expressions with ἐδ 5, is ; ἶ 
," ge eoev etc. 15 not to be found in the infinitive alone 
is Ξε ᾿ + " ᾿ . Ἢ . . ; - 
fre re —— that the imperfects in question (without ἄν) can 
used with the infinitive in two ways | 
1 two ways,—(a) alone, wi ; i 
dares ays, alone, with no protasis 
expresse ; ἼΧΟΘ it] Η ͵ ; ro 
| ed or implied except the condition which is contained in th 
expression itself, as in ἐδ ἐλθεῖ hae mae 
ἫΝ olf, as εἰ σε ἐλθεῖν, you ought to have gone; and (b) 
as the apodosis of an unreal conditi in ef οὗτός oe éxi 
us ὶ ξ eal condition, as in εἰ οὗτός σε ἐκέλ 
ἐδει σε ἐλθεῖν, if he had c vee eae 
| see . - 6 had commanded you, you should have gone. It will 
e noticed that all the examples ak 
3. examples quoted above under (1) and (2) are of 
: ( ) ξ id (2) are of 


t 1e latter cla 3S for in Hprt. \ ll ) α 7 1 7 DOV | ew S 
} ss “ 56 ” 
᾽ . « dy μευ Ov WY) Te iT Ns) ; 


ae If now we take the apodoses of these sentences apart 
ν 1611 protases, we shall find that no one of them can then have 
4 Ε . , . + : 
16. meaning which it now has. For example, in Hor. i. 3: ἢ 
ποιέειν τὰ ποιέεις Would be G eg oi 
τ s would not be Greek at all as a potential expression 
or ypnv ποιξ ’ cell 
— Xpyv σε ποιέειν would mean you ought to do (somethi ; 
which you do not do). In Dem. xxxiii. 37, ἐνῆν αἰτιά ‘aie 
wernt do). In DEM. xxxiil. 37, ἐνῆν αἰτιάσασθαι by itself 
vould mean he might have charged me (| | x ἐξῆν αὐτῷ 
vou ged me (but did not). Οὐκ ἐξῆν αὐτῷ 
δικάζεσθαι (Isoc. xviii. 19) could | 
μέρα ape os . 19) could mean only he could not maintain a 
8 ts . soo P . : . ᾿ ᾿ς . ; 
as he does j that is, it would mean nothing without a protasis. Οὐ 
T POON KEV 4 . Waserans rf f ; ld 
τι κεν αὑτοὺς En κτήμονος εἶναι (ISAE. vi. 44) by itself would mean 
ey ought not to belong to E.’s house as they do Οὐκ ἀποστατέον ἢ 
(DEM. xviii 9) ἐ ’ hes 7 wR 
( . Xvili. 199) alone would mean she ought not to have withdraw οἱ 
she did. So ἦν io τ᾿ ᾿ δ. AN P ee Σ ™ ul TAWN as 
dogs jv ἰδεῖν παράδειγμα (Id. xxiii. 107) would mean you 
? % 86 r 
a ete vave seen (but you did not see) an example (Compare DEM 
XXV111, ὴν ὃ Sarena ὦ 4 ar ae ee 
ul. 10, τὴν διαθήκην ἠφανίκατε, ἐξ ἧς ἦν εἰδέναι τὴν ἀλήθειαν 
the will, from which we might know the truth.) ; 


\ he ἢ th ( te } ‘ ] { ) 31 ) 1s ᾿ 1t ( ν . « y 
» . 
) , 





406 APPENDIX [v 


always imply the opposite of the action or the negation of the infini- 
tive; so that εἰκὸς ἦν σε τοῦτο παθεῖν by itself can mean only you 
would properly have suffered this (but you did not). This is necessary 
because the equivalent of this form, τοῦτο ἂν ἔπαθες εἰ τὸ εἰκὸς ἔπαθες, 
always involves οὐκ ἔπαθες τοῦτο, since τοῦτο and τὸ εἰκός are here 
made identical, and τὸ εἰκὸς ἔπαθες is denied. When, however, one 
of these expressions is made the apodosis of an unreal condition 
external to itself, it may be so modified by the new condition as no 
longer to imply the opposite of the infinitive as before. This is the 
case with the four examples under (1), in which we certainly do not 
find οὐ movers, ἄλλο λέγει καὶ συμβουλεύει, οὐκ ἠτιάσατο, and οὐκ 
ἠράσθης implied in the form of expression. The apparent paradox 
here is explained by the principle stated in § 511, that when several 
protases, not co-ordinate, belong to the same sentence, one always 
contains the leading condition, to which the rest of the sentence 
(including the other conditions) forms the conclusion ; and when this 
leading condition is unreal, it makes all subordinate past or present 
conditions also unreal, so far as the supposed case is concerned, with- 
out regard to their own nature. A sentence like this, Jf you had been 
an Athenian, you would have been laughed at if you had talked as you 
did, shows the principle clearly. This has become the relation of the 
unreal protasis involved in εἰκὸς ἦν σε τοῦτο παθεῖν, when this ex- 
pression is made the apodosis of a new unreal condition. Thus, when 
χρὴν σε ποιέειν in Ηντ. i. 39, which by itself could admit only an 
unreal object, follows εἰ ἐπὸ ὀδόντος εἶπε τελευτήσειν με, even τὰ 
ποιέεις can be its object, and the whole can mean if the dream had said 
I was to perish by a tooth, you would do what you now do if you did 
what was right. The new chief protasis that has come in has changed 
the whole relation of the old implied protasis to the sentence as a 
whole. 

It is often difficult to express in English the exact force of these 
expressions, even when no external protasis is added, and the opposite 
of the infinitive (not that of the leading verb) is therefore implied. 
Thus, a common translation of Dem. xviii. 248, οὐδ᾽ ἀγνωμονῆσαί 
τι θαυμαστὸν ἦν τοὺς πολλοὺς πρὸς ἐμέ, ἐξ would have been no wonder 
af the mass of the people had been somewhat unmindful of me (Westerman 
translates entschuldbar gewesen wiire), would seem to require ἦν ἄν. 
But the strength of the apodosis lies in the infinitive, and the mean- 
ing (fully developed) is, the mass of the people might have been somewhat 
unmindf ul of me (ἠγνωμόνησαν ἄν Tt) without doing anyth ing wonderful 
(i.e. if they had done a very natural thing). With θαυμαστὸν ἂν ἦν 
there would have been an undue emphasis thrown upon θαυμαστόν. 
In Prat. Rep. 474 D, ἄλλῳ ἔπρεπεν λέγειν ἃ λέγεις is equivalent 
to ἄλλος ἔλεγεν ἂν πρεπόντως ἃ λέγεις, another would becomingly say 
what you say, the opposite of λέγειν being implied. "Experev ἂν 
λέγειν would have caused a change of emphasis, but would have sub- 
stantially the same general meaning, it would have been becoming for 
another to say what you say. See also DEM. xviii. 16, xlv 69, and 





v]_ CONSTRUCTION OF ἔδει, χρῆν, ETC. WITH INFINITIVE 407 


ae = 
Farge ye a, quoted in ὃ 419; and the discussion of Eur. 
We have seen that we cannot make the denial of the action of the 
infinitive an absolute test of the proper use of the form without ἄν 
where there is an external protasis added to the condition implied in 
the expression itself. The examples last quoted show that we cannot 
make the denial of the leading verb an absolute test of the proper 
use of the form with av. In fact, this idiom is too flexible fo ϑοὶ 
dependent on the momentary feeling of the speaker or writer ὼ subject 
itself to any such strict rules as are usually forced upon “ Th 
following rules seem to me to be as exact as the Greek usage dE 
1. The form without ἄν is used when the infinitive is the princi val 
word, - which the chief force of the expression falls, while the “" 
o ve ᾿- ἢ ‘ riliary whi 
ae are which we can express by ought, might, could, 
2. On the other hand, when the chief force falls on the necessity 
propriety, or possibility of the act, and not on the act itself, the lead- 
gi ἊΝ με like any other imperfect in a similar apodosis 
ixamples of the form with ἄν are generé gular 
quoted in § 423.° A standard case page ἀήρ ion 
οὗτοι συνεβούλευσαν, οὐδὲν ἂν ὑμᾶς νῦν ἔδει BovisterOas of κέρᾳ 
μαά given you the necessary advice, there would be no need aS ‘ici 
apes now. si as in all the ten examples of ἔδει ἄν tad 
Ὑ La Roche, we find ἔδει ἄν in its 2anl re W 
have been) need, προ μος Poel a bees : ce 
; generally have ἐδει 
in the sense of ought, expressing obligation and not necessity “ΟΥ̓ course 
the idea of necessity is incompatible with that of an act not done. τ 
La Roche 5. statistics are complete here, we see that the Greeks almost 
alw ays expressed obligation or propriety, and generally expressed 
possibility, by the form without ἄν, reserving ἔδει ἄν for the ie of 
necessity, and ἐξῆν av for a few cases in which the idea of possibility 
was to be made specially emphatic. τ ε 
It is not surprising, under these circumstances, that the form with- 
out av should often be used where we are at first inclined to think av 


1 V =) © »yTern: " 7 Ϊ 
When an external protasis is added, there is no necessity for any denial 


of the action of the apodosis at all (see § 412). But this denial, though not 
essential, is generally implied in the apodosis of an unreal condition, and the 
apodosis (as a whole) happens to be denied in all the cases of the cimubeadll δὲ 
οἱ ἔδει ete. with the infinitive which are discussed here. No notice is sg 
therefore, of the principle of § 412 in this discussion. ee ae ee 
Br See La Roche on “ ἄν bei ἔδει und ἐξῆν "ἴῃ the Zeitschrift fiir die oester 
reichischen Gymnasien for 1876, pp. 588-591. He professes to rive ‘all the 
cases ; but his twenty-one examples of ἔδει ἄν include eleven ς which ἔδει 
has the genitive of a noun and no infinitive. Omitting these, we have ly 
ten of ἔδει ἄν with the infinitive: Tuuc. i. 74; Lys. Frag 56 (88 Scheibe : 
Isoc. XV. 17 ; ISAE. iv. 4; Dem. iv. 1; Prat. Rep. 328 Ὁ οί Ὁ 
Gorg. 514 A, Ale. i. 119 B; Dem. lvii. 47 (only the last three affirmati ): 
with four of ἐξῆν ἄν : Lys, iv. 13, Frag. 47 (79 Scheibe) ; Isax. x. 13; — 
xxiv. 146. He finds χρῆν ἄν only in Lys. xii. 48, where he proposes to omit 
ἄν, overlooking χρῆν ἂν προσδοκῆσαι in Dem. xviii. 195, Both of th 
sages are discussed below, pp. 409, 410. ae 





408 APPENDIX fy 


is required. It must be remembered that the real apodosis here is not 
the central infinitive alone, but this infinitive modified by the idea of 
obligation, propriety, or possibility in the leading verb, that is, con- 
ditioned by the implied protasis which the expression includes (see § 
420). This modification may be so slight as to leave the infinitive 
the only important word in the apodosis ; in this case the opposite of 
the infinitive is generally implied, as it always is when no protasis is 
added : thus, Eur. Med. 520, χρῆν σ᾽, εἴπερ ἦσθα μὴ κακὸς, πείσαντά 
με γαμεῖν γάμον τόνδε, implies GAN οὐκ ἐγάμεις πείσας pe. It may 
be so great as to make the idea of obligation etc. a aes ager factor 
in the apodosis, still stopping short of the point at which this favourite 
Greek idiom was abandoned and an ordinary apodosis with ἄν was 
substituted in its place. The Greeks preferred the form without ἄν 
almost always where we can express the apodosis by the verb of the 
infinitive with ought, might, or could, or with an adverb, although we 
sometimes find it hard to express the combined idea in English with- 
out giving undue force to the leading verb. Sometimes, when the 
idea ‘of obligation, propriety, or possibility is specially prominent in 
the apodosis, although no ἄν is used, the opposite that is suggested 
combines this idea with that of the infinitive. This is the case with 
the examples in (1), in which the distinction between the two forms 
is very slight and of little practical account. In ΡῈ. i. 39, the 
apodosis 1 is you would then properly do what you now do (or you would 
then, if you did what you ought, do what you now do), implying now you 
do not do this properly. With χρῆν ἄν it would have been ἐξ would 
then be your duty to do what you now do, the chief force being trans- 
ferred from the act to the duty or necessity. Still, this change might 
have been made without otherwise affecting the sense. In DEM. i ix. 6, 
the apodosis is in that case the speaker would properly talk of nothing else 
than this (implying now he may properly talk of another matter) ; whereas 
with ἔδει ἄν it would be there would then be no need of his talking of 
anything else, with greater emphasis on the ἔδει and with a change of 
meaning. In Dem. xxiii. 37, ἐνῆν αἰτιάσασθαι means he might then 
possibly have accused me, implying he could not possibly accuse me as tt 
was ; with ἐνῆν av it would have been 7 would then have been possible 
for him to accuse me, the emphasis being transferred with no other 
change of sense. The same is true of Eur. Med. 490. Likewise, in 
Isoc. xviii. 21, the apodosis, in that case we ought not to wonder at iin 
or we should not properly wonder at him, is equivalent to οὐκ dv ἐθαυ- 
μάζομεν ἀξίως, with the op posite implied, now we do wonder at him 
properly (νῦν θαυμάζομεν ἀξίως). This combination of two ideas in an 
apodosis of this kind is i to that which we often find in an 
ordinary apodosis with ἄν ; thus, in 1800. vi. 87, οὐ χ οὕτω δ᾽ ἂν προ- 
θύμως ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ὑμᾶς παρεκάλουν, εἰ μὴ τὴν εἰρήνην ἑώρων 
αἰσχρὰν ἐσομένην, I should not exhort you with all this zeal to war, did 
I not see, etc., the apodosis which is denied includes οὕτω προθύμως. 
A striking illustration of the modification of the infinitive in an 
apodosis of this kind by the force of the leading verb may be seen in 





v] CONSTRUCTION OF ἔδει, χρῆν, ETC. WITH INFINITIVE 409 


the examples under (3). Here in concessive sentences, in which the 
apodosis must be affirmed, we find the action of the infinitives denied. 
This shows that the infinitive alone is not the real apodosis. In 
Sopu. O. T. 255, the actual apodosis is you would not properly leave the 
guilt unpurged (implying you do not properly leave it). In Tuuce. i. 38, 
the apodosis is they would fairly have yielded (implying they did not 
yreld, but it was fair that they should). In Isoc. ‘xii. ri, it is they 
would deservedly have received, = ἔτυχον av ἀξίως (implying that it was 
only undeservedly that they failed to receive the reward). The remarks 
that have been made above apply also to the concessive sentences in 
(2), in which nothing in the apodosis is denied. Here, too, the form 
with av might have been used by transferring the force of the expres- 
sion from the infinitive to the leading verb. 

It has been seen that ἔδει ἄν with the infinitive differs from ἔδει 
without av in meaning as well as in the balance of emphasis. On the 
other hand, ἐξῆν ὁ av differs from ἐξῆν only in the latter respect. See 
Isak. x. 13, τῳ μὲν πατρὶ αὐτῆς, εἰ παῖδες ἄρρενες μὴ ἐγένοντο, οὐκ 
ἂν ἐξῆν ἄνευ ταύτης διαθέσθαι, i.e. in that case he would not have been 
permitted (by law) to leave his daughter out of his will; and Drm. xxiv. 
146, οὔτε yap ἂν ἐξῆν ὑμῖν τιμᾶν ὅτι χρὴ παθεῖν ἢ ἀποτῖσαι, ie. if 
this law were passed, you would not have the power (which you now have) 
of assessing penalties, Compare with these Isoc. xviii. 19, οὐκ ἐξῆν 
αὐτῷ δικάζεσθαι, he could not (in that case) maintain a suit, where ἐξῆν 
ἄν would only give more emphasis to the possibility, which i is done in 
the preceding examples. For the ordinary use of ἐξῆν and the infini- 
tive see Par. Crit. 52 C, ἐξῆν σοι φυγῆς τιμήσασθαι εἰ ἐβούλου, you 
might have proposed exile as your penalty if you had wished to (imply: ing 
only ov φυ γῆς ἐτιμήσω). 

' It remains to discuss two passages in which χρῆν ἄν occurs, with a 
view to La Roche’s disbelief in the existence of this form (see footnote 
2, p. 407). In Dem. xviii. 195, we have χρῆν and χρῆν ἄν in close 
succession, with no essential change in meaning except the difference 
in emphasis above mentioned. The sentence is: εἰ pera Θηβαίων 
ἡμῖν ἀγωνιζομέν οις οὕτως εἵμαρτο πράξαι, τί χρῆν προσδοκᾶν εἶ 
μηδὲ τού τους ἔσχομεν συμμάχους ἜΣ e καὶ εἰ vu V τριῶν ἡμερῶν ἀπὸ 
τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς OOOV ΤΊ 5 μάχης γενομένης. τοσοῦτος κίνδυνος καὶ φόβος 
7 περιέστη τὴν πόλιν, τί ἂ Vy εἴ που τῆς χώρας ταὐτὸ τοῦτο πάθος 
συνέβη, προσδοκῆσαι χρῆν; ie. when it was fated that we should 
fare as we did with the Thebans on our side, what ought we to have expected 
which we did not find ourselves expecting) if we had not secured even these 
as alls? And, if so great danger and terror surrounded the city when 
the battle was fought two or three days’ journey from Attica, what should 

have had to expect (which we did not really have to expect) if this 
calamity had occurred within our own country? Here the unreal sup- 
position of not having secured the Thebans as allies, or (its probable 
consequence) the battle of Chaeronea having been fought in Attica, 
suits either form of apodosis, τί χρῆν προσδοκᾶν ; or Ti ἂν χρῆν 
προσδοκῆσαι; the expectation itself in the former case, and the 





410 APPENDIX [ν 


necessity for the expectation in the latter, being specially emphasised. 
It is hard to believe that the orator felt any important change in the 
general force of his question when he added ἄν in the second case. 

In Lys. xii. 32, we have, addressed to Eratosthenes, χρῆν δέ σε, 
εἴπερ ἦσθα χρηστὺς, πολὺ μᾶλλον τοῖς μέλλουσιν ἀδίκως ἀποθανεῖ- 
σθαι μηνυτὴν γενέσθαι ἢ τοὺς ἀδίκως ἀπολουμένους συλλαμβά. 
νειν, if you had been an honest man, you ought to have become an informer 
in behalf of those who were about to suffer death unjustly, much rather than 
(and not) to have arrested (as you did) those who were doomed to perish 
unjustly ; but in 48, referring to the same man and the same acts, the 
orator says εἴπερ ἦν ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς, ἐχρῆν ἂν πρῶτον μὲν μὴ παρανό- 
pws ἄρχειν, ἔπειτα τῇ βουλῃ μηνυτὴν γενέσθαι, κιτιλ., if he had 
been an honest man, he would have had, first, to abstain from lawlessness 
in office, and, next, to come before the Senate as an informer, etc. La 
Roche proposes to omit av in the second passage, because it would be 
absurd to suppose that ἀλλ᾽ ἐχρῆν is implied in the sense that E. had 
a right to be lawless in office (“er durfte παρανόμως apxev”) because he 
was not honest. What is implied is rather ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐχρῆν μὴ Tapa- 
νόμως ἄρχειν, i.e. not being an honest man, he did not have to abstain 
from lawlessness in office, etc., which we can understand without ab- 
surdity. The passage, like so many sentences of this class, is simply 
an argument to prove that E. was not honest. If he had been honest 
(it is said), he would have had to do certain things (which, it is implied, 
all honest men do); but he did not do these (as is stated, εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν 
καταστὰς ἀγαθοῦ μὲν οὐδενὸς μετέσχεν, ἄλλων δὲ πολλῶν) ; therefore 
he was not honest. There is ἃ slight slip in showing (in the words last 
quoted) that he did not do the things in question, and not that he did 
not have to do them; so that of the two constructions, χρῆν in 32 and 
ἐχρῆν ἄν in 48, the former is more strictly logical. This use of ἐχρῆν 
ἄν is the counterpart of that of χρῆν, ἔδει, ἐνῆν, and θαυμαστὸν ἦν 
in the passages quoted above (1), where the forms with ἄν might have 
been used, 

The Latin follows precisely the same principle as the Greek in the 
use of such imperfects as debebat, licebat (= χρῆν, ἐξῆν), and deberet, 
liceret (= χρῆν av, ἐξῆν av), with reference to present time. But 
when such expressions are past, the Latin uses d huit or debuerat in 
the sense of χρῆν, and debuisset for χρῆν av, both with the present 
infinitive; while the Greek keeps the imperfect in all cases. See 
στο. Phil. ii. 99, Quem patris loco, si ulla in te pietas esset, colere 
debebas (= χρῆν σε φιλεῖν), you ought to love (but you do not); and 
Cluent. 18, Cluentio ignoscere debebitis quod haec a me dici patiatur ; 
mihi ignoscere non deberes si tacerem (= οὐ ἄν σε ἐμοὶ συγγιγνώσκειν 
χρὴν εἰ ἐσίγων), at would not be right for you to pardon me if I were 
silent. In the former case the emphasis falls on colere ; in the latter 
on non deberes, which is in strong antithesis to debebitis. See also ΟἿ. 
Verr. ii. 5, 50: Qui ex foedere ipso navem vel usque ad Oceanum, si 
imperassemus, mittere debuerunt, ei, ne in freto ante sua tecta et dlomos 
navigarent, . . . pretio abs te ius foederis et imperii condicionem 








1 CONSTRUCTION OF ἔδει, χρῆν, ETC. WITH INFINITIVE 411 


redemerunt, they who were bound by the very terms of the treaty, if we 
had commanded it, to send a ship even into the Ocean, etc. So far as any 
opposite is implied here, it is not that of mittere, but rather something 
like what is implied in the examples in (1), like they did not have to 
send. Mittere debuissent (ἔδει ἂν πέμψαι) would mean they would have 
been bound to send. In Latin, as in Greek and English, the peculiar 
force of the past tense of the indicative with the infinitive is purely 
idiomatic. 








INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES. 


N.B.—The references are made to the Sections of the Book. 


AESCHINES. 


1. 64 635 
73 287 
85 494 
99 58 
669! 

537 

601 

594 

433 

645 

659 

669 

669 

802 

425 

178 

332 

711 
903 4 

648 

304 
689 2 

837 

36 
689 

594 

499 

610 

426 

711 

427 

853 
689 * 

494 

113 

295 

853 

467 

677, 680 





ri. 235 
242 
248 


AESCHYLUS. 


Agam. 1 
15 
37 

160 
16] 
205 
221 
250 
253 
340 
478 
546 
583 
584 
593 
600 
620 
652 
672 
675 
727 
846 
847 
857 
879 
923 
931 
935 
941 
944 
1041 
1049 
1067 
1079 
1139 


645 
387 
887 





Agam. 1170 
1188 

1201 

1290 

1394 

1395 

1434 

1537 

1584 

1640 

1652 

1662 
Choeph. 172 
195 
246 
579 
594 
683 
930 
36 
82 
211 
228 
234 
242 
297 
427 
448 
573 
597 
618 
661 
691 
737 
799 
800 
837 
895 
1030 
115 
246 


Eumen. 


Pers. 





INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES [AESCHYLUS DEMOSTHENES |] INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 


’ 


337 915 3] Sept. 859 | Acharn. 955 273 Nub. 124 902 | Pac. 1199 150, 845 | Eth, x. 3 
426 613! , 373 1021 228 125 29 1302 296 9 
437 608 148, 1060 348 181 837 | Plut. 146 799 | Met. x. 5, 
450 702 880 | Av. 36 811 229 476? 210 898 | Pol. 11. 9, 
457 587 373 54 253 268 805 269 915 11. 4, 
503 889 480 120 489 296 298 603 290 
510 608 iF 860 131 273 301 645 881 
714 777 628 180 242 340 839 889 705 
730 608 290 194 686 367 97, 301 933 805 | Fragm.1. 13 
791 454 |Suppl. 22: 295 280 39 870 848 1027 79 17 
912 290 τε 328 448 750 439 525 1102 837 
Prom. 23 900 , 447 461 296 273 1133 894 CRATINUS. 
68 277 447 700 658 369 | Ran. 1 287 | nag 
152 732 155 759 407 298 93 393 | Fragm. 108 
165 642 . 629 964 627 50¢ 837 68 814 
203 47. 353 ς 1186 252 5S 799 259 918 DEMOSTHENES. 
248 807 1187 89 2! 814 298 298 ἐν 
292 241 ἐν πάπα 1350 103 3! 489 339 489 
311 447 ANDOCIDES. 1390 472 ; ὧν peed 377 3 
302 260 Ξ, 7 )4: 1494 275 : j 946 462 298 
375 617 21 428 1508 326 25 779 508 995 
457 617 23 Σ 1598 513 3S 348 509 148 
470 677 43 24, 628 1661 750 | 9: 47: 524 298 
479 633 49 1679 99 δ] ( E 579 403 
616 236 62 36 | Eccles. 151 426 28: 586 8, 444 
617 236 81 a1: : 236 758 47- 697 273 
625 74 . ἘΦ 4: 297 275 1061 38. 830 35, 236 
627 747 πὸ oe } 350 778 1084 866 425 
697 617 355 47 | 1130 871 251 
705 326 . ἀπ 375 887 | 1141 955 737 
712 784 — 495 324 | 1151 56 959 245 
747 333 . ! 41: 587 868 | 1177 1022 244 
760 917 ‘ 35: 623 348 | 1192 35 1120 324 
771 875° 2: 35! 629 648 1250 Ae 1125 252 
786 811 ᾿ 4 719 991 1252 ὲ 1281 648 
824 328 213 794 679 1255 25 1378 251 
834 482 525 795 264 1277 yy 1446 562 
905 681 Σ 952 273 1301 } 1449 509 
907 681, 875 ‘ : 1000 686 1342 596 1459 580 
918 811 218 | Equit. 80 348 1352 298 |Thesm. 34 778 
979 94, 177, c 112 370 1364 δῚ1: 372 252 
455 ‘ 453 273 1369 51: 706 47 
999 903 * 79 495 273 | 1383 475 870 260 
1002 260 | % 22 y 696 60 1384 9083 8} Vesp. 109 190 
1049 725 23 36 698 454 1426 ( 283 674 
1051 725 29 ¢ 917 348 | 1433 478 397 297 
1068 9153) 45 926 348 | 1435 415 108 
Sept. 38 295 |Tetr. A.a, 2 Ὁ: 935 903 8 1436 é 835 787 
76 8,13 1252 227 1458 5135 853 915 
195 p ¥, | ¢ 1256 355 = 1489 313° 919 642 
196 1295 210 | 71 13° 1047 685 
199 Q; ae ΞῈΞΞ Lysist. 384 324 135 $3 1386 354 
250 ARISTOPHANES, . 450 993 | 137 
253 E Acharn. 26 33$ 511 162 232 τς τ 
257 133 8 704 295 409 ἈΒΙΈΡΘΈΙΣ, 
281 29f 312 38 917 686 411 0 | Eth. 1. 5, 6 
429 : 343 285 1223 328 430 5§ ui. 2, 7 
462 536 355 | Nub. 5 856 . VI. 6 
535 : 3 
4 


CALLINUS. 














656 662 29: 63 36 1179 
662 816 116 178, 505 1182 
᾽ 

















INDEX TO 


513 
323 
561 
423, 
511, 
613? 
136 
413 
532 
510 
472 


168 


5, 911 


283 
552 
537 
RRO 


v0Z 
915° 
911 
494 
295 
218 
444, 
689 ! 


°° " 
56, 525, 


722 
628 
807 
329 3 
579 
707 
587 " 
96 
188, 
479 
119 
339 
220 
3292 
419 
799 
711 
592 
275 
784 
795 
634 
705, 
779 
, 879 
47 
245 
141 
187 
885 
841 
287 
598 
677 


195 





IX. 


ς. 40 


THE EXAMPLES 


67 
69 
70 
71 
75 


76 


2 
14 
23 


r, 23 


4 


5 


12 
17 
19 
28 

1 
10 
11 
12 
18 
14 
16 
21 
23 
24 
26 


2/ 


28 
32 
33 
34 
40 
42 
43 
45 


4} 
48 


90, 


295, 
561, 


595 
532 
216 
478 
370 
722 
607 

79 
853 
328 
387 
591 
185 
172 
348 
313 
357 
879 
403 
900 
404 
419 
528 
419 
500 


, 431 


244 
800 
317 
828 
339 

96 
472 
111 

δ9 
247 








[DEMOSTHENES 


xviir. 148 
151 
160 
169 
172 
174 
176 
188 
189 
190 
191 
194 
195 
199 
200 
201 
204 
206 
207 
211 
214 
217 
220 
223 
224 


225 


228 
244 
247 


ΟΕ 


av 
258 
269 
276 


283 


690 
779 
494 
6693 
428 
711 
847 
867 
419 
509 
419 
868 
510 
422° 
247 
96 
802 
504 
864 
902 
868 
510 
824 
503 
245 
220 
472 
536 
825 
590 
, 874 
799 
867 
594 
734 
27 
312" 
317 
734 
848 
318 
103 
103, 113 
864 
109 
705 
178, 476, 
556 
103, 113 
122, 683 
711 
35 
35 
557 
32 
697 
683 
683 
687, 
711 








DEMOSTHENES] 


XIX, 


41 
45 
47 
48 
50 
51 
55 
58 
71 
72 
73 
74 


75 
85 
88 
91 
94 
99 
120 
122 
123 
124 


129 
130 
137 
148 
149 
150 
151 
152 
156 
159 
163 
172 
177 
189 
192 
195 
201 
202 
218 
221 
223 
225 
229 
240 
250 
253 
257 
262 
269 
289 
298 
299 
305 
308 
312 
316 


INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 


6891 

274 

768 

681, 683 
847 

226 

806 

247 

770 

591 

623 

137, 384, 
683 

830 

245 

289 

245 

274 

369 

677 
6692 
421, 819 
117, 417, 
683 

140 
119, 683 
708 

119 

807 

99 

90, 691 
594 

226 

498 

812 

506 
142, 687 
35 

35 


755 


914 
914 
606 
745 
110, 807 
182 
96, 800 
287, 6893 
339 
711 
331 
519 
7440 
876, 744” 
328 
348 
119 
472, 594 
206 
339 





XIX, 


317 
318 
320 
324 
342 
18 
96 
127 
129 
135 
143 
155 
157 
158 
24 
33 
34 
35 
37 
49 
64 
66 
69 
104 


105 
109 
119 
134 
151 
170 
205 
209 


211 
9 


- 


11 


696 
88 
292 
576 
216 
778 
637 
839 
236 
812 
236 
664 
339 
756 
763 
421 
90 
292 
503 
826 
525, 552 
689 1 
519 
45, 6692, 
689 2 
697 
565 
122, 685 
798 
354 
187 
384 
787 
259 
6692 
323 
798 
236 
563 
669 2 
289 
2, 336, 
779 
799 
6892 
750 
421 
756 
421 
552 
402 
918 
339 
899 
590 
462 
462 
462 
462 
576 





417 


ΧΧΊΙΠΙ, 107 4222, 842 


XXV. 


XXVII. 


XXVIII. 


117 
167 
170 
188 
205 
7 

9 
35 
44 
46 
64 
69 
106 
143 
145 
146 
147 
189 
11 
33 
1 
2 
3 
16 
17 
28 
37 
40 
48 
49 
52 
56 


70, 279 
811 

118, 136 
800 

811 

707 

807 

502 

336 
476? 

107 

814 
313! 

894 

323 
8125 

323 

473 

374 

180 
587! 
587 ! 

519 

904 

47 
312” 

508 

180 

168 
1241, 670 
447 

207, 223, 
683, 689 ὃ 
944 

419 

410 

677 

447, 519 
338, 856 
419 

842 

727 

168, 447, 
529, 552 
118, 519, 
591, 904 
333, 798 

774 

602 

113, 591 

692 

868 

103 

412 
672, 689? 


116 4, 173, 


673 
669 2 
6891 





μὲ παρε. σον ἊΝ Per 
Ss) petrne Ashaiggeee sien. Rear “μάν τ ac ete: ne ei a 


empl 
ea ey 


— 


418 INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 


XXX. 55, 56, 

627 

XXXI. 653 
XXXII. 143, 847 
XXXIII. 421, 510, 
511, 807 

580 

580 

556 

422} 

421 

XxXV. 349 
XXXVI. 707 
XXXVII. 798 
XXXVIII. 387 
182 

XL. 412 

419 

136 
312 

220 

685 
312 

245 

419 

607 

XLVIII. 691 
XLIX. 205, 683, 
689 3 


a 885 


Dionys. HALIC. 
De Thue. Idiom. 


12, 1 500 


Evcuip. 


EURIPIDES. 


Alecest. 11 807 
48 220 


52 
113 
125 
128 
139 
182 
315 
360 
386 
536 
671 89, 
755 94, 
758 
784 





580 

220 
409, 

506 

851 
124}, 669? 
592 

6895 

419 

598, 599 
103 

528 

528 

606 

653 

580 

906 

214 
6691 

90, 529, 
690 

103, 455 
144 
LVIII. 818 
Erot. 607 


DINARCHUS. 

ae 333 
12 711 
102 711 


801 
848 
954 
1072 
1158 
Androm. 60 


272, 


~~ 





241 
241 
414 
633 
669? 
227 
264 
414 
61 
732 
462 
462 
6181 
669! 
778 
648 
889 
732 
910 
376 
588 
236 
478 
256 
365 
354 
297 
242 
633 
419 
904 
881 
47 
256 
298 
277 
326 
287 
146 
723 
180 
253 
505 
505 


Cycl. 595 
630 
€47 
Elect. 17 
335 
484 
568 
919 
962 
967 
1061 
Hec. 112 
132 
244 
342 
423 
511 
712 
730 
802 
836 
863 
1039 
1042 
1056 
1099 
1113 
1124 
1138 
1233 
Helen. 107 
174 

814 

1010 

1076 

1085 
Heracl. 167 
248 

270 

451 

481 

731 

791 

1051 
Herc. F. 278 
504 

538 

594 

713 

718 

746 

1059 

1235 

1399 

1417 

Hippol. 8 

213 

346 

353 





324 


354 


[DEMOSTHENES 


272 
272 
609 
74 
828 
197 
365 
136 
256 
7, 68 
732 


519, 913 


633 
904 
886 
911 
12 


72 


584, 5871 
447 
181, 723 








HERODOTUS] 


Hippol. 393 


Iph. T. 


Med. 


435 
474 
476 
508 
567 
606 
657 
706 
729 
732 
746 
995 
996 
1066 
1162 
1186 
1307 
1327 
1340 
1410 
80 
374 
671 
758 
760 
1113 
1560 
462 
489 
539 
575 
677 
957 
1005 
1189 
1240 
1503 
19 
27 
67 
321 
385 
439 
467 
688 
995 
1014 
1051] 
1108 
1203 
1395 
1 
26 
33 
74 
78 
84 
90 
195 


INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 


1248 
904 
879 
880 
478 
257 
298 
410 
879 
915? 
181 
136 
384 
915? 

68 


»"» ] 


{{{ 
242 
874 
588 
881 
723 
74 
505 
181 
68 
74 
72 
27 
127 
633 
348 
733 
798 
893 
9152 
505 
454 
881 
642 
38 
369 
272 
245 
181 
347 
851 
376 
98 
339 
27 
253 
879 
734 
904 
47 
879 
61, 627 
883 
47 


Med 


Phoen. 


Rhes. 


Suppl. 





915° 


287 
346 
352 
381 
461 
490 
568 
586 
593 
664 
712 
737 
894 
931 
941 
1018 
1151 
1173 
1249 
1311 
1320 
1 
157 
272 
379 
418 
457 
566 
680 
746 


769 
770 
776 
1060 
1132 
1147 
1212 
1218 
1357 
1581 
1628 
92 
263 
300 
504 
895 
1357 
1590 
1624 
115 
294 
568 
3 
520 
603 
621 
796 
1066 
1084 


136 
447 
447 
447 
347 
4291 
443 
421 
9152 
9152 
885 
875 4 
251 
495 
220 
827 
298, 300 
633 
448 
918, 919 
69 
771} 
447 
447 
602 
537 
8754 
503 
860 
148, 264, 
885 
923 
365 
264 
272 
508 
447 
447 
648 
648 
910 
895 
369 
365 
74 
841 
290 
598, 599 
296, 753 
859 
264 
633 
633 
785 
505 
505 
181 
728 
297 





510, 511 


Suppl. 1108 
Tread. 477 
730 

874 

890 

970 

973 

982 

po 
103 
294 
417 
424 
442 
443 
1057 


HERODOTUS. 


I, 757 
238, 443 
895, 904 
417, 863 

27, 339, 
371 

257 

634 

829 

550 

348 

118, 122, 
136, 328 
757, 903° 
47 

48 

118, 136 
1241, 580, 
669 2 

447, 642, 
648, 784 
580 

778, 829 
326 

47, 706 
4221 

47 

700, 718, 
714, 887 


447, 580 
653 
48 
915% 

48, 3291 





INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 


896 11. 109 162 
651 110 818 
9155 115 616, 711 
890 119 907 
6693 121 339, 693 
896 125 782 
27 126 350 
253, 762 135 608, 782 
173, 350, 143 616 
916 146 858 
755 147 98 
616 150 532 
8291 157 56 
462 158 858 
329} 162 127 
616 172 755 
1241, 669? 179 685 
619 ; 2 904 
410 12 600 
895, 915? 26 907 
915° 31 620 
654 36 339 
755 44 350 
462 51 162 
550 55 755 
3291 65 885, 910 
781 66 915? 
616 75 121? 
608 82 817 
365, 659, 83 610, 879 
685 84 347 
532 85 347 
778 99 830 
619, 817 105 593, 594, 
594 755 
862 108 755 
295 115 706 
616 116 706 
812, 814 119 164 
803 130 608 
540 131 860 
919 134 915? 
651 138 758 
782 139 36 
782 140 915? 
163, 532 142 274 
782 146 608 
782 148 162 
782 159 347 
782 r 46 540 
753 50 778 
710 66 540 
653 164 
706 782 
710 782 
755 236 
854 782 
540 148, 290, 
7773 421 
322 618 | 








tv. 130 
136 
157 
167 
184 
196 

, @& 
30 
36 
49 
67 
79 
92 
98 


[HERODOTUS 


164 
887 
648, 698 
778 
608 
653 
773 
489 
145 
851 
677, 903° 
265 
616 
350 
811 
785 
653 
818 
685 
47, 537, 
762 
855, 904 
532 
864 
803 
136 
651 
700 
896 
489 
616 
634 
648 
280 
855 
818 
661 
634 
887 
660 
863 


wih LD) 


14h 


651 
494, 896 
651, 896 

915° 
537, 903° 

578 

782 

575 

295 
576, 881 

4222 

619 

152 

354 

152 

601 

903 ? 

914 








ILIAD] 


vir. 139 
141 
145 
153 
154 
158 
161 
162 
164 
168 
170 
172 
173 
175 
176 
180 
210 
213 
214 
220 
229 
235 
239 


903 
617 
489 
610 
773 
896 
347 
894 
780 
921 
803 
915 
914 
653 


329! 725 


443 
837 

677 

443 

98 

755 

365 

634 

617 

489 
8291, 653 
512 

593 

52 

829 

896 

145, 146, 
889 

637, 653 
807 

780 

443 

627, 864 
807 

489 

673 
3291, 634 
9156 

593 

879 

900 

785 
3291, 830 
858 

879 

52, 593 
660 

443, 915% 
593 

792 

653 

653 

896 
145, 146, 
890 


3 738 


INPEX TO THE EXAMPLES 
2 Ix. 102 355 


HEsIop. 


Oper. 11 
42 

48 

174 

485 

665 

692 


222 
723 


18 
40 
171 


HoMER. 


Iliad, 
8 775 
11 718 
18 840 
18 722 
20 784 
22 748 
25-28 132 
26 272 
27 883 
28 263 
32 326 
56 713 
60 460 
61 407 
64 6691 
66 487 
76 136 
81 512 
82 620 
83 6691 
88 847 
97 657 
107 763 
116 476} 
117 747 
118 317 
120 709 
128 444 
132 713 
135 482 
136 344 
137 447, 
512 
139 196 
150 989 
151 775 
159 840 
161 136, 683 








421 


538 
468 
196, 356 
402 
285 
677 
519 
285 
487 
161, 533 
52 
713 
472 
529 
713 
455 
767 
6, 284 
442 
8753 
474 
747 
250 
201, 285, 
452 
452 
770 
453 
322 
424 
259 
487 
734 
487 
57 
57 
519 
883 
615 
519 
683 
307, 310 
317 
345 
817, 474 
671 
538 
93 
359 
402 
263 
482 
784 
860 
884 
763 
829 
342 
251 
784 





INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES [ILIAD ILIAD] INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 493 


76 111. 288 450 440 vir. 340 322 x. 19 488 XIII. 127 225 

57 291 612, 613° 709 875 488 39 263, 306, 172 621, 626 

57 316 677 447 387 488 365 234 539 

895 351 785 869 394 487, 488 55 487 236 487 
4353, 438 366 127 440 414 553 98 93 317 554 
487 392 442 538 32 709 100 366, 492 321 177 

29 393 683 352 36 317 111 723 329 615 

488 407 725 709, 674 111 669 117 424 343 531 

57 428 737 219 125 860 183 545 368 136 

57, 770 450 488 259 130 435 222 499 377 505 
770 459 568 544 143 234 225 468 389 158, 548 
763 , 58 677 119 196 461 246 240 492 485 
770 17 13 435 251 709 279 888 667 98 

89, 529 18 234, 725 259 282 487 321 136 674 674 
544 19 13, 725 52 ᾿ 338 544 329 686 741 689 ! 
150, 895 88 488 407 ἱ 966 435 437 769 743 487 
772 114 657 I, 460 . 373 571 485 545 807 488 
532 141 547 487 452 626 488 615 825 739 

261 164 571 403, 503 538 739 536 739 826 739 
532 176 196 564 ; . 39 365 ὅ8 98, 94 , 7 616 
775 178 379%, 723 42 589 538 93, 307 78 487 
256 189 723 112 342 556 240 81 538 

237 191 568 121 284 xI. 20 773 84 734 

344 200 884 141 460 21 710 108 900 
722, 723 223 442 18 165 568 22 671 125 476 
748 234 259 167 196 67 546 133 161 
6691 238 529 171 487 116 468 163 488 

895 247 491, 880 179 342 269 544 190 240 
251, 616 262 468 ὦ 191 553 341 613} 247 531 
657 313 739 251 944 986 286, 499 261 365 
6691 321 402 283 460 391 468 267 196 

657 334 553, 698 304 542 404 290 521 769 
312? 351 683 δ: 556 312 532, 534 415 29 xv. 16 491 

444 404 259, 915? 318 501 439 671 18 519, 913 
657, 785 418 256 362 505 470 262 45 240 
256, 259 421 244 ‘ 388 499 492 548 70 616 
499 482 549 5, 28 403 657 670 739 263, 342, 

460, 689? i Ἐὰ 247 ᾿ 413 61 791 487, 725 352, 354 
895 85 185, 442 415 61 792 491 544 

241 119 837, 893 481 485 797 487 136 

485 127 318 488 646 799 487 Qf 860 

698 129 379" 500 532 XII, 25 3291, 848 240 

548, 585 161 545 Il. 506 887 58 ; 45] 
468 183 669! 509 161 122 8. 97 

127 192 570 519 25 167 546 664 

548 224 450 525 542 223 45% 615 

13 228 107 587 636 238 468 487 

538 232 450 ¢ 608 683 243 4} 546 

342 258 453 648 478, 869 945 53. 515 284 

737 273 461 655 859 302 491 

25] 279 487 682 1306, 829 333 488, 568 626 

442 287 651 5 684 209, 683 390 837, 893 442 

442 298 365 698 734 407 136 136 

13 301 696 : 702 529 436 636 XVI. 487 

444, 784 302 240 704 89 XIII 37 480 487 
568 303 442 xs @ 544 38 148 : 869 


ae 























424 INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES , ODYSSEY] INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 495 


xvi. 83 539 x1x. 384 488 xx. 71 I. 281 487 Iv. 401 29 ὙΠ. 147 532 

84 3122, 326, 423 624, 626 82 | 287 505 463 345 181 119 

487 xx. 26 447 274 ᾿ 295 342 475 641 251 396 

99 181 100 499 626 430 360 52 487 6691 299 709 

128 261, 307 129 385 490 35 379 487 505 884 312 734 

191 869 172 487 526 299, 437 382 713 526 887 844 356 

192 475 226 532 546 424 | 390 472 544 244 352 460 

227 551 228 532 629 739 392 745 545 342 366 766 

242 824 257 626 653 57 414 501 600 542 451 891 

263 468 265 671 656 57 1. 81 286 664 683 490 869 

296 547 285 240 792 476" 43 286 668 626 516 119 

$22 144, 626, 301 324 805 144, 887 53 8291 692 286 523 54S 

660, 887 435 491 893 499 54 542 712 669 546 538 

559 723 464 488 74 181 59 772 733 τς oo oa 

638 244 466 671 113 688, 753 60 760 735 181, 725 = ie a 

724 487 490 548 116 487 77 6134 746 641 228 488 

860 491, 492 xxI. 100 624 183 613° 111 317 747 657 241 442 
xvi. 1 887 111 571 220 435" 144 487 799 614 267 488 
2 144 137 342 222 438 158 767 831 474 304 245 

38 505 224 879 227 542 184 438 — 317 814 48h 

70 440 293 487 239 719 186 487 23 342 317 488 

77 155 327 36 253 734 216 487 57 615 355 568 

89 144 405 773 264 180 218 505 73 442 375 614 

121 487 459 342 301 487 220 505 123 6181 376 808 

245 487 475 257 327 869 222 284 143 326 391 544 

272 811 517 352 328 475 274 385 216 710 418 488 

338 683 522 547 357 487 312 664 221 453 420 342. 488 

366 442 556 505 41] 144, 887 332 491, 492 240 700 mo <a 

377 884 563 261 489 772 840 488 800 808, 369 475 76 

402 687 576 468 543 119 351 488 398 BAA 497 eas 

427 884 580 624, 639, 551 284, 624 360 487 356 261 554 342 

475 4761 644 563 709 373 641 368 545 r 99 884 

501 784 xu. 8 748 569 263 ΠῚ. 17 310 385 614, 698 147 488 

623 709 10 671 582 317 19 356, 359 394 544 174 689, 657 

626 709 17 626 584 263 55 259 415 261 269 936 

652 487 86 453 653 286 83 487 417 487, 488 295 869 

654 6691 108 236 667 4761 92 487 489 488 297 784 

692 487 122 261 751 163 124 442 465 290 322 869 

xvi. 8 261, 307 149 869 768 401, 468 129s 8 42 467 261, 262 416 485 
9 683, 753 150 475 781 639 166 671, 674 473 262, 365 420 488 

86 784 191 468 205 728, 760 484 501 538 568 

134 260 266 651 223 455 79 614 104 505 

135 639 304 722 . 40 529 231 240 112 349 ΤῸΝ τον 

190 639, 644 317 29 47 177, 289, 284 317 188 538 159 468 

331 683 531, 726 327 357 189 539 313 136 
348 241, 570 56 324 359 827 | 255 317 418 247 
358 352 76 342 IV. 34 487 286 554 44] 784 
381 256 93 487 ͵ 97 734 11, 36 475 479 342. 488 
389 512 115 488 166 570 5] 50] 489 ’ pre 
392 256 136 770 171 429 192 342, 352 548 737 
410 485 167 468 178 485%, 637 204 468 628 488 
419 487 187 482 193 234 280 6131 xu, 16 146 
438 674 204 453 195 532 293 442 96 468 
445 671 205 342 222 542 309 760 102 236 
481 737 217 528 317 488 311 786 112 49] 
505 285 231 719 $22 487 20 329 1 137 505 
312 624, sam. 1 256 232 428 | 335 544 95 884 156 3252 
321 13, 240 40 488 236 440, 719 363 435 133 256 215 487 
330 8291) 69 880 279 487 388 499 138 501 220 887 


a ee a ae 


taht 


Ξε ναξο ει "ie 























INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES (SSE Ἶ + , 
I AMPLES [opYSsSEY LYSIAS] INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 427 


ascctaegve ity a 


709 | xvi. 131 36 XIX. 544 
478 ] 168 i | 677 Ap. Py th. 8 Il. 32 590 | 826 
488 218 5 460 eo Iv. 14 105 333 
460 221 $5 | xx. $ 344 Cer, 96 = ped 39, 847 
453 255 844 * a8 19 637 . 819 
447 297 82 δ2 788 902 21 607 867 
284 381 26 181 ap 28 798 XI. 455 
615 437 : 127 “ 33 38 109 | 3 576 
449 : - 532 Mere. S21 42 f IL. 595 
487 | 10 3: 488 y 525 43 587} | 835 
39 | 20 589, 76 433 ~~ = 44 572 | 4222 
538 24 261 | 709 214 45 634 
257 51 ' 689 48 | 601 
710 | 60 539 HYPERIDEs. 595 
636 | 75 3121 | ΧΧΙ. 505 : τὶ 879 
639 | sind 39 2 | “ον Epitaph. δ᾽ 796 73 9 4 
671 | 287 Euxen. xx. 10 (§ 4) 648 74 XIII. 245, 
342 | 329} | 760 83 δ! 419 
344 | 46 οί 726 ISAEUS. = Os | XIV. 642 
532 ae ᾿ ( | 365 
719 . 26 25 95 5 | ᾿ 146 
487 8 899 96 - ἀν 999 
957 514 113 575 | 496 
677 32 781 142 : 799 
ost . 28 421 144 763 
487 39 594 148 3 807 
99 51 595 154 | 447 
784 . Ἡ 421 157 | “oe 
546 " a os ‘ ὃ “ : svi. 2 644 
, 490 . ΟΣ, 6 xvi. 11 827 
532 ar 387 : 1ὅ 702 
δ44 - 180 57! 16 9158 
nic 44 422 99 131 
687 a aoe f 292 | 29 421 
636 : ors 9° 19 4223 
488 Ὡ- ed 101 21 4291 
xvi. 79 3% oF 236 Li = 597 ὃν | 51 333 
> 329 1 . 1 428, 590 ζ ; 3 X. 920 496 
614 _ = 423 327 | 22 377 
656 vet το 3 259 | xx. 14 630 
435 =A "ρα ΤΟΥ πε, ΤΙ 412 
499} ; 189 37, 688 | 13 130 
980 2/ 594 | 
674 | Fragm. 4 425 i 
487 | 99 495 ; 588 | LYCURGUS. 
671 Leoc. 3 246, 
260 ISOCRATES. 50 
55: 60 
ceed ες ἢ 50 ! a1 
786 , = 800 91 
687 μον oar | 99 
366, (92 | | 100 
492 44 386 ry? 135 
3292 _ 3 = 
vv | 
744 LYSIAS. 
Homeric HyMNs. 339 ς , 96 
| Ap. Del. 1 284 rons 4 ro 
49 as 5 δ76, 888 631 | 40 


Ayer ane eg: 


ΠΝ ini 


ase ah eae 








ee 






































on 


Oo cn bw tO > 


bo ὧδ bo 


INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 


333 
689 2 
758 
634 
591 
685 
753 
428 
431 
594 
682 
32, 1162, | 
689 3 
689 3 
246 
146 | 
419 | 
423 
613? | 
423 
430 
151 
689 2 
690 | 





MENANDER. 


Fragm. 294 
598 
Monost. 45 
387 
397 
422 


MIMNERMUS. 


. — 
L. ἃ l//, oF 


1. 9 
111. 1 


New TESTAMENT. 


Matth. vi. 23 
vil. 12 

pes) a 
XXVI. 24 
Mark νι. 25 
x1. 13 


695 
916 
697 
614 
689 
127 
368 


Luke ΙΧ. 
XVIII. 

XXIII. 

| John XIII. 
3} XVIII. 
Acts I. 


x. 


40 
41 
34 
39 
24 
33 


384 
384 
462 
431 
505 
504 
594 
628 
707 
101 
630 
519 
419 
594 
647 
613? 
535 
613 
901 
206 
371 
121 
70 
387 
799 
861 
528 


590 


Xvil. 27 
Cor. IL. v. 17 


PHILEMON. 


Fragm. 120 


213 


PINDAR, 


Olymp. 1. 64 


446 
288 
150 
433 
288 
487™ 
357 
288 
446 
357 
288 
150 
150 
487" 
446 


108 208, : 


mic as 
vi, “a2 
49 

1 

10 

57 

21 

31 

65 

105 

20 

67 


wi 3 
12 


81 
99 
100 
. 110 


| Pyth. Iv. 


Isthm. 1! 


Apol. 





IX. 


17 
19 
35 
44 
33 


Iv.(v.) 14 


[LYSIAS 


621 
240 
467 
541 
181 
209 
501 
155 
402 
627 
129 
436 
632 
155 
627 
181 
540 
501 
500 


PLATO. 


Alcib. 1. 115 B 
1. 143 Ὁ 


17C 
D 


18C 
20 A 
B 


851 
594 


412, 
511, 


244, 


260 
510, 
528, 
477 
76 
696 


669 5 
73, 669 2, 
908 
669 * 
525 
162, 903 ' 
834 
908 
251 
384, 403, 
503 
331 
594 
685 
800 
770 
790 
610, 
814, 
883 
216 
150 
887 
410 
881 
867 
839 
180, 644 


6385 





PLATO] 


Apol. 


Charm. 


Critias 


Crito 


37 B 
C 
39 A 
40B 
41B 
42 A 
153 A 
156A 687, 
157 B 
163 A 
164 B 
171 E 


113, 


192 C 


385 B 
391A 
396 C 
E 
399 D 
401 D 
402 A 
425B 2 
430 D 
436 B 26: 
439 C 
108 C 
121 B 
43 B 
C 
44B 
D 
45B 
46 A 
47 D 
48C 26: 
D 
49 A 
B 


σι 
=) 


or 

ΕΣ 
ehesheslesh*: 
SO Eel Oo bd b C 


or 
bo 


D 
53 D 


Euthyd. 272 C 


E 
275 E689}, 
276 E 
278 Ὁ 
283 E 
290 A 
295 C 

D 
296A 

E 

D 
299 A 
302A 531, 


INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 


685 
565 
587 ὃ 
858 
901 
749 
862 
904 
283 
369 
563 
528 


oe 1 


{{| 
251 
208 
613? 
781 


»“Ἕ» ὃ 


Pit ἕω 
105 
236 
6691 
280 
375 
918 
156 
904 
318 
811 
479 
734 
903 
109 
40 
479 
265 
923 
887 
339 
687 
711 
925 
136 
550 
421 
136 
208 
264 
887 
858 
689 ’ 
105 
839 
236 
658 
306 
283 
706 
722 
839 


552 


3 





Euthyd. 302 B 


Euthyph. 3B 


4K 
8C 
12D 
13D 
14A 

C 
15D 


Gorgias 447 D 


450 D 


457 EK ἢ 


461 E 
462 D 
473 A 
474 B 
476 Ὁ 


479 A 2: 


C 


481A ἃ 


482 A 
483 C 
484 D 
486 B 
487 D 


489 C 
495 Ὁ 
499 C 
500 C 
502 B 
503 A 
506 B 

C 
510 D 
512 Ὁ 
514 A 
515 B 


516 E 


" 
Jid 


52% 
espe 
δώ: 


‘ 


. 


D 


5 


| Hipp. Maj. 


Ion 


| Laches 


301A 
535 E 
536B 
178 B 
190 E 
194A 
196 C 


3, 582, | 
3 606 
3. 444 


580 
290 
419 
594 
807 
778 
370 
897 
414 
219 
219 
410 
173 
414 


-- - 


ἐ {44 
798 
856 
669 ' 
309 
753 
718 
790 
377; 
868 


879 


, 804 


909 
292, 


204, 


410, 


835 
186 
339, 
753 
26 
274 
780 
830 
902 
339 
613° 
77 
837 
269 
423 
339 
412, 
176° 
781 
373 
858 
884 
883 


103 
898 
572 
857 
795 
494 
369 


| Laches 


| 


Leges 


Lysis 


Menex. 


Meno 


| 





| Parmen. 163 D 
|Phaedo 58A 

E 
59D 





E 
60 A 





Phaedr. 2% 


Phileb. 


INDEX TO THE 


60 C 150, 845 
881 

838 

268 

923 

550 

455 

365 

669 

799 

177 

749, 814, 

815 

410 

369 

763 

370, 478 

366, 492 

685 

675 

287 

387 

98 Ὁ 793 
100B 29, 895 
101 D 6134, 702 
102 D 838 
103 D 30 
106 D 292 
108 D 807 
114B 645 
D 901 
117C 811 
807 
798, 807, 
811 

834 

723 
296, 602 
402 

287, 770 
772 

39 

778 

159 

654 


265 
266 A 
269 D 
274A 
276A 
279 C 
12D 
13 A 
15D 


Phileb. 


Repub. 





Politic. ἢ 


16B 
21B 
22 E 
39 C 
42C 
47 D 
48D 
63 A 


323 D 
328 B 
329 B 
332 D 
333 C 
335 C 


D 
336 D 
338 C 
339 C 
E 
351 C 
352 D 
353 D 
327 C 
328 C 
329 A 
330 A 

D 

E 
331 C 
332 A 
333 E 
336 D 
E 


EXAMPLES 


236 | Repub. 
6691} 

910 | 

830 

890 


409, 506 
89 

719 

30, 333, 
717, 719 
30, 717 
685 

588 

861 


aaa oO 


so Se 
4764 

817 

839 
490, 918 
423, 891 
864 

681 

365 

874 

95 

555 
903 8 

274 

780 





[PLATO 


337 A 690 
B 274, 287, 
293 
E 355 
339 A 355 
340 B 700 
341 B 295 
346 E 685 
349 C 347 
352 E 226 
354 B 811 
358 B 489 
C 875 
D 837, 900 
359 D 755 
860 B 575, 579 
C 31, 226 
365 D 609 
367 B 837 
368 B 365, 816 
369 B 902 
370 D 180 
372 E 287 
374 Ὁ 247 
375C 144, 887 
376A 89, 91 
C 67 
379 B 556 
389 D 883 
393 D 875* 
E 132, 263, 
306 
397 D 68 
398 A 226 
402 B 644 
D 890 
405 C 550 
408 B 887 
C 402 
412A 73 
B 65 
D 531 
114A 777? 
C 215 
415B 355 
C 98 
E 31, 579, 
759 
416A 584 
C 579 
E 837 
427 E 136, 815, 
816 
428A 528 
430A 119, 130, 
188 
E 778 
432B 778 
C 489, 734 
$33 A 121 3 








SIMONIDES] 


Repub. 488 B 588, 830 
E 348 
489 
918 
226 
673 
884 
40 
895 
875} 
697 
431 
367 
6691 
257 
799 
799 
784 
445 
837 
419 
881 
228 
478D 22, 143 
485C 780 
487 E 236 
488 C 348 
489 B 410 
490 A 676 
B 159 
C 755 
492 A 887 
C 837 
E 295 
493 D 884 
495B 887 
E 768 
496 E 22 
499 B 296 
501 B 6134 
502A 105 
506 D 278 
E 781 
508 C, 563 
509 C 513 
515 Ὁ 185 
E 226, 643 
5SI6A 690 
δΙΒΑ 690 
5I9 A 607 


D EE be 


521 A 852 
522A 40 
545 Ὁ 65 
549 B 531 
E 355 
552 A 40 
E 293 
553 A 148, 884 
D 490 


Repub. 


Sisyph. 
Sophist 


Symp. 





Or or Sr Or 
J σι or or Or 
μι “IS > CO 


HOPE Ὁ Ὁ9 3 


δ95 Β 

σ 
598C 
603 C 
604 C 
607 C 
610B 
613 C 
614A 

B 
615B 

D 
617 C 
618 C 
620 D 
387 C 
219 E 
226 C 
237 D 
239 B 
242 A 
247 C 


287, 


105 
293 
758 
531 


bry ] 


(44 
690 
921 
105 
895 
915? 
339 
328 
875! 
685 
136 


»ΗΜῚ 


{{{ 
804 
573 
195 
287 
4764 
804 


»»»5 ὦ 


δ" 
921 
690 
268 
852 
105 
256 
879 
103 
755 
88 
208 
834 
489 
472 
268 
814 
489 
912 
256 
807 
791 
195 
62 
763 
136 
883 
755 
119 
587 } 
238 
894 
879 
771} 
155 
264 
172 
265 


INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 


194D 
198 A 

B 
199 A 

D 
202B 

D 
208 D 
210B 
212C 

E 
213 Ὁ 
214 E 
215A 
218C 
220 D 
221A 
Theaet, 142 A 

D 
143 E 
144B 
145B 
1490 
155A 


C 
158 B 
163 D 
165 D 
169 B 
174A 
180C 
183 C 

E 
186 C 
190 E 
192C 
202 A 
209 E 


Symp. 


Theag. 123B 
Timaeus 18C 
20 C 
25 E 
26B 
56C 
57 B 
78C 
79C 
90 E 


SAPPHO. 


Fragm. 101 
118, 1 


SIMONIDES, 


3 
10 





778 
454 


861 
815 





Simon. AMORG. 


ΕΘ ἘΞ 
ὙΠ. 18 
69 

97 


SOLON. 


Iv. 30 
2) ee 
= :3 

29 
55 
75 
xxvil 3 


SoPHOCLES. 


Ajax 20 
21 
39 
45 
75 
88 

119 
122 
136 
281 
326 
389 
403 
410 
455 
496 
506 
536 
550 
555 
556 
560 
567 
659 
666 
674 
715 
742 
965 
986 
1077 
1082 
1131 
1183 
1217 
1264 


INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 


881, 9032 
60 


799 


44a 
620 
360 
295 
355 
565 
915? 
155 
713 
644, 648 
648 
817 
228 
159 
384 
620 
181 
723 


Ajax 


Antig. 





1325 
1334 
1335 
1419 
9 
19 
22 
32 
41 
44 
61 
69 
76 
79 
91 
93 
96 
98 
178 
185 
215 
223 
229 
235 
236 
240 
242 
264 
270 
276 
278 
292 
324 
373 
390 
415 
443 
444 
455 
472 
473 
476 
478 
484 
532 
534 
535 
544 
547 
552 
580 
605 
619 
646 
652 
653 
666 
678 
685 
696 


587} 
260 
587} 
628 
887 
317 
47, 811 
47 
362, 6691 

8752 
669} 
223 
403 
79ὅ 
529 
447 

587} 
408 
534 
472 
281, 347 
706 
447 
794 
212 
239, 472 
916 
794 

677 
705 
369 
608 
447 

561 
197, 208 
617 

812 

237 

827 

9152 

9183 

148 

169 

407 

837 

251 

794 

811 

899 

236 

582 

942 

648 

236 

236 

475, 873 

2343, 555 

923 

686, 706 


Antig. 


Elect. 





580 


[SIMONIDES 


710 
722 
754 
755 
759 
839 
887 
944 
1032 
1063 
1089 
1092 
1105 
1114 
1168 
1173 
1253 
1255 
1339 
40 
42 
47 
56 
81 
126 
234 
293 
332 
333 
352 
379 
410 
424 
465 
467 
554 
556 
616 
628 
637 
676 
696 
697 
699 
701 
744 
753 
780 
796 
834 
943 
963 
992 
1004 
1021 
1029 
1030 
1052 
1079 
1131 


471 
478 
837 
414 
837 
8754 
471 
903 ? 
501 
916 
9153 
915? 
791 
92 
254 
101, 749 
369 
472 
237 
328 
295 
710 
322 
287 
726 
475, 873 
904, 914 
912 
223 
718 
565 
778 
33 
447 
791 
505 
410, 412 
915? 
190 
237 
910 
556 
327 
47 
47 
144 
617 
598 
708 
447 
880 
136, 706 
410 
447 
734 
295 
795 
295 
795 
659 


SOPHOCLES] 


Elect. 


1134 
1172 
1176 
1204 
1205 
1281 
1309 
1331 
1370 
1402 
1426 
1439 
1450 
1478 
1482 
1505 


Oed. Col. 11 


12 
16 
36 
47 
49 
52 
77 
82 
83 
84 
119 
125 
146 
170 
174 
176 
271 
310 
342 
359 
395 
405 
414 
442 
450 
473 
509 
565 
575 
628 
630 
656 
667 
731 
761 
797 
816 
817 
848 
909 
951 
956 
964 


INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 


333 
602 
146 
601 
317 
245 
371 
410 
919 
339 
371 
180 
238 
710 
211 
419 
22 
772 
778 
627 
795 
811 
519 
620 
601 
8751 
713 
146 
247 
247 
289 
257 
295 
602 
287 
419 
818 
540 
3252 
889 
791 
295 
253 
471 
807 
328 
447 
916 
688 
807 
259 
214 
688 
81 
47 
205 
642 
410 
69 
244 


Oed. Col. 
969 


974 
1023 

1040 

1121 

1180 

1210 

1350 

1352 

1442 

1528 

1579 

1588 

1645 

1680 

1713 

1724 

1769 

Oed. Tyr. 9 
12 

71 





503, 588, 
718 
503 
295 
90 
688 
354 
911 
588 
575 
454 
227 
910 
8752 

148, 884 
580 
733 
324 
489 
761 
818 
317 
778 
247 
608 
830 
807 
471 
505 

412, 818 
511 
4222 
811 
841 
901 
901 
550 

837 
317 


Oed. Tyr. 
834 
839 
843 
846 
851 
863 
874 
918 
956 
966 

1003 
1005 
1061 
1065 
1068 
1074 
1146 
1157 
1217 
1220 
1231 
1232 
1245 
1260 
1293 
1325 
1335 





1356 
1368 
1387 
1391 
1412 


Philoct. 





211 
718 | 
687 | 
643 ! 
244 
253 
706 
830 
219 
919 
299 
287 
718 
915? 
47 
654 
92 
633 
574 


580 


| 





433 


90, 6133 
103, 883 
447, 448 

447 
499 
723, 901 
471 
713 
916 
8752 
62 
317 
899 
815 
723 
370 
81 
734 
732 
777! 
540 
811 
700 
8752 
764 
8751 
ὅ80 
900 
899 
333, 812 
333 
565 
795 
565 
410 
272 
6691 
146 
860 
51, 447, 
601 
688 
803 
295 
580 
710 
916 
580 
573 
258 
181 
376 
809 
118 
893 
295 
916 
419 


245 





THUCYDIDES] 


434 INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES [SOPHOCLES 


INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES ,͵ 495 





= 489, 689 εἶ Ι, 138 689 5 777 1 Ε 88 58 
7839 silts 


Philoct. 443 249 ἴασιν 3 704 800, 830 93 368, 798 


749 
444 889 


136 


519 
526 
539 
551 
567 
572 
594 
600 
611 
615 
617 
620 
623 
656 
674 
761 
764 
812 
825 
917 
941 
961 
969 
978 
994 
1068 
1233 
1239 
1241 
1253 
1259 
1329 
1342 
1363 
1362 
1394 
Trachin. 2 
24 
37 
148 
196 
197 
226 
401 
545 
550 
575 
587 
590 
604 
608 
618 
631 
632 
655 
669 
687 
706 


256, 403 


354 


256 
644 
916 
244 
136 
48 
296 
886 
675 
791 
136 
588 
237, 829 
287 
620 
719 
326 
90, 648 
136 
643 
734 
39 
923 
324 
72 
245, 246 
791 
791 
505 
915? 
444 
419 
47 
113 
629, 650 
365 
47 
620 
829 
629 
809 





669! 


791 
367 
606 
478 
608 
339, 355 
648 
348 
368 
627 
643 
211 


614, 702 


896 
903 
934 
944 
946 
953 
973 
978 
1109 
1125 
1129 
1183 
1233 
Fragm. 280 


450 


THEOCRITUS. 
I. { 


THUCYDIDES. 
i 1 858 
2 140, 759, 
864, 876 
119, 848 
798 


238, 410, 
412 
143, 472, 
847 
564 
141, 143 
749, 807 


904 
530 
96 
96 
677 
113 
478 

> 591 
318 


ἐς 


~ 
ν᾿ ey Co bt 
PTO GW be 


Spwwtbst 


bo 
εῷ 


a ae 
ν᾿" 
— 


‘ 883 
801 : 


em COW 


Oe ee ee et Me | 


_ 
-- 


6691 


476+ 
781, 





“— 
σι bo 


- 


as δι δ. διὰ ἃ 
w~ 
~J 


im me CO CO 
σι ce © Οὐ 


σι 
"πὸ 


τ 
I 





904 


e- 
~ 
~ 


904 

807 

677 
818}, 318 
47, 627 
653, 687, 
800 

90, 144, 
155, 171, 
466 

105 

57 

, 807 
849 


223, 


613%, 614, 
669 * 
33, 6695, 


147, 610, 
887 
903 4 
15] 
845 
610 
850 
151 

840, 849 

151, 620 

98, 635, 
685 

555, 851 

387, 494 
85] 

98, 317 
828 

50 

478 
634 

76 

373 


27, 620, 


689", 711 


683, 685 


505, 829 
6692, 887 
127, 318, 
900 

677, 770 
6892, 695 
883 

864 

122, 527 
174 

627, 770 
1161, 306, 
627, 669 2, 
774, 887 
35 

688 

148, 840, 
9036 
148, 207, | 
683, 9036 | 
699, 714, 
715 

798 

696 





96, 798 
90, 532 
875 

467 

500, 858 
687, 688 


749, 798 
864 
364, 503, 
713, 900 
525, 758 
532 

219 

78, 534 
564, 634, 
653, 798 
489, 695 
747 

675 

798 

791 

208 

897 

843 

795 
156, 780 





97 778 
755 
811 
799 
339 
205 
747 
567 


113, 587 2, 


591, 619, 
620, 687 
635 
691 
591 
503, 689 
339 
759, 807 
: 898 
538 365, 369 
70 339 
74 427 
75 807 
80 365 
82 8754, 9038 
83 365 
88 824 
89 207, 525 
98 564, 887 
102 588, 614 
104 635 
111 146 
114 5872, 591 
3 140, 824 
4 749 
6 884 
13 677 
16 620 
17 540 
22 897 
24 136 
26 550 
27 881 
28 117, 683, 
781 
29 876 
34 798 
36 778 
38 711, 9155 
4] 620 





42 696 
48 858 
46 620 
50 904 
61 29 





64 834 


10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
16 
17 


884 
550 
295, 851 
914 
373 
113 
643 
620 
113 
854 
113, 580 
893 
8181 
144 
489 
30 
136, 681, 
784, 829, 
899 
745 
588 
750 
619 
339 
851 
113, 142, 
588, 881 
355, 887 
490 
428 
594 
687 
123, 188, 
683, 685, 
689 3 
851 
652 
756 
825 
616 
295, 296 
208 
829 
372 
556, 900 
27, 126, 
244 
149, 829 
655 
113 
89 
648 
576, 577 
590 
370 
780 
28, 159 
107, 795 





INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 


224, 292, 
749, 807 
28, 722 
454 

921 
648, 701, 
747 
128, 136 
37, 339 
236 

207 

215, 648 
490 

900 

770, 923 
361, 793 
113, 211 
653 

833, 914 
113, 144, 
6893 

30 

208 

659 

36 

126, 489 
32 


me 


32, 326 
503 
147, 321 
490, 696 
683, 685 
144 
109, 211 
467 
113 
472 
918 
374 


609, 713, 
714 
753, 900 
796 


Vil. 


46 136, 489 
47 687 
48 557 
49 7773 
50 629 
56 113 
59 490, 696 
60 696 
61 136, 211 
63 653 
65 330 
67 3131, 377 
70 109, 749 
71 162, 466, 





588, 658, 
876 
781 


TYRTAEUS. 


2 18 
X11. 34 


35 


μ-ι 
τ 


Ὁ 


t 


[THUCYDIDES 


534, 587? 
864 
472, 658 
843, 864 
136 
912 
634 
30, 31 
223, 229, 
918 
30, 864 
912 
47 
919 
144, 180, 
373 
904 
495, 697 
30, 689? 
618, 689° 
798 
318, 669° 
244 
916 
110 
807 
111 
781 
274, 857 
677 
51 
339 
236 
689 3 
915 ὃ 
914 
317 
534 


μι 
Se Om Or 


bo bo 


WoO Arart 


μι 
_ 


10, 4 864 


Il. 


5 116%, 677 

6 876 

9 365 

16 683, 687 

17 677 

1, 3 30, 670 

4 410, 424 

6 772 

8 489 

10 654, 669? 

681 

91 917 
23 669? 

2, 12 295 
21 116}, 669? 
38, 2 618, 811 





XENOPHON] 


1. 3,18 
19 

20 

24 

25 

29 

4, 3 


5 


17 
19 


INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 


205, 683 
687 
136 
618 
601 

90, 529 
180 

79, 826, 
840 

89, 317 
505 


22 1241, 895, 


5, 12 
13 
14 
16 
27 

6, 10 
12 
21 
27 

ἢ 


τοὶ 


‘ 
13 
14 
16 
18 
20 
38 
40 


826 
575 
197, 914 
226 
326 


6892, 907 


30 

94, 532 
94, 317 
535 
674 

9037 
807 
136, 867 
658 
180 
807 

94, 180 
94, 912 


124%, 6892 


848 
494 
89, 915} 
89, 317 
59 





184 
915? | 
672 
618 


365 





1 

4 

10 
2,17 


462 
629, 646 


1242, 6892 
617 
172 
221, 6892 


1212, 6892 
855 
770 

478 

833 
689 2 
128, 617 
89, 444 
675 

144 

330 

136 

333 

94, 455 
744. 

365 
798 
689 3 
644 


875} 


1, 


19 
22 
28 
32 
7 
8 
9 


437 


155, 171, 
466 
759 
351 
608, 645 


644, 698 
849 
698, 792 
652, 658 
317 
128, 188, 
683 
798 
527, 685, 
798 
339 
531, 552 
578 
365 
224, 898 
555 
180 
687 
811 
6691 
94, 455 
508 
563 
531, 552 
884, 495 
644, 695 
695 
898 
859 
851, 852 
90 
367 
917 
124}, 6692 


555 





XENOPHON. ὃ ὩΣ Ria | Cyropaedia. 317 

“2 ‘ ᾿ ab sis. 10 6 " ad “ . 4 180 

364, 635 anaes 1 817 | κι 1, 2 532, 884 807 

215, 550, 13 759 : 19} 2, 1 126, 587’, 8123 
an 14 9154 δ: 688 578 
υ 


476? 

















INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES [XENOPHON ᾿ XENOPHON] INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 


377 a 445 
6893 2] 512 
711 30 604 . ἘΝ 
807 34 410 29 
833 48 348 } 
690 ΓΙ, 17 376 
296 136 
444 851 
842 723 
875} 590 
135 849 
6181 371 
893 136 
807 : 351 
627 351 
690 588 
854 764 
278 rit. 2, 533 
354 685 689! 
107 244 E i : 864 
608 3 904 ΩΣ 569 * 3f 903 2 
608 669 38 γ 96 867 
278 εξ ‘ 7111 y 654 Apol. 
495 695 580 
628 295 531 
588 617 370 | Cyneg. 111. 
127 329 - 817 "ἢ 
670 654 847 | VI. 
799 3 814 292 VII. 
376 609 339 ΕΣ, 
900 185, 689° one | XII. 
29 827 251 | Eques. β 
90 681 798 | IV. 
618 ὅ 833 287 | Hier. vit. 
768 608 532 | VIII. 
218 364 : 587 }, 236 | XI. 
734 f 296 f : : O¢ } 836 | Hipp. [, 
875} 6892 ; ΕΠ 4 921 | IX. 
903} 629 4 31, 306 370 | Oecon. 1. 
812 ; 339 | IV. 5 97 | 8, 8 763 
565 4 617 | 
658 2,21 239, 472 | | : 912 | IV. 
371 2: 762 | : 2¢ | ‘ 894, 923 
| 


614 | 4 oe 531 
36 3 3 798 
136 | δ 800 
689 2 | } 807 
864 407 
707 8 531 
536 4 884 
370 : 5, 556, 
594 601 
555 150 
753 306 
689 * 53, 867 
862 713 

131 793 | Ages. I. 10 
} 552 33 
884 II. 
525 
623 


Hellenica. 


i | 


* 


2 pws!) Mines RE ai ma μα 


oo ™I Or 


Scripta Minora, 


μ 
ma CO Ὁ. σὺ 


bo 
φ. 

~ 

oO 


bo bo 
bo υῷὸ Om CO Oo ™I Or 


ἴω 
© 


-- 


ν DN μὴ bo 


rm wrt 


. 
~ 
CON Wess] 





Croce 


— 








΄ 
~~ 
πὶ 
- 


m RD μ 
ὡς Φὸ τὸ ὦ W 


oe A 6m 
Tw Ww Oo 


—~ « 
ων 


μ με 
NOM ewe Φ οὸ "Ὁ οὐ Ὁ Wh 


bo 








. 
~ 


- 


"ΜΗ 


{44 II. 


_ 
-- 


828 8, ἃ 765 587 } 
858 } 348 588, 763 
631 330 824 
6134 790 365 
444 . 9152 | | 654, 
914 817 | F ‘ 8: 914 
781 77, 680 i | 825 


Ook 1 I 


co bh 


~ 
--- 


. Ὁ δι on Γν ὁ, 
me Ww ON ων 





πὶ 
~s 
— 


604 864 3 Σ 824 1243 


— 
bo 


462, ὅ, 1: 564 , ξ 1. : | 268 
532 : 851 f z} : 236 | 531 
608 915! Ἢ } 588 | 837 XV. 
220 915° εἰ 4, 1 | 917 XX. 
619 : 373 4 ΕἾ δι 5 3° 556 tep. Ath. 1. 
278 482 = 3 374, 506 3! 155 | Rep. Lae. v. 
444 220, 804 : δ᾽ δὲ : 365 | VIII, 
462 , 608 r 4 76% 94, 462 | XIV. 

88, 444 = a 92: 3, 361 | Symp. 1. 


— 








CON ORK DORK Oe 


a" 
δι ay OG 


Or 


oo 
or 














440 


Symp. 


1. 11 
ἘΠ. 3 
Iv. 6 

8 


INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 


Symp. Iv. 26 
37 

2 

25 


825 
485 
351 
339 


LATIN AUTHORS. 


Caks. Bell. Civ. 1. 
Cic. Offic. I. 
IIT. 

Phil. VIII. 
Hor. Sat. II. 
LUCRET. I. 


Tac. Agric. 


Vera. Aen. I. 


29 
108 
95 
31 

1, 43 
112 
18 
37 


| 


| 


[XENOPHON 


Symp.vitr. 35 


Vectig. 


V. 


Vi. 


9 
10 
2 


903! 
180 
180 
9037 





GREEK 


INDEX. 


N.B.—The references are made to the Sections. 


᾿Αγανακτέω εἰ 494, 

᾿Αγαπῶ εἰ 494. 

᾿Αγγέλλω in indirect discourse, w. 
partic. 904, w. infin. 914 3, 

“Aye or ἄγετε w. imperative 251; w. 
subj. 255, 257; w. ὅπως and fut. 
indic. 276. 

“Aywv, with, 844, 

᾿Αδικέω as perfect 27. 





Ai, αἴθε, at γάρ, 379 (w. note): see | 


Ei, El@e, Ei γάρ. 

Αἰδέομαι w. partic. 881, w. infin. 9031, 
Αἰσθάνομαι w. partic., not in indirect | 
discourse 884, 886, in ind. disc. 

904, 9141, 889; w. infin. 914}, 

Αἰσχρός, αἰσχύνη, αἰσχύνομαι, νη. neg- 
ative force, followed by μὴ οὐ w. | 
infin. 817 (cf. 647). Αἰσχρὸν Fy | 
w. infin. without ἄν, potential, 415, | 
416: see Ἔδει. 

Αἰσχύνομαι w. partic. 881, w. infin. | 
9031, Αἰσχύνομαι εἰ 494. | 

Alrws w. infin. (sometimes w. τοῦ or | 
76) 749, 795, 798; w. aor. infin. | 
101. | 

᾿Ακούω w. gen. of partic., not in 
indirect discourse, 884, 886; w. aor. | 
partic., not past, 148; w. accus. of | 
partic. in ind. disc, 904, 886; W. | 
infin, 9141, ’Axodoa or ὡς ἀκοῦσαι 
as absol. infin. 778. 

ἼΑκων without dv 8753. 

"Arts εἰμί ν΄. partic. 899, 

᾿Αλίσκομαι as perfect 27, 

᾿Αλλά (like δέ) in apodosis 512, 513, 
564, for ef μὴ δι᾽ ἄλλο 518. ᾿Αλλὰ 
νῦν 513, 

“Aya w. temporal participle 858. 

᾿Αμείνων εἰμί w. partic. 899, 





Ἂν (a) and κέ or κέν, adverbs, two 
uses of, potential and conditional, 


192; often not translatable 193; 
theories of 194, 398, 401; distinc- 
tions of ἄν and κέ 194, 401. 

With Indicative. Not used w. 
pres. and perf. 195; w. future in 
potential sense, in early poets 196, 
in Attic (rare) 197; εἴ κε w. fut. 
(Hom.) 451. With secondagy tenses 
in potential sense and in apodosis 
198, 243, 410; aorist w. εἴ xe, once 
in Hom., 437 ; w. imperf. and aor. 
in iterative sense 199, 162, 164, 
249. 

With Subjunctive. In protasis 
(in ἐάν, ἄν, ἤν, Epic εἴ xe or al Ke) 
192°, 200, 201°, 381, 382, 444, 450, 
462; may be omitted in epic and 
lyric poets 453, 468, 469, 470, 
seldom omitted in Attic poets 454}, 
471, probably not in Attic prose 
454°; εἴ xe or al xe, if haply, in 
case that, in Homer 487, 491, ἐάν 
or ἤν in same sense in other Greek 
489, 490. In conditional relative 
sentences 200, 522, 529, 532; 
commonly omitted by Hom. in 
general conditions 538, sometimes 
in future cond. 539 ; om. in other 
poets 540, in prose (rare and doubt- 
ful) 540. Seldom νυ. ὡς and subj. 
in Hom. similes 543. With ἕως, 
until, 61355; w. ἄχρι, μέχρι, ἄχρι 
οὗ, and μέχρι οὗ, 618, 619 ; in εἰσόκε 
and ἐς ὃ ἄν 616; w. ἔστε 617; w. 
ὄφρα, until, 615 ; sometimes omitted 
w. words meaning until 620. With 
πρίν 642, 645, never in Homer or 
Hesiod 639, 640 ; sometimes omitted 
in Attic 648. In final clauses w. 
ws, ὅπως, and ὄφρα 192%, 200, 201 2, 
325-328 ; in object clauses, w. ὡς 








442 GREEK INDEX | GREEK INDEX 443 


and ὅπως in Hom. 341, 342, 343, 226. Without verb, potential 227, & Δεῖν omitted in ὀλέγου δεῖν and μικροῦ w. fut. indic. in future suppos. 
ὅπως ἄν in Attic 348, ὡς ἄν in Xen. w. rel. or ef 228. Retained in in- δεῖν 779°, 447-449, in present suppos., of in- 
3511, ws ἄν once in Herod. 347. direct discourse after past tenses w. Δεινόν ἐστιν εἰ 494. tention or expectation, 407, 408 ; w. 
Epic use w. subj. in potential sense| potential (seldom w. conditional) Δέον as accus. absol. 851. potential indic. (w. ἄν) 409, 506: 
and in apod. 2011, 285, 452, 235, forms 6674. Tdy’ dv, perhaps, 221. Δεῦρο or δεῦτε w. imperative 251, w. w. secondary tenses of indic. in 
399, 401. Regularly omitted when |”A»(a), conjunction, for εἰ ἄν, 1922, subj. 255. unreal cond. 410, 411, once εἴ xe w. 
conditional subj. becomes opt. after 381, 382. See Ei. = Δῆλός εἰμι w. partic. 907. Δῆλόν aor. indic. in Hom. 437. After 
past tenses 667 *, 689, rarely retained | ’Avaivoua uses w. partic. and infin. ἐστιν (impersonal) w. ὅτι or ὡς 912. verbs of wonder, indignation, ete. 
692, 702, 649. See Subjunctive. 881 (end). Δηλῶ ν΄. partic. 904, w. infin. (two 494, 495. 

With Optative. In _ potential "Avaipéw, give oracular response, w. uses) 915°, With Subjunctive (without ἄν 
sense and in apod. 202, 232, 233, pres. and aor. infin. 98: see Θεσπί- Διαλανθάνω w. partic. 888. or κέ). In future cond., in Hom. 
234, 455, 531, never w. fut opt. ζω and Xpdw. Διαλιπὼν χρόνον, after a while, and 453, rarely in Attic poets 454; in 
203, 459; rarely omitted 240-242. | ’Avéyoua: w. partic. 879, w. infin. | διαλείπων χρόνον, at intervals, 834. general cond., regularly in Hom. 
In protasis: εἴ xe (once εἴ περ ἄν) 9083, Διατεινάμενος and διατεταμένος, with| 468, always in Pindar 469, some- 
in Hom. 460; w. pot. opt. in|"Avoa and ἀνόητος w. negative force, all one’s might, 837. times in other lyric poets 470, 
present cond. 409, 458, 506; εἰ or followed by μὴ od w. infin., 817 Διατελέω w. participle 879. rarely in Attic poets 471. Relation 
εἴ xe, if haply, in case that, in Hom. (cf. 647). "ε Δίδωμι, offer, 25, imperfect of 36. of εἴ κε w. subj. to simple εἰ in 
488,491. With conditional relative | ᾿Ανύσας, quickly, 837. Δίκαιος w. infin., used personally, 762. Hom., and possible origin of the 
and opt. in Hom. 542; w. pot. opt. |"Agcov ἣν w. infin. without ἄν, potential, Δίκαιον ἣν w. infin. without dy, two uses, 401. 
in Attic 557 ; ὅτε κε in a past gen. 415, 416: see Ἔδει. . potential, 415, 416: see Ἔδει. With Optative. In future cond. 
cond. in Hom. 542; εἰσόκε w. opt., | ᾿Απεικάσαι as absol. infin. 778. Δικαίως containing ἃ protasis 472, 239. 455, 456, representing subj. w. 
once in Hom., 616. Πρὶν ἄν w. | ᾿Αποδείκνυμι w. participle 898. Διόπερ, causal 712. ἐάν of direct form in indirect dis- 
opt. 649. In final clauses w. ws|’Amoxduyw w. partic. 881, w. infin. Διότι, causal, because, 712; that, in course after past tenses 457, 667 4, 
and ὄφρα in Hom. and w. ὡς and} 903%. indirect quotations, 663%, 7102; w. 689 *, 6941; w. pot. opt. (w. dv) 409, 
ὅκως in Herod. 329! (cf. 358), ws dv | ᾿Αποφήνασθαι w. ὡς, as absolute infin. infin. by assimilation (Herod.) 755. 458, 506; in past general cond. 
in Attic (w. pot. opt.) 329%, ὅπως 778. Aoxéw w. infin., usually in personal} 462-466, only once in Homer 468, 
ἄν (w. pot. opt.) 330; in object |"Apa, rare in indirect questions 6657. 3 constr., 754, νυ. infin. and ἄν 754. Ei (in Hom. sometimes εἴ xe), if 


2 


clauses w. ws and ὅπως in Xen. (w. | ’Apxéw w. participle 899. Δοκεῖ and ἔδοξε w. infin., not in haply, in case that, w. opt., w. 











pot. opt.) 351? (see Appendix IV.), [Ἄρτι w. temporal participle 858. indirect discourse, 99, ἔδοξε in laws apodosis implied in protasis, in 
ὅπως ἄν (once) in Plato 349, ὅκως ἄν Άρχομαι (Hom. ἄρχω) w. partic. 879, etc. 99, 750. Δοκοῦν and δόξαν as} Homer 488, 491, in other Greek 
in Herod. 350; after verbs of fearing| ow. infin. 9034. ᾿Αρχόμενος, at first, accus, absol. 851. Δοκεῖν as absol. 489, 490. After past tenses of 
w. μή and pot. opt. 368. See 884, infin. (w. ws δοκεῖν, ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν, etc.) | verbs expressing wonder, indigna- 
Optative. ᾿Ασμένῳ τινὶ εἶναι 900. 778; ὡς γε δόξαι 778. Separating | tion, etc. (also indic.) 495, 697. 
With Infinitive, always potential |“Are w. causal participle 862. ἄν from its verb 220}, In future wishes (generally εἴθε or 
or in apodosis, 204; chiefly in | Αὐτάρ (like δέ) in apodosis 512. el γάρ) 721, 723 (end). 
indirect discourse 211, 4791, 688 Αὐτίκα w. temporal participle 858. ‘Edy, conjunction, for εἰ ἄν, 1927, 381, | With Infinitive in indirect dis- 
(see examples), 751; sometimes in ᾿Αχθομένῳ τινὶ εἶναι 900. : 382. See Ei. | course, by assimilation (Herod.) 
other constructions 211, 212; w. |"Aype and μέχρι, wntil, 514, 611, 612; ᾿Εβουλόμην w. infin. without ἄν, po-| 755. 
pres. infin. 205, w. perf. 206, w. used like ἕως 618 ; w. subj. without tential, 425; ἐβουλόμην ἄν (vellem) | Ei γάρ and εἴθε in future wishes 
aor. 207, w. fut. (rare in Attic) 208; ἄν 620. “Axpe οὗ and μέχρι οὗ 619. : ,... 246, 426. 721, 723, in present or past un- 
rare in early poets 209; repres. ἔγκειμαι w. partic. 897. attained wishes 731-733 ; in Homer 
iterative impf. or aor. w. ἄν 210;| Baivw w. infin. of purpose 772; βῆ ‘Eyrwxéva as present 49. (also at γάρ and αἴθε) in present 
w. infin. and article 212, 794. and ἔβαν (βάν) w. partic. 895. “Ede, χρῆν, and other imperfects (see unattained wishes 739. With 
Expressions like δοκεῖ τις ἄν w. Βεβηκέναι as present 49. 3 416) w. infin. without ἂν, in poten- ὥφελον etc. in present and past un- 
infin., how to be translated 754. Βελτίων εἰμί w. partic. 899. tial sense 415-422 (see Contents) ; attained wishes (poetic) 734, 736. 
With participle, always potential | Βούλει or βούλεσθε w. interrogative as simple expression of past neces- Ei 6 dye 251, 474. Ei δὲ μή, 
or in apodosis 213, never in protasis subj. 287, 288. sity ete. 417, Ἔδει ἄν etc., how otherwise, 478. Ei δ᾽ οὖν or εἰ δέ 
217, 224; w. pres. partic. 214, w. | Βουλεύω w. ὅπως or ws and subj. or distinguished from ἔδει (alone) ete. (sc. μή) 478. El μή, except, without 
aor. 215, w. fut. (rare) 216; in} opt. (Hom.) 341-343. 420, 423 (see Appendix V. ). verb, 476. El μὴ διὰ τοῦτο 4763, 
indirect discourse 4791, 687 (see Βούλομαι w. fut. infin. (rare) 11%, w. ᾿Εθέλοντί τινι εἶναι 900. Εἰ μὴ εἰ 4704, Πλὴν εἰ 477. 
904); never in Homer or Pindar! infin. and ἄν 211. Βουλομένῳ τινὶ Ei, 7, introduces protasis 378 ; relation | Εἰ, whether, in indirect questions 665, 
213 (end). | εἶναι 900. See ᾿Εβουλόμην. } to αἱ 379 (and footnote); forms of} 669, 362, 376, 497, even w. subj. 
With subj., closely joined to F εἰ combined with ἄν and κέ (ἐάν, ἄν, | 677, 680. Negative οὐ or μή 6675, 
particle or relative word 218, 381, | Γεγονέναι, to be, 49. ΤΊ ἤν, εἴ κε, αἴ κε, εἰ ἄν) 200, 381, 382,| In alternative questions, ef. . . εἴτε 
522; w. indic. or opt., joined to | Teyvwonw w. partic. 904, w. infin. ᾿ 450 . for the use of these see “Ap, | orel.. . 4, whether... or, 665. 
emphatic word 219; separated from| (three uses) 9153, ἢ Origin of conditional forms dis-| See Indirect Questions under In- 
its verb by οἴομαι, δοκέω, etc. 220. cussed 398 ; great variety in early | direct Discourse. 
Never begins sentence or clause 222. | Aé in apodosis 512, 518, 564. Greek, 399, 400. | Εἰδέναι or ws (ὅσον, 8 τι) εἰδέναι as 
Repeated w. same verb 223, 225 ; | Δεδογμένον as accus. absol, 851, With present and past tenses of | absolute infin. 778. 


not repeated in co-ordinate clauses | Δείκνυμι w. partic. 904, νυ. infin. 9154, Indicative (simple supposition) 402; Εἴθε in wishes: see Ei γάρ (under ΕΝ). 























444 GREEK 


Εἰκάσαι and ἀπεικάσαι (or ws εἰκάσαι 
etc.) as absolute infin. 778. 

Εἰκὸς ἣν w. infin. without ἄν, potential, 
415, 416: see Ἔδει. 

Kivi w. partic. as periphr. perf., ἣν as | 
pluperf., 45, 46, 831; ἔσομαι ν΄. 
partic. for future perfect 80, 81, 
831; w. partic. as predicate adj. 
830; w. infin. of purpose (poetic) 
772. Ἔστιν ὅπως (ὅποι, ὅστις, ὅς) 
w. potential opt. without ἄν 241. 
Ἢν (w. dpa), expressing fact just 
recognised, 39 ; w. infin. (=might), 
and ν΄. adjectives enumerated in 
416 and infin. (without ἄν), poten- 
tial, 415, 416: see Ἔδει. Elva as 
infin. of purpose 773, 774; as 





absolute infin. 780, 781, ἑκὼν εἶναι, 
willingly, 780, κατὰ τοῦτο εἶναι, rip | 
πρώτην εἶναι, τὸ νῦν εἶναι, ete. 781, 
ws πάλαια εἶναι 781, ws εἶναι in| 
Herod. 782. Εἰμέ omitted w. verbal | 
in -réos 922, w. verbal in -réov 923. 
Ὧν omitted 875, 902, 911. See| 
Ὥν. | 

Elu in pres. indic. as future 29, in | 
Hom. also as present 29; in pres. 
of dependent moods and partic. 30, 
31. With infin. of purpose 772; νυ. 
partic. 895. 

Elva: as absolute infin. 780, 781: see 
under Eiué. 


Elos and efws, Homeric forms for ἕως, |’ 


611 (footnote 1), 613, 614. 


course 753; w. infin., as verb of 
commanding 99, seldom in indir. 


INDEX 


ws and fut. opt. 128, w. ws and aor. 
opt. w. ἄν 136, 681. 

᾿ΕἙλπομένῳ τινὶ εἶναι 900. 

᾿Ελυσιτέλει w. infin. without ἄν, poten- 
tial, 415, 416: : see Ἔδει. 


Ἔνεστι (ἔνι) w. infin., equiv. to opt. w. 


dy, followed by opt. 502. "Evi ν΄. 
infin. without ἄν, potential 415, 
416: see "Ede. “Evovra (partic.) 
used personally w. infin. 761. 
᾿Ενταῦθα w. temporal partic. 855. 
᾿Εξαίφνης w. temporal partic, 858. 
᾿Εξῆν w. infin. without ἄν, potential, 
415, 416: see Ἔδει. Ἐξόν as accus. 
absol. 851. 
'Emdsoros γίνομαι (Herod.) w. partic. 
907. 


"Endy and ἐπεάν, for ἐπεὶ ἄν, 522. 


Ἔπεί and ἐπειδή w. aor. indic. (=plu- 
perf.) 59, seldom w. pluperf. 59 ; 
w. aor. opt. in similar sense 95; w. 
infin. by assimilation in indirect 
discourse 755. Causal 712, 713; 
ἐπεί, although (by ellipsis) 719 3, 
Ἔπειδάν w. aor. subj. as future 
perfe ct 90. 

᾿Επείγομαι w. partic. (Herod.) 896. 

Ἐκειδάν and ἐπειδή : see ᾿Επεί. 


Ἔπειμι w. infin. of purpose 772. 
Ἔπειτα w. temporal partic. 855, ν΄. 


partic. of opposition or limitation 
856. 
Επήν, for ἐπεὶ ἄν, 522. 


᾿᾿ Ἐπίδοξος w. infin. in persona. con- 
Εἶπον w. ὅτι and ws in indirect dis- | 


dise. 753°. Εἰπεῖν as absolute infin. | 


(w. ws εἰπεῖν, ws ἔπος εἰπεῖν) 777}, 


ws λόγῳ εἰπεῖν (Herod.) 782. ‘Qs 


εἰρῆσθαι (abs. inf.) 7777. Elpnuévor | 


as accus. absol. 851. 

Εἰσόκε (εἰς ὅ xe), wntil, in Homer, w. 
subj. and once w. opt. 616. 

Εἰσορῶ (εἰσεῖδον) w. partic. 
aor. partic. (not past) 148. 

Εἶτα w. temporal partic. Ww. 
partic. of opposition or limit tation 
856. 


-" 
oo, 


struction 762 
᾿Επικαίριος w. infin. 
struction 762. 
᾿Επιλανθάνομαι w. partic. 904, w. 
infin. 915! 

᾿Επιμελέομαι or ἐπιμέλομαι w. ὅπως and 
fut. indic. 339, w. infin. (or infin. 
w. 76 or Tov) 361, 793, 791, 798. 


personal con- 


᾿ Ἐπίσταμαι w. partic. 904, w. infin. 


| 
| 


Εἴτε. .. εἴτε, εἰ... εἴτε, etc., whether | 


ow « oF, 666. 


Eiws or εἷος, Homeric forms for ἕως, 
᾽ 


611 (footnote 1), 613, 614. 
Ἑκών without dy 875%. Ἑκὼν εἶναι 
(abs. infin.) willingly, 780. 
᾿Ελδομένῳ τινὶ εἶναι 900. 
Ἐλπίζω (or ἐλπίς) w. fut. infin. 136, 
. pres. or aor. infin. 100, 136, w. 
infin. and ἄν 136, 211, w. ὡς and 


915 2 
Ἐπισχὼν χρόνον, after a while, 834. 
᾿Επιτήδειος w. infin. in personal con- 
struction 762. 
᾿Επιτρέπω w. partic. 879. 


Ἔπρεπεν w. infin. without ἄν, poten- 


tial, 415, 416: see Ἔδει. 


Ἔργον ἣν w. intin. without ἄν, poten- 


tial, 415, 416: see "Ede. 


Ἔρχομαι w. partic. 895. 


"Es 6 and és οὗ, wntil (Herod.), 616. 

| Ἑστάναι, stand, 49. 

| Eore, until, w. indic., subj., and opt. 
617 : see Ἕως, 

"Ἔστιν ὅπως w. potential indic. without 
ἄν 241: see Εἰμέ, 


ὅπως and fut. indic. 136, 706, w. Εὐθύς w. temporal partic. 858, 








GREEK INDEX 445 


Evpicxw w. partic., not in indirect 
discourse 883, in ind. disc. 904; w 
infin. in ind. disc. 915% ἘΕὑρί- 
σκομαι (mid.) w. infin. (in two uses) 
915°, 

Eire, cansal, 712, 713 (end), 

ἜΦ᾽ ῳ and ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε w. infin, 610}, 
fut. indic. 610 3, 


"Edy w. infin. without ἄν, expressing | 


unrealised past intention, 429. 

᾿Εφορῶ (ἐπεῖδον) w. partic, 885, w. 
aor. partic. (not past) 148, 

᾿Εχρῆν or χρῆν w. infin. without ἄν, 
potential, 415, 416: see Ἔδει. 

"Exw w. partic. as periphrastic perf. | 
47, εἶχον as plupert. 48; see 831. 
Ἔχει ( or οὐκ ἔχει) ὅ τι εἴπῃ ete. ig 
Ἔχω, continually, 837, with, 8 

Ἕως (Hom. elos and ews), while at 
until, 611. While, as ordinary rela- 
tive: see Relative sentences. Until, 
meaning of clauses with 611, 612; 


w. indic., of definite past action | 


6134, w. secondary tenses, of result 
not attained, 6132 ; w. subj., of | 
supposed future case 613°; w. opt., 

by assimilation, in future se nse 
6134; w. subj. and opt. in genera] 


suppositions 613°; w. subj. and | 


opt. w. final force 6141, 698; w. 


opt. in Odyssey, with special final | 


force, 614%. With subj. without 
ἄν 620; w. ἄν (retained from 
original subj.) w. opt. in indirect 
discourse 702. 


“H, than, after comparative w. infin. 
764, sometimes w. ὥστε or ὡς 764 ὃ, 

"H, or, 6651; see Πότερον, and Ei, 
whether. Ἢ πρίν w. intin. 631: see 
II piv. 

"H or ἠέ, whether (Hom.), 665 2 


Ἦ or ἦε, or (Hom.), 665 5, 


Ἤδη w. gnomic aorist 156, w. temporal 
partic. 855. 

‘Hoiwy εἰμί w. partic. 899. 

᾿Ἡδομένῳ τινὶ εἶναι. 900. 

Ἥ κω as perfect 27, imperf. « of 37; w. 
infin. of purpose 772; w. partic. 
895. 

᾿Ημφιέσθαι, wear, 49. 

"Hy, for εἰ ἄν, 381, os : see Ei. 

“Hy 39, 415, 416: see Elui, 

Ἥρμοττεν w. infin. οὐ λων ἄν, poten- 
tial, 415, 416: 566 Ἔδει. 

Ἡττῶμαι as perfect 27. 


Θαμέξω w. partic. 891. 
Θαῦμα w. infin. 766. 
Θαυμάζω εἰ 494, 








᾿ Θέλω w. fut. infin. (irregular) 118. 


Θέλεις or θέλετε w. interrog. subj. 
(poetic) 387, 288 ; w. ἵνα and subj. 
in later Greek 288. Modern θέλετε 
va (and θά) w. subj. 288. Θέλοντί 


τινι εἷναι 900. 


Vv. ᾿ Θεσπίζω w. pres. or aor. infin., as 


verb of commanding, 98. See 
᾿Αναιρέω and Χράω. 

Θνητὸν ὄντα, one who is a mortal, of 
both sexes 827 ὃ 


δεῖν and ὁρᾶν, in appearance, 768 ; 
ἰδεῖν as absolute infin. (w. ὡς ἰδεῖν, 
ὅσον ἰδεῖν, etc.) 778. 

ἸἸθέως (Ionic) w. temapousl partic. 858. 

Ἴθι w. imperative 251, w. subj. 255. 


᾿Ἱκανός w. infin. 758 ; ἱκανός εἰμι w. 
partic. 899, 


Ἵνα, final particle, 302, 311 ; w. subj. 


and opt. 317, 318-323; never w. 
fut. indic. 324; never w. ἄν or κέ 
325 (w. footnote); without verb 
331; w. secondary tenses of indic. 
333; after λίσσομαι (Hom.) 357, 
similar use in New Test and Latin 
357. ΑΒ adv., where, w. ἄν 325 
(footnote). 


Kd, Dorie for κέ, 381: see”Av, 
Kadifw w. partic. 898, 


_Kaiwep (Hom. also καί. . . ep) 


καί _w. partic. of opposition or 
limitation 859, 860. 

Καίτοι w. partic. like καίπερ (rare) 
861. 

Καλὸν (κάλλιον, κρεῖττον, κράτιστον) Fv 
w. infin, ee be. potential, 415, 
416 (see "Edec) ; w. protasis in ‘place 
of infin. 433. 

Κατανεύω ws w. subj. (Hom.) 359. 

Karareivas, earnestly, 837. 

Ké (κέν), relation to ἄν, 194, 401: 
"Ay. 

Κεκλῆσθαι, to be called, 49. 

Κεκτῆσθαι, to have, 49. 

Κελεύεται w. infin. in laws etc. 750. 

Κινδυνεύω and κίνδυνός ἐστιν w. μή and 
subj. and opt. 365, w. infin. 378, 
747. Ἐκινδύνευσα and κίνδυνος ἦν 
w. infin. without ἄν, potential, 
427%, with ἄν 427°, 

Κλαίων, to one’s sorrow, 837: cf. 
Χαίρων. 

Κρατέω, am victorious, 97. 

Κρείσσων εἰμί w. partic. 899. 

Kupéw and συγκυρέω w. partic. 889, 
145. 


Λαβών, with, 844. 





446 GREEK INDEX GREEK INDEX 447 


Λαθών, secretly, 837. potential opt. used in sense of 707, 708. Μὴ ὅτι w. indic, (rare) course 914+, tense of infin. 136; w. 


Λανθάνω w. partic. 887, 892, w. aor. 
partic. 144, 146 (see Aorist Parti- 
ciple) ; reversal of constr. w. partic. 
893 ; probably never w. infin. 903°. 
Λέγω w. ὅτι or ws or w. infin. in in- 
direct quotations 753', generally w. 
ὅτι or ws in active voice 753!; w. 
infin. as verb of commanding 99, 
753°. ‘Qs λέγειν as absol. infin. 
γι". 

Λήθω (poetic) w. partic. 888, 146. 
Λίσσομαι w. ὅπως and subj. and opt. 
(Hom.) 356, νυ. ἵνα and subj. (Hom. 
and N. Test.) 357. 

Λοιπὸν ἣν w. infin. and τό, potential 
without ἄν, 431. 


Μανθάνω w. partic. 904, w. infin. 
915). 

Μέλλω w. infin. as periphrastic future 
73, 75, 111, tense of infin. (gener- 
ally pres. or fut.) 74. Imperf. w. 
infin. as past future 76; w. infin. 
without ἄν, expressing unrealised 
past intention 428%, Sanskrit con- 
struction compared 428 (footnote) ; 
ἔμελλον ἄν (once) 428 ὃ, 


Μέλον as accus. absolute 851. 





interrog. subj. 292. Ὅπως μή w. 
fut. indic. in prohibitions 271, 272, 
w. fut. indic. or subj. implying 
desire to avert something (like μή, 
261) 278, 279, w. subj. in cautious 
assertions (like μή, 265) 280; ὅπως 
μή once with perf. indic. (as pres.) 
282; subj. w. ὅπως μή 283, 278, 280. 
With indic. in oaths 686. 

In final clauses ete. Μή becomes 
a final from a prohibitory particle, 
lest, that, 302, 307, 310; gradually 
gives place to final particles w. μή 
in negative final clauses 315 (w. 
footnote); regular neg. adv. w. 
final particles 305, but οὐ used after 
μή itself 305, 306; uh... μή rare 
306. In pure final clauses, w. subj. 
and opt. 317, w. subj. after past 
tenses 318-321, rarely w. fut. indic. 
324, never w. ἄν 325. In object 
clauses, for ὅπως μή, w. subj. (rarely 
w. fut. indic.) 354. After verbs of 


Searing, w. subj. and opt. 365, ν΄. 


pres. subj. denoting what may prove 
to be object of fear 365 (end), 92 (ef. 
perf. subj. in 103), after verbs like 
ὁρῶ and olda 366; νυ. fut. indic. 











686. 
See Οὐ μή and Μὴ οὐ. 

Μὴ ov, regular negative of final and 
prohibitory expressions introduced 
by μή, 263, 305 (cf. 8153) ; in inde- 
pendent sentences 263, 264, 265, 
269; in pure final clauses (rare) 
305, 306; regular after verbs of 
Searing 270, 306, 365. With infin. 
(when this is already negatived by 
μή) after neg. leading verb 8152, 
816, after neg. idea in leading clause 
817: see 807, 809, 811, 814; w. | 
partic. 818; w. nouns 819. Forms 
one syllable in poetry 820. 

Μικροῦ δεῖν, almost, 779%; without 
δεῖν 779°. 


Νικῶ as perfect 27. 

Νομίζῳ in indirect discourse, w. infin. 
683, rarely w. neg. μὴ (for οὐ) 685 ; 

w. aor. infin. referring to the future 

(exceptional and doubtful) 127 ; νυ. 

partic. 910. 


Ὅ, neuter of ὅς, used in Homer like 





ὅτι, that, in indirect quotations, 
6631, 7091, 671 (footnote) ; causal, 


partic. 904. 


Ὁπόταν, for ὁπότε ἄν, 1922, 522. 
Ὁπότε, relative, 514 (cf. 313+) ; causal 


712, 713; meaning until (Hom.) 
553, 698; w. peculiar final force 
in predictions (Hom. ) 571. 


Ὅπου (ὅκου), causal, 712, 713 (end). 
Ὅπως, originally relative adv., then 


indirect interrog. 313. With in- 
dependent fut. indic. in commands 
etc. (ὅπως μή in prohibitions) 271- 
277, rarely ὅπως μή (but not ὅπως) 
w. subj. 283, 364 ; ὅπως μή w. fut. 
indice. or subj. implying desire to 
avert something 278, 279, w. subj. 
in cautious assertions 280, once w. 
perf. indic, (as pres.) 282. 

As final particle 302, 313. In 
pure final clauses w. subj. and opt. 
317-321, rarely w. fut. indic. 324 ; 
w. secondary tenses of indic. 333, 
334, 336, never w. ἄν 335; ὅπως ἄν 
w. subj. 313%, 328, 200, w. opt. 
329, 330. In object clauses after 
verbs of striving, ete. w. fut. indic. 
and opt. (sometimes w. pres. or aor. 
subj. and opt.) 339, 340; similar 
use of ὅπως or ws in Homer w. subj. 
and opt. 341 (examples in Appendix 


τ} | eae . 
Μέμνημαι as present 49; w. partic. (seldom) 367, w. potential opt. w. 
904, w. infin. 9151: μέμνημαι ὅτε ἄν 368 ; w. pres. and past tenses of 
913. | indic. 369, μή not interrog. here 369 


because, 712, 713. III. 3), ν΄. κέ 341, 343; w. fut. 
Οθούνεκα, causal 663°, 712; in in- indic., subj., and opt. after verbs of 
Mévw w. partic. (poetic) 880. | (footnote1). In consecutive relative direct quotations 663°, 7101, See asking, commanding, ete. 355; w. 
Μερμηρίζω w. ὅπως or ws and subj. and! clauses νυ. fut. indic. 576; w. ὥστε NR .- fut. indic. after δεῖ σε 360 ; w. subj. 
opt. (Hom. ) 341-343. | and infin. 582, 584, 606, but seldom Οἷδα w. partic. in indirect discourse and opt. after λίσσομαι (Hom.) 356 ; 
Μεταμέλον as accus. absol. 851. (for οὐ) in indirect discourse 594, 904, 687 ; w. infin, not in ind. disc. ὅπως ἄν w. subj. (Attic) 348, ὅπως 
, . “ὦ ~ ‘ ν ef . ᾿ . .? 2 ) κα “4 [cn +. ᾽ Β oF ἢ vo δ 
Μεταξύ w. temporal partic. 858. 595; w. ws (for ὥστε) 608; w. ἐφ 915 κ᾿ In ind. dise, 9157, Οἱδ ἄν w. opt. 349, 3517; ὅκως ἄν w. 
Μέχρι, used like ἕως, 618; μέχρι οὗ ᾧ and ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε 610. ὅτι, οἷσθ᾽ ὅτι, 7 am sure, etc. 705. opt. (Herod.) 350 : Xenophon’s use 





619. See “Axper. 
Μή, conditional, prohibitory, and final 


negative particle: final use derived | 
from prohibitory 262°, 307; dis- | 


tinguishing prohibitory subj. from 
subj. as simple future, and opt. in 
neg. wishes from potential opt., 6, 
8, 13, 234: see Appendix I. 


In independent sentences. With | 
subj. and imperative in prohibi- | 


tions 255, 258, 259, w. interrog. 


imperat, 253 (end); w. subj. ex- | 


pressing apprehension with desire 
to avert object, chiefly in Homer 
261, sometimes in other Greek 264 ; 
in cautious assertions (chiefly in 
Plato), w. subj. 265, 266 (sometimes 
in dependent clause 267), w. 
indic. 269, sometimes interrog. 268, 
269 : w. interrog. subj. 287, 291, 
even when affirmative answer is 
implied 293; w. fut. indic. and 


| 
| 





In protasis 383 ; exceptional uses 
of οὐ 384-387. In cond. rel. clauses 
518, 520. In causal rel. clauses 
(also conditional) 580, 581. 

In indirect discourse w. finite 
moods, when negatived by μή in 
direct form, 667° (for infin. and 
partic. see below). 

Regular neg. of infin., except in 
indirect discourse, 685 (end) ; some- 
times μή for οὐ w. infin. and partic. 
of ind. disc. 667°, 685, 688 ; regular 
w. infin. after verbs of hoping, ex- 
pecting, swearing, ete. 685. With 
infin. after negative expressions, 
strengthening negation of leading 
verb, 8151, 807, 809, 811, 812; ν΄. 
infin. in negative sense 808, 813 (see 
Μὴ ov). 

With all participles expressing a 
condition 832, 841: see 472, 823. 

Μὴ ὅτι and μὴ ὅπως (elliptical) 


Separating ἄν from its verb 2201. 
οὐκ old’ ἂν εἰ or οὐκ ἂν old’ el, w. 
indic. and opt. 2207. Οἷσθ᾽ ὃ dpacov | 
953 


ave 


Οἴομαι or οἶμαι w. infin. in indirect | 
discourse 683, rarely w. neg. μή (for | 
οὐ) 685; w. aor. infin. referring to 
the future (exceptional and doubt- | 


ful) 127; separating ἄν from its | 

verb 2201, | 

Οἷον and ola w. causal participle 862. 

Olos νυ. infin. 759. Olds τ᾽ ἣν w. infin. 
without ἄν, potential, 415, 416: | 
see Ἔδει. 

Οἴχομαι as perf. 27, imperf. of 37; w. 
partic. 895, 

Ὀλίγου δεῖν, almost, 779%; without 
dew 779°, 

Ὄλλυμαι as perfect 27, imperf. of 37 

Ὄλωλα, J shall perish, 51. 

Ὁμοῖος w. infin. (Hom.) 769. 

‘Opodoyéw w. infin. in indirect dis- | 


of ὅπως ἄν and ws ἄν 351 (see also 
Appendix IV.). Dawes’s Canon 364 
οἵ. 363). After verbs of fearing: 
ὅπως μή (for simple μή) w. fut. in- 
dic., subj., and opt. 370 ; ὅπως or ds, 
that, in indirect discourse, w. pres. 
or fut. indic. 371. With fut. indie, 
(Hom.) as indirect interrog. 344, 
351°. In consecutive rel. sentences 
w. fut. indie. 578. In indirect 
quotations (like ws) 6632, 706. 
Οὐχ ὅπως and μὴ ὅπως, elliptical, 
707, 708, 


Ὁρῶ (εἶδον) w. partic. not in indirect 


discourse 885, 886, w. aor. partic. 
(not past) 148; in ind. dise., w. 
partic. 904, 914°, 886, w. infin. 
914°. Ὁρᾶν and ἰδεῖν, in appear- 
ance, 768 (cf. 766). 


᾿ Ὅσος w. infin. 759. Ὅσον and ὡς w. 


absolute infin. 778. Ὅσον μή, ex- 
cept, 550. 


—— 
a 





πο - ee τἰὲ 
τς sa 





448 GREEK INDEX 


Ὅστις w. indic. in general cond. 534 ; 
ὅστις ποτ᾽ ἐστίν, ὅ τι ποτ᾽ ἐστίν, ete. | 
5873, ὅστις w. subj. ὅ87 3, Ὅ τι μή, 
except, 550, 551. 

"Or (for 6 re) in Homer, that, 709?; 
causal, because, 712, 713. 

Ὅταν, for ὅτε ἄν, 1927, 522. 

"Ore, relative 514 (see Relative sen- 
tences); causal 712, 713, 714; 
rarely in Hom. in indirect quota- 
tions 709°; after μέμνημαι 913; 
w. peculiar final force (Hom.) 571. 

Ὅτι, that, introducing indirect quota- 
tions 6631, 667+"; in substantive 
clauses generally 664+; use of, w. 
indic. and opt. 669-676, 681 ; before 
direct quotations 711; ὅτι μή w. 
indic, (rare) 686. Οὐχ ὅτι or μὴ ὅτι 
(elliptical) 707, 708. Οἱἷδ᾽ ὅτι 705. 
Causal particle 712, 713, 714. 

Ov, absolute negative particle: dis- 
tinguishing subj. as simple future 
from prohibitory subj., and poten- 
tial opt. from opt. in neg. wishes, 
6, 8, 13, 234: see Appendix 1. 
With Homeric subj. (as simple 
future) 284; negativing clauses in- 
troduced by μή 263, 305, 815? (see 
Μὴ ov) ; in apodosis 383 ; in certain 
cases in protasis 384-387 ; in relative 
clauses w. definite antecedent 518 ; 
in consecutive rel. clauses w. indic. 
575; w. ὥστε and finite moods 606 ; 


w. ὥστε and infin. in indirect dis- | 
course 594, 5971, rarely in other | 


constr. 598, 599; in ind. disc. νυ. 
ὅτι and ws 663, and elsewhere when 
used in direct form 667 ὃ, exceptions 
w. infin. and partic. 685, 688; οὐ 
or μή in indirect questions 667° 
(examples in 669'); w. circum- 
stantial partic. (not conditional) 832. 


Οὐχ ὅτι and οὐχ ὅπως (elliptical) | 


707, 708, Οὐκ old’ ἂν εἰ or οὐκ ἂν 

old’ εἰ 2207. Οὐκ ἂν φθάνοις 
(φθάνοιτε) 894, 

See Οὐ μή and Μὴ οὐ. 

Οὐ μή w. subj. and future indic. 294 : 

origin of construction, Appendix II. 

In denials, w. subj. (generally aor.), 


sometimes w. fut. indic., 295; in| 
dependent constructions 296. In| 


prohibitions, w. fut. indic., some- 
times w. subj., 297, construction 
continued by μηδέ, ἀλλά, or δέ 298 ; 
not interrog. 300; question as to 
use of subj. 301. Ov followed by 
μή or μηδέ (both interrog.) w. fut. 
indic. (not οὐ μή) 229. See Con- 


Oivexa or d0otvexa, causal 663°, 712; 
in indirect quotations 668 3, 710. 
Οὔπω w. gnomic aorist 156. Οὔπω 

- » « πρίν 659. 

Οὕτως containing a condition 472; w. 
opt. in protestations 727; w. tem- 
poral partic. 855, w. partic. of op- 
position or limitation 856, w. causal 
partic. 857. Οὕτω ὥστε (Herod.) 
593, 601 (end). 

“Ogpa, epic and lyric final particle, 
302, 314: in pure final clauses, w. 
subj. and opt. 317, 318, w. fut. 
indic. (rare) 324; w. κέ or dy, w. 
subj. 327, w. opt. 3291; in object 
clauses after verbs of planning, 
trying, etc. w. subj. and opt. (Hom. 
and Pind.) 345, 346. emporal 
particle, wntil, w. indic., subj., and 
opt. 615. 

"“OdeXov in wishes: see Ὥφελον. 


Πάλαι w. present 26. 

Πάντα ποιῶ w. partic. 897. 

Παντοῖος γίνομαι w. partic. (Herod.) 

896. 

Παρασκευάζω w. partic. 898. Ilape- 
σκευαζόμην w. infin. without ἄν, 
potential, 430. 

Πάρειμι w. infin. of purpose 772°. 

Ilapéxov as accus. absol. 751. 

Πάροιθεν. . . πρίν 659. 

Παρόν as accus. absol. 751. 

Πάρος w. infin. like πρίν (Hom.) 656. 

Παύω w. partic. 879, 877, 878; ν΄. 
infin. 903 ὅ, 

Πείθω, try to persuade, 25. 

Πειρῶ w. ὅπως and ws in object clauses 
w. subj. (Hom.) 341, 342. Πειρῶμαι 
w. partic. in Herod. 896, in Attic 
897. 

Πέλομαι w. pred. partic. (Hom.) 830. 

Ilerodévac as present 49. 

Ilepuxévac as present 49. 

Περιορῶ (περιεῖδον) w. partic. 885, νυ. 
aor. partic. (not past) 148; w. 
infin. 903 °, 

Πιστεύω w. infin. and τῷ 799. 

Πλήν, except, w. simple infin. 803°, 
Πλὴν εἰ, except, without verb 477. 

Ποῖος ; w. infin.'(Hom.) 760. 

Πολλάκις W. gnomic aorist 156. 

| Πολλός εἰμι (γίνομαι, ἔγκειμαι) w. partic. 
(Herod,) 896. 

Πολλοῦ δεῖν, far from, absol. infin. 
(once in Dem.) 7794. 

Πολὺς ἔγκειμαι w. partic. (Attic) 897. 

Πότερον. . . ἤ in indirect questions 
665 +. 





tents for §§ 294-301. 


Πρέπει : ἔπρεπεν w. infin. without ἄν, 





GREEK 


potential 415, 416, 419: see Ἔδει. 
Πρέπον as accus. absol. 751, II pé- 
ποντὰ WwW. infin. used personally 
761. 

IIpiv, before, until, meaning and general 
use of 621, 622; distinction of uses 
w. infin. and w. finite moods 621, 
622 ; how related to ἕως 621, 624 : 
negative force of 621; affinity for 
aorist 621, 90. Development of con- 
structions with 623-625, 

With Infinitive (relation purely 
temporal): ‘* quasi - prepositional ” 
use 623; regular constr. in Hom. 
after both affirmative and negative 


INDEX 449 


| Προσήκει : προσῆκεν w. infin. without 
| dy, potential, 415, 416, 419: see 
Ede. ἹἸΠροσῆκον as accus. absol. 
751. Προσήκοντα w. infin. used 
personally 761. Προσήκοντες, rela- 
| tives, 828. 
| Πρόσθεν, in leading clause before πρίν 
| 658. Πρόσθεν ἤ w. finite moods 
(never used like πρίν) 654. 
Προσταχθέν as accus. absol. 751. 
Πρότερον, in leading clause before πρίν, 
658. Πρότερον ἤ, in sense and use 
of πρίν, w. indic., subj., and infin. 
| μονῇ sometimes w. no force οἵ πρίν 
004, 





seutences 626; after Hom. chiefly Πυνθάνομαι, I learn, 28; w. gen. of 


after affirmatives 627, but sometimes 
after negatives 628, 629, 630: always 
w. infin. in meaning before (not 
until) 627 ; infin. preferred to opt. 
629, 643, 644. Ἢ πρίν w. infin. 631. 

With Indicative: not in Hom. 
(except w. πρίν γ᾽ ὅτε) 632, 636; in 


partic. 884, 886, w. accus. in in- 
direct discourse 904 ; w. infin. 9141, 
Πῶς γὰρ ἄν ; πῶς οὐκ ἄν ; etc. 227. 


“σσκον and -σκόμην, iterative impertf, 
and aor. in (Ionic) 163, w. ἄν 164. 
Σπουδάζω w. partic. 897. 





poets after Hom. (after both affirm. 
and neg.) 632, 633 ; in prose almost 
always after neg. 634, three cases | 
after affirm. 635; w. indic. in un- | 
real cond. 637. Πρίν γ᾽ ὅτε νυ. indic. 
in Homer and Homeric Hymns 636, | 
once in an unreal cond. 637, 

With Subjunctive, always after 
negatives 622, 647; in fut. cond. | 
638-642 ; origin of constr. νυ. subj. 
in parataxis 624; in Hom. and | 
Hes, always without κέ or ἄν 639, | 
640, afterwards (beginning w. | 
Theognis) regularly πρὶν ἄν 640, | 
642; depending on potential opt. | 
w. ἄν 650; in general cond. 645: 

w. subj. without ἄν in Attic 648. | 

IIpiv γ᾽ ὅτ᾽ ἄν w. subj., twice in 

Odyssey 641, 

With Optative, always after nega- 
tives 622; depending on opt. by | 
assimilation (not in Hom.) 643; in | 
indirect discourse after past tenses, | 
repr. subj. of direct form (even in | 
Hom.), 644; probably never in past 
general cond., except πρίν γ᾽ ὅτε δή 
once in Hom., 646 ; infin. preferred 
to opt. 629, 643, 644; πρὶν ἄν ν΄. 
opt. (rarely) in indir. disc. 649, 
702. 

IIpiv (as adverb) in leading clause 

before πρίν (Hom.) 657. 

Πρὶν ἤ in sense and use of πρίν 651, 


652. 





Συγγιγνώσκω Ww. partic. (dat. or nomin.) 
908. 

Συγγνωστὸν ἣν w. infin. without ἄν 
potential, 415, 416: see Ἔδει. 

Συγκυρέω w. aor. partic. 145, 889. 

Συμβαίνω w. partic. 890. 

Συμβάλλειν as absol. infin. 778. 

Συμπίπτω w. partic. (Herod. ) 890, w. 
aor. partic. (not past) 145. 

Συμφέρω : συνέφερεν w. infin. without 
av, potential, 415, 416: see Ἔδει. 
Συμφέρον, συμφέροντα, as substan- 
tives 828, 

Σύνοιδα w. partic. (dat. or nomin. ) 
908. 


’ 


Tatduevos, by agreement, 837 (end), 


| Tay’ ἄν 221, 
Τεθνηκέναι, to be dead, 49. 


Texunpacba ν᾽. ws as absol. infin. 778. 

Τελευτῶν, at last, 834. 

-réos and -réov (-réa), verbal adjectives 
in 920-926 (see Contents for these 
sections) ; personal and impers. con- 
str. 920. Personal, always passive 
921, w. dative of agent 92. , .. :thout 
εἰμί 922; equivalent to Latin partic. 
in -dus 924. Impersonal, in active 
sense, sing. and plur. 923, w. or 
without ἐστί 923; compared w. 
Latin constr. 924; constr. con- 
tinued by infin. (se. δεῖ) 925 - both 
dat. and accus. of agent allowed 
. 26. 


-. 


Πρό in composition, or as preposition | Τηλίκος w. infin. (Hom. ) 760 
In leading clause, before πρὶν, 659. Τὴν πρώτην εἶναι 781 


Προσδεχομένῳ τινὶ εἷναι 900. 


| Τί λέξεις ; οἵ pres. intention, 72. 
*) " 
a 


r 








450 


Ti μαθών ; and ri παθών ; wherefore ? 


Ti πάθω ; 290. 


Td viv εἶναι 781. 


Τὸ ri ἣν εἶναι 781. 


why ? 839%; dependent form, ὅ τι 
μαθών and ὅ τι παθών, because, 839°. 


GREEK INDEX 


never w. infin. 903% Φθάσας, 
before, 837. Οὐκ dv φθάνοις (φθά- 
vore) w. partic. 894. 


οὐ in exhortations, w. aor. in| Φράζομαι w. ὅπως or ὡς and subj. or 


future sense, 62. 


Tixrw, to be mother of, in tragedy, 27. 
TAdw w. partic. (poetic) 880, w. aor. 
partic. (not past) 148; w. infin. 
903 3. 


Td τήμερον εἶναι, to-day, 781. 


Totos, τοιόσδε, τοιοῦτος and τόσος, 
without rel., w. infin. (Hom.) 760. 
Τοιοῦτος οἷος and τοσοῦτος ὅσος w. infin. 
789. 

Τολμῶ w. partic. (poetic) 880, w. 
infin. 903 “, 

Τότε or τότε ἤδη w. temporal partic. 
855. 

Tvyxdvw w. partic. 887, w. aor. partic. 
144, 146 (see Aorist Participle) ; | 
reversal of constr. w. partic. 893 ; | 
prob. never w. infin. 903°, 





Ὑπέρ w. τοῦ and infin. in final sense | 
802. 
Ὑπάρχω w. predicate partic. 830. 


opt. (Hom.) 341-343. Ppdgew and 
φράσαι w. ws as absol, infin. 777°. 


Χαίρων, with impunity, 837. See 


KAalwy. 


Χαλεπός w. negative force, followed 


by μὴ ov, 817. 


Xpdw, to give oracular response, w. 


pres. or aor. infin. (as verb of 
command) 98. See ᾿Αναιρέω and 
Θεσπίζω. Χρῆσθαι w, ws as absol. 
infin. 778. Χρώμενος, with, 844. 


Χρῆν w. infin. without ἄν, potential, 


415-422 (see Contents); as simple 
expression of past necessity 417 ; 
χρῆν ἄν 420, 423 (see Appendix V.) : 
see Ἔδει. 


| Χρονίζων, for a long time, χρονισθείς, 


after a time, 834. 


Ὧν, partic. of εἰμέ, omitted ; as cir- 


cumstantial partic. 875, supplemen- 
tary 902, in indirect discourse 911. 
See Participle. 


‘Yrfpxev w. intin. without ἄν, po- | ‘Qs, relative adv. of manner, deriva- 


tential, 415, 416: see "Ede. Ta 
ὑπάρχοντα, resources, as subst. 828. | 
‘Yrouévw w. partic. 879, w. infin. | 
903 3. 
Ὕστερον ἤ w. infin., like πρότερον ἤ or | 
πρίν, once in Thuc., 655. 


| 
| 
Ι 


Φαίνομαι w. partic. 904, w. infin. | 
914°; two uses distinguished 914°. | 
Φανερός εἰμι and φανερὸν ποιῶ w. partic. 
907 ; φανερόν ἐστιν (impersonal) w. 
ὅτι or ws 912. 
Φέρε w. imperat. 251, w. subj. 255, | 
257, w. ὅπως and fut. indic., 276. 
Pepduevos, with a rush, 837. Φέρων, 
hastily, 837, with, 844. 

Φεύγω as perfect 27. 

Φημί w. infin. in indirect quotations | 
683, 7531, in Hom. 671 (end); | 
rarely w. neg. μή 685 ; very seldom 
w. ὅτι or ws 7537; w. aor. infin. 
referring to the future (exceptional 
and doubtful) 127. Separating ἄν 
from its verb 2201. 

Φθάνω in leading clause emphasising 
following πρίν 660, φθάνω. . . 7 | 
w. infin. (Herod.) 661. With| 
partic. 887, w. aor. partic. 144, 
146 (see Aorist Participle); reversal | 
of constr. w. partic. 893 ; probably | 





tion of 312!; for its use as rel. see 
Relative sentences. In Homeric 
similes 543-549: see ‘Qs ὅτε. In 
comparisons (Hom.) 869, 871: see 
‘Os εἰ. 

Becomes final particle 312, 302; 
use in pure final clauses, w. subj. 
and opt. 317, 318, w. fut. indic. 
(rare) 324, w. ἄν or κέ and subj. 

325, 326, w. ἄν or κέ and opt. 
w. secondary tenses of indic. 

3; in object clauses after verbs 
of planning etc. in Homer w. subj. 
and opt. (subj. generally w. κέ) 
341, 342, relics of this usage in 
other Greek 347, ὡς ἄν w. subj. and 
opt. in Xen. 351 (see Appendix IV.), 
ws μή in neg. obj. clauses 353 (cf. 
852), peculiar uses of ὡς in Hom. 
358, 359. ‘Qs ἄν w. subj. (inde- 
pendent) 281. Final ὡς seldom in 
Attic prose, excepts in Xen., 3124 
(see Appendix III. 1, and IV.). 

In consecutive sentences (used 
like Sore) w. infin. and finite moods 
608, 609. 

Introducing indirect quotations 
(orig. = how) 6637, earliest use 
671; use in substantive clauses 
generally 664!; ν΄. indic. and opt. 


ἬΝ 


-- 


GREEK INDEX 45] 


in indirect discourse 6671.2, 669, 
Ww. potential indic. and opt. 681; 
in ind. disc. after verbs of fearing 
(neg. οὐ) w. pres. and fut. ind. 371, 
Ww. infin. in ind. dise. (in various 
senses) by assimilation 755. Before 
direct quotations 711. 

In wishes, before opt. 726, before 
ὥφελον 737. 
i With absolute infinitive 777. 778, 
52: see Δοκεῖν, Εἰπεῖν, Elva 
Ppdfew, ete. 


With circumstantial participle 





564, 865, in Homer expressing 
comparison 869, 871 (see Ὥς eZ) ; “te 
partic. in indirect discourse 916, w. | 
verbs not taking partic. alone 919 ; | 
W. partic. in gen. absol. (for partic. | 
in ind. dise.) 917, 918. With 
partic. in accus, absol. used person- 
ally 853. 

As causal particle, because, 712, 
713, 714. | 

Qs el, ws ef re, and ὥς τε in com- | 
parisons (Hom.), w. nouns, adjec- | 
tives, and participles 475, 485, 869, 
870, w. indic., subj., or opt. 485, 

Attic poets w. nouns or adj. | 

R73. ἂν 

Ὡς ὅτε or ὡς ὁπότε, ὡς or ὥς TE, a8 
when or as, W. subj. and indic. in 
Homeric similes, 543-549: ὡς Sr’ | 
ἄν w. subj. 543, 544 (end). | 
grep, as, particle of comparison (not | 
conditional), w. partic. 867; rarely 
in sense of dre or οἷον 874. Ὥσπερ 
wot ὥσπερ av εἰ 227, 484, 485, 868, 
οἰ . 


ὅστε, introducing consecutive sen- 


tences 582: general distinction 
of ὥστε w. infin. and w. finite 
moods 582. 588. 584 * negatives in 
the two constructions 606. Relative 
particle of comparison, as (w. antec. 
οὕτως, 80 as), 584; in Homer (ὥς TE) | 


only twice (w. infin.) 585, 589 
iio. 

With infinitive, (so) as, often 
necessarily (but wrongly) translated 
so that, 584, 587 ; expressing natural 
(but not necessarily actual) conse- 
quence 584 (w. footnote), 587, simple 
result 587}, condition or limitation 
587°, purpose 587%; apparently 
redundant after verbs of wishing, 
commanding, etc., and certain ad- 
jectives 588, 764°. Pres, and aor. 
infin. most common 86, 590, perf. 
expr. completion or decision 590, 
future rare except in indirect dis- 
course 591 ; infin. w. ἄν (not in ind. 
disc, ) as potential form 211,592. In 
indirect discourse, by assimilation 
to preceding infin. 594, neg. οὐ ma 
be retained from direct form 594 ; 
rarely ὥστε μή here 595; finite 
moods rare in ind. disc, 596; ὥστε 
ov W. infin, sometimes in ind. disc. 
without preceding infin. 5971, when 
οὐ belongs to single word (6.4. οὐ 
πολλοί) 597%, rarely not in ind, 
dise, 598, 599. Ὥστε omitted w. 
infin. 600, 

With finite moods, (so) that, ex- 
pressing actual result, w. indice. 
601, w. other constr. of indep. 
sentences 602, w. indice. and infin. 
together 603 ; w. opt. by assimila- 
tion 604; w. opt. in indirect dis- 
course 605 ; rarely w. neg. μή 606. 

With participle by assimilation 
607: in indirect discourse 607%, in 
other constr. 607%, Used like ἄγε 
w. partic. (Herod. ) 863, 872. 


᾽ 


᾿Ὥφελον (ὄφελον) or ὥφελλον (ὄφελλονῚ) 


W. infin. without ἄν, in potential 
sense 424! (see "Edec) ; in present 
and past unattained wishes 4242 
(31, 734, preceded by εἴθε, ei γάρ, 
and μή 784, 736, preceded by ws 737. 








KNGLISH 


INDEX. 


N.B The references are made to the Sections, 


Absolute genitive 847-850, accusative | 
851-854: see Contents for these | 
sections, and Genitive and Accus- 
ative. Absolute uses of infin. 776- | 
783: see Contents and Infinitive. | 
Accusative absolute w. impersonal | 
participles 851, rarely w. infin. and | 
76 852; w. partic. with subjects, | 
preceded by ws or ὥσπερ, 853, rarely 
without a particle 854. 
Adjectives of ability, fitness, desert, | 
ete. w. infin. 758, w. infin. and 76 | 
795 ; like δίκαιος etc. used personally | 
w. infin. 762; adj. w. infin. of | 
limitation 763. 
Adverbs (corresponding to adj. which | 
take infin.) w. infin. 765. | 
Antecedent of relative, definite or | 
indef., 515-518 ; distinction of aed 
classes of rel. sentences 519, 520. 
Aorist 19, 20, expressing simple 
occurrence 53, 54, meaning of name | 
BA. τ} 
Indicative, secondary tense (in its | 
ordinary use) 21, 170-173. Dis- 
tinguished from imperfect 56, 57 | 
of verbs denoting a state or condition | 
55; expressing action just occurring | 
as past 60 ; for perf. or pluperf. 58 | 
w. ἐπεί etc. equiv. to pluperf. 59 ; | 
as vivid future 61 ; in questions w. | 
ri ov, as exhortation, 62. Gnomic | 
154, 155, primary tense 171, 466, | 
533 ; w. πολλάκις ete. 156 ; how re- 
lated to gnomic pres. 157 ; similar 
aor.in Homeric similes 158, 547-549: | 
see Gnomic aor. opt., infin., and 
partic. Iterative w. ἄν (also im- 
perf.) 162 ; Ionic forms in -cxor and | 
-σκόμην 163, w. ἄν 164. In unreal | 





conditions, past 410, 435, once in | 


Hom. w. ef xe 437; in apod. w. ἄν 
sometimes not past (like opt. Ww. dv) 
414. In indirect discourse, retained 
in indic. after past tenses in de- 
pendent clauses of a quotation, 
6671, 689%, 6947, rarely changed to 
opt. 6093. Common tense w. ἕως 
6131, νυ. πρίν 621. 
In dependent moods: not In 
indirect discourse, how distin- 
guished from pres. 87, distinction 
sometimes slight or imperceptible 
88 ; in indir. disc. (opt. and infin. ) 
repres. aorist of finite mood in 
direct form 115. ae 
Subjunctive: generally of future 
time 89, but in general conditions 
indefinite in time 89; in sense of 
fut. perf. , Ww. ἐπειδάν ete... 90 ; how 
related to perf. subj. 91 (cf. 90); 
w. μή, denoting what may hereafter 
prove to have happened, rarely after 
verbs of fearing (Hom.), 93 (ef. 92); 
in prohibitions Ww. μή 259. ᾿ 
Optative. Not in indirect dis- 
course, generally of future time, 94, 
past in general conditions 462, O32, 
distinguished from pres. 464; in 
sense ‘of pluperf. w. ἐπειδή ete, ( 
(cf. 90); rarely past in ἃ wish 93, 
739 (end). In indirect discourse, 
repres. aor, indie. 124 A 669 ‘ repr. 
dependent aor. subj. 124°, OSY *, 
seldom repr. aor. indie. ol a de- 
pendent clause 693 ; in indir. ques- 
tions, repr. interrog. subj. 124°, 
677. Gnomic aor. opt. 159, ἐν 
Imperative 89; rare in prohibi- 
tions w. μή 260. 
Infinitive. Not in indirect dis- 
course, Ww. no reference to time in 


Ἢ! 


Apodosis defined 378, 520 ; hegatived Contents. 


Assimilation in conditional relative 


DdDY, 


Causal sentences 412-719 (see Con- 
tents); see also 377, 699. Causa] 


relative sentences (w. neg. οὐ 580, 


ENGLISH INDEX 453 


9 


itself, 96; how distinguished from! or οἷον 862, rarely w. ὥσπερ 874, 
pres. infin. 97 ; after ypdw ete. 98 ; w. ὥστε (Herod. ) 863. 
after λέγω, to command, δοκεῖ, it Caution, verbs of, w. μή and subj. or 
seems good, ἔδοξε, it is enacted, οἷο, opt. 365: see Fearing. With infin. 
99; after verbs of hoping, expect-| (sometimes infin. w. μή) 374. 
ing, promising, swearing, ete. (in | Commands, expr. by imperative 18, 
fut. sense) 100, 136; after αἴτιός [ἡ 250, by fut. indie. 69. 
εἶμι 101. In indirect discourse, |Comparative w. ἤ and infin. 7644, 
repres. aor. indic. 126, rarely and| sometimes w. ὥστε or ws 764 Ὁ, 
irreg. ref. to future time 127; as| Conditional sentence, parts of 378; 
secondary tense 189. Gnomic aor. possible origin of 398-401 ; classifi- 
infin. 159, ation of 388-397; forms of 378- 
Participle, ordinary use of, 148 ; 513: see Contents; and for details 
as primary or secondary tense 190, see Ki, Indicative, Subjunctive, 
With λανθάνω, τυγχάνω, and φθάνω and Optative. 
887, time of partic. 144, 146: w. | Conditions, particular and general, 
συμπίπτω 145, 890; ν΄. mepiopo, | 394, 395, 397. Present and past, 
ἐφορῶ, ὁρῶ, ἀκούω, etc., not relat- w. indic., in simple suppos. 402, 
ively past, 148, 884, 885: ν΄. noun, 


] 

| 
| W. suppos. contrary to fact 410, 
like infin. w. subject, not past, 1 19, | Homeric usages in latter 434-443. 
829°; denoting that in which action| Future, w. subj. 444-446, w. fut. 
of past verb consists, not past, 150,/ indic. 447-449, Homeric usages in 
845; peculiar use w. ὁμολογέω ete, 450-454 ; w. opt. 455-459, Homeric 
151. In indirect discourse 904 usages in 460, 461. General pres. 
(see 886) ; gnomic aor. partic. 159. and past cond. w. subj. and opt. 
Attributive aor. partic. absolutely 462-466, w. indic. 467, Homeric 
(though not relatively) past 152 (ef, and poetic usages in 468-471. 
141). Hom. pres. cond. w. opt. 438, 439. 
For uses with ἄν or κέ, see” Ar. Mixed constructions 498-509: see 
For relative conditions, 

by οὐ 383. Forms of, in simple pres. see Relative sentences, 

and past conditions 403: in fut. Consecutive clauses with relatives 
cond, 445 ; in pres. and past unreal 575-579 : see Relative clauses (con- 


cond. 410, 411, action not neces. | secutive). With ὥστε 582-607 - w. 
sarily denied in last case 112. w. 


ws 608, 609; ν΄. ἐφ᾽ ᾧ and ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε 
aor, indic. w. ἄν sometimes not 610: 866 Ὥστε, Ὥς, and Eq’ ᾧ. 
past 414. With potential force | 


without dy, in ἔδει, χρῇν, ete. ν΄. Danger, expressions of, see Fearing, 

infin. 415, 416. Expressed in verbs of. 

infin. or partic. 479, 552, in ἃ Dative of agent, w. verbals in -réos 

verbal noun 480. Omitted for 922 ; dative or accus. w. verbals in 

effect 482; repres. by ἄν without -τέον (-réa) 926, 

verb 227, 483, 484: implied w. ὡς Dawes’s Canon, 363, 364. 

εἰ and ὥσπερ ef 485, 868, 869 (cf. | Dependence of moods and tenses, 

475). Contained in protasis 486- | general principles of 165, 166. For 

493 (see Contents). Introduced by | details, see Contents for δ8. 167-191. 

δέ, ἀλλά, or αὐτάρ 512, 513. | Dependent moods, as opposed to 
indicative, 1. 

Direct quotations, distinguished from 

referring to future 558, variable in indirect 662; sometimes intro- 

general conditions 563: w. past duced by ὅτι or ὡς 711. 

tenses of indic. in unreal cond, | 





clauses 558-563: w. subj. and opt. 


Exhortations w. imperative 18, 250 ; 
| ow. first person of subj. 255-258, 
other persons of subj. not generally 
used 258; w. opt. (poetic) 725, 18, 
234; w. ὅπως and fut. indice, 271- 


sometimes conditional also (Ww. neg, | 275 
μή) 580, 581, Causal participle | 
$38, w. ws 864, 865, w. dre and ola 


aie. 


| Fearing, verbs of, w. μή and snbj. 





454 ENGLISH 


and opt. 303, 365, 366 ; in neg. 

expressions w. μὴ οὐ 365, 305, 306, 

264 (end), rarely uh. . . μή 306 ; 

development of construction 262, 

307, 309; w. fut. indic. (rare) 367 ; 

w. μή or ὅπως μή and fut. opt. 367, 

131; w. μή and potential opt. w. 

ἄν 368; w. μή and pres. or past 

tenses of indic. 308, 369; w. ὅπως 
μή (for simple μή) 370 . W. ὅπως or 
ws (neg. οὐ) in indirect discourse 

371; w. fut. infin. (indir. disc. ) 

372; w. pres. or aor. infin. 373, 

747 ; w. εἰ in indir. questions 376 ; 

w. causal ὅτι 377. 

Final clauses (pure), w. ἵνα, ws, ὅπως, 
ὄφρα, and μή, 302, 303, distin- 
guished from object clauses W. ὅπως 
303, 304 ; development of 262, 30/- 
316 ; negatives in 305, 306 ; simple 
μή in neg. final clauses displaced 
by final particles w. μή 315° (cf. 
310). With subj. and opt. 317, w. | 
subj. after past tenses 318-321 ; w. | 
opt. after primary tenses, irregular | 
and doubtful 322, when leading | 
verb implies past 323; w. fut. | 
indic. (never w. iva) 324; w. past) 
tenses of indic. 333, 334, never w. | 
ἄν 335, indice. νυ. opt. in same final | 
clause 336. With ὡς, ὅπως, and 
ὄφρα, w. ἄν or κέ and subj. 325-328, 
w. ἄν or κέ and opt. 329, 330 : | 
for Xen. see also Appendix IY. 
Without leading verb expressed 
332. “Iva ri; 331. 

For relative clauses of purpose, see 
Relative sentences. : 

For clauses w. ὅπως ete. after 
verbs of striving ete., see Object 
clauses. 

Finite moods, as opposed to the 
infin., 1. = 

Future. Indicative, expressing future 
time 19, 63, relatively future time 
in final constr. and indirect dis- 
course 64; may repres. action 1 
duration, occurrence, or inception 
65; in gnomic sense 66; expr. 
general truth hereafter to be recog- 
nised 67 (cf. 40); in questions of 
doubt, like interrog. subj., 68, w. 
neg. μή 2921; in 2nd person, expr. 





concession or command, 69 ; rarely | 


in prohibitions w. μή 70; peri- 
phrastic form w. μέλλω and infin. 
73-76. With ὅπως μή in exhorta- 
tions and prohibitions (indepen- 
dent) 271-277 (see “Omws) ; Ww. ὅπως 
μή expr. desire to avert (also subj.) 


INDEX 


278, 279, 283. In final clauses 
(rarely) for subj. w. os, ὅπως, ὄφρα, 
μή, 824 ; in object cl. w. ὅπως (regu- 
larly) 339, 340, in Homer chiefly 
w. interrog. ὅπως 344, in Herod. 
and Xen. w. ὡς 347, 351; after 
verbs of fearing, seldom w. μή 367, 
oftener w. ὅπως μή 370, W. ws or 
ὅπως as indirect discourse (neg. ov) 
371. Inconditions: w. εἰ ἴῃ future 
suppositions (like subj. w. ἐάν) 447- 
449, in pres. suppos. 407, 408; not 
regular in fut. rel. cond. 530, but 
allowed in pres. 527. In rel. 
clauses of purpose (neg. μή) 565, 
also after past tenses 566, seldom 
in Hom. 570; w. rel. denoting 
result aimed at (neg. μή) 576; in 
consecutive cl. w. ὥστε 601, W. ws 
608, w. ἐφ᾽ @ and ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε 610.7 In 
indirect discourse after past tenses 
for fut. opt. 670°. 

With οὐ μή 294: see Appendix 
Il. Im clauses of denial, future 
sometimes used for subj. 295, also 
in dependent constructions 296. 
In prohibitions, future regular form 
297-301. See Ov μή, and Contents 
under §§ 294-301. 

In dependent moods (only opt. 
and infin.), used chiefly in indirect 
discourse, repres. fut. indice. of direct 
form, and in infin. w. μέλλω, 111. 

Optative, in indirect discourse, 
repr. fut. indic. 128, 669°; Ww. 
ὅπως after past verbs of strvving 
etc. 130, 339, rarely w. μή or ὅπως 
μή after verbs of fearing 131, 36/, 
doubtful in final clauses 152, never 
w. ἵνα 133; never in protasis or 
apodosis except in indirect dis- 
course for fut. indic.) 459; never 
w. ἄν 203; rarely in rel. clauses of 
purpose 194, 574; w. ὥστε _by 
assimilation 604; once W. ov μὴ 1} 
indirect quotation w. ws 296%. 
First used by Pindar 129. 

Infinitive, chiefly in indirect 
discourse, repres. fut. indic. 135, 
683, 689; Ww. verbs of hoping, 
expecting, promising, swearing, etc. 
(also pres. and aor, infin.) 136. 
Irregular use not in indir. dise., 
for pres. or aor., 112, 119. With 
μέλλω, forming periphrastic future 
73, 111, w. past tenses of μέλλω as 
past fut. 76, 567. 

Participle 153; expressing pur- 
pose 840; used in present (not in 
future) conditions 473. 


General and particular conditions dis- 


Genitive absolute 847-850. Relations | 


Gnomic tenses 154, 66: see Aorist, 





=NGLISH INDEX 455 


For uses w. ἄν or κέ, see ΓΑν. 
Future perfect. Indicative 19, 77; 
primary tense 21 ; compound form 
w. perf. partic. and ἔσομαι 80, 831, 
sometimes w. aor. partic. and 
ἔσομαι 81, 831; denoting continu- 
ance or permanence 78, immediate 
certainty or likelihood 79; reg. 
future when perf. = pres. (49) 82; 
often differing slightly from fut. 83. 
In dependent moods, only in infin. 
114, 137. 


tinguished 394-397. See Condi- 
tional sentences and Protasis. 








(espec, time) expressed by 847; 
partic. in, without nom. expressed, 
848 ; passive partic. and clause w. 
ὅτι, sometimes w. plural partic., 
849 ; sometimes w. a subject already 
In main sentence 850. 


Future, and Perfect ; and Contents 
for 154-161, 





Hindrance, prevention, ete., verbs of, | 


foll. by simple infin., by infin w. 
μὴ or μὴ ov, or by infin. w. τοῦ or | 
τοῦ μή, 807, by infin. w. τὸ μή or τὸ 
μὴ οὐ 811: see Infinitive, Μή, and | 
Μὴ ov. | 


Historie present 33. 
Hoping, verbs of, w. fut. and pres. or | 


aor, infin. 100, 136, 752, w. neg. | 


= 


μή 685. | 


Imperative 18, tenses of 19, 86, 89, | 


174. In commands ete. 250, em- | 
phasised by dye, φέρε, ete. 251, | 
second pers. w. πᾶς 252 ; introduced | 
by relative (οἷσθ᾽ 6 ete. ) or interrog. 
253 ; in assumptions 254. In pro- 
hibitions w. μή, 2nd or 3rd persons of 
pres. 259, aor. rare 260. Peculiar 
uses of perfect 105-108: see Perfect 
Imperative. 


Imperfect 19, 34, 35; distinguished 


: 
from aor. 35, 54, 56, 57; secondary 
tense 21, 170, 173, primary when ref. | 
to pres. time in unreal cond. ete. | 
72; used in narration 35; expr. 
customary or repeated action 35, 
attempted action 36; as pluperf. 
when pres. = perf. (27) 37; expr. 
past likelihood, intention, or danger 
38; expr. fact just recognised 
(gen. ἣν dpa) 39, or result of dis- 


| 


cussion (philosophic imperf.) 40. In 
final clauses, expres. unattained 
purpose 333; in conditions, in 
simple past suppos. 402; in pres, 
and past unreal cond. 410, al- 
ways past in Hom. 435, how dis- 
tinguished from aor. and pluperf. 
413; in apodosis or in potential 
sense w. ἄν 198, 243, 410; w. infin. 
in potential sense without ἄν 415- 
422 (see Ἔδει etc. ); in relative cond. 
525, 528; in pres. and past un- 
attained wishes 732; ὥφελλον in 
wishes (Hom.) 734. Repres. by 
present, in opt. 1164, 673, in infin. 
119, 683, in partic. 140, 687: see 
472, 479'. Iterative imperfect 
(and aor.) w. ἄν 162, 199 (ef. 249), 
in infin. (in indirect discourse) 210 ; 
lonic iterative forms in -σκον and 
-σκόμην 163, w. ἄν 164. For uses 
w. ἄν or κέ, 5886 Ἂν. For potential 
use, see Indicative. 


Indicative: primitive use 2, other 


uses 3-5. Tenses of, primary or 
secondary, 21, 170-173: for special 
uses of tenses, see Present, Imper- 
fect, etc. 

Potential indic. as past form of 
potent. opt. 232, 243, w. no definite 
condition implied 244, w. a more or 
less def. cond. implied 245, 247, w. 
cond. expressed (full cond. sentence) 
248, 410; pot. imperf. originally 
past 246, always past in Hom. 435; 
retained without change in indirect 
discourse 6677, 681 (see Indirect 
Discourse); relation to iterative 
indic. w. ἄν 249; in protasis w. 
εἰ 409, 506, in apodosis w. a simple 
indic. or a subj. in protasis 503, 
504, 505; causal 717. 

Independent w. μὴ or μὴ od in 
cautious assertions 269 ; indep. fut. 
w. ὅπως or ὅπως μή in exhortations 
and prohibitions 271-277 (866 Ὅπως), 
once perf. (as pres.) w. ὅπως μή 282. 

In final clauses, fut. rare w. ὅπως, 
ws, ὄφρα, and μή, 324, secondary 
tenses w. ἵνα, ὅπως, ws 5, 333-336 ; 
fut. in final rel. clauses 565, seldom 
in Hom. 570, imperf. of μέλλω of 
past purpose 567. In object clauses 
after verbs of striving ete., fut. νυ. 
ὅπως 339, also after past tenses 340, 
in Hom. chiefly w. ὅπως as interrog, 
344. After verbs of fearing: fut. 
seldom w. μή 367, more common w. 
ὅπως μή 370; pres. and past tenses 
w. μή 369; pres. and fut. w. ὅπως 











56 ENGLISH INDEX 


and ws (neg. οὐ) as indirect discourse 
371. See 3°. 

In protasis 3-5: pres. and past 
tenses in simple suppositions 402- | 
406 ; fut. of pres. intention etc. 407, | 
408, fut. w. ef in fut. suppos. (like 
subj. w. édv) 447-449, in Hom. also 
w. εἴ xe 451; secondary tenses in | 
pres. and past unreal cond. (w. dv | 
in apodosis) 4, 410, 411, relation of | 
tenses here 413, aor. in apodosis 
sometimes not past 414, imperf. | 
always past in Hom. 435 ; potential | 
indic. w. εἰ as protasis 409, 506; 
present and past tenses in general 
cond. for subj. and opt. 405, 467. 
In relative clauses w. definite ante- | 
cedent 519. In conditional rel. 
clauses: in simple pres. and past | 
cond. 525, 526; fut. of pres. inten- | 
tion etc. 527, not in fut. cond. 530; 
secondary tenses in unreal cond. 
528, 559, 560; pot. indic. w. cond. 
relative 557 ; for subj. and opt. in 
general rel. cond. 534, 535; w. 
rel. after general negatives 536 ; in 
varenthetic rel. clauses 5371. In 
a similes w. ws or ws dre 547, 
548, 549. 

In consecutive sentences: W. ὥστε, 
expressing actual result, 601, dis- 
tinguished from infin. 582, 583, 
584; indic. and infin. in same 
sentence 603 (866 Ὥστε) ; w. ws 608, 
609 ; fut. νυ. ἐφ᾽ ᾧ and ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε 610%. | 
In consec. rel. sentences (w. neg. 
ov) 575, fut. (w. neg. μή) 576. In| 
causal sentences (w. neg. ov) | 
718, 715; causal potential indie. 
717 ; in causal rel. sentences (neg. | 
οὐ or μή) 580,581. With ἕως, until, | 
of definite past actions (generally | 
aor.) 6131, secondary tenses, of result | 
not attained, 6137; w. dype and | 
μέχρι 618, 619; w. és & and ἐς. οὗ 
(Herod.) 616 ; w. ἔστε 617 ; w. ὄφρα! 
615: see Ἕως etc. With πρίν 622, | 
623, 624; not in Homer 625, except 
w. πρίν γ᾽ ὅτε 636; in early poets | 
632; in Attic poets 633; in prose | 
634, 635; of result not attained | 
637. With πρὲὶν ἢ 651, 652. With | 
πρότερον ἤ 653, 654. 

In indirect discourse 34, 667}, 
after primary tenses 669", allowed | 
after past tenses 669°, 670 ; imperf. | 
and pluperf. generally retained after | 
past tenses 672, imperf. sometimes | 
changed to pres. opt. 673; aor. | 
retained from dependent clauses of | 





direct form 6671, 689%, rarely 
changed to opt. 693, 6947; all past 
tenses w. dy and in unreal cond. 
retained 667°, 681; pres. and perf. 
changed to imperf. and pluperf. 
after past tenses in Homer 671, 674 Δ 
sometimes in other Greek 674 ", 691, 
701. See Indirect Discourse. 

Secondary tenses in present or 
past unattained wishes 5, 720, 731, 
732, 740; never without εἴθε or εἰ 
γάρ 733 ; never in Homer 782, 735. 
See Wishes and [Ὥφελον. 

For the uses of the Indicative 
with ἄν or κέ, see "Av. For future 
indic. w. οὐ μή, see Οὐ μή and 
Future. 


| Indirect Discourse 662-710: see Con- 
tents for these sections. Indirect 
and direct quotations distinguished 
662. Extent of term indirect dis- 
course or oratio obliqua 666, 694, of 


term infinitive in indirect discourse 
684. Indirect quotations, how 
introduced 663 ; indirect questions, 
how introduced 665. General 
principles of construction 667, use 
of ἄν 6674, negatives 667° ; indirect 
quotations and questions in apposi- 
tion w. pronoun like τοῦτο 668. 

Indirect Quotation of simple 
sentences. Introduced by ὅτι or 
ws 66742: indic. (without ἄν) in 
direct forms, and indic. or opt. in 
indirect, 669, both moods in same 
quotation 670; imperf. and pluperf. 
retained without change 672, but 
imperf. may be changed to pres. 
opt. (imperf. opt.) 673; constr. 
imperfectly developed in Hom. 671 ; 
pres. and perf. changed to imperf. 
and pluperf. in Hom. 674’, some- 
times in Attic 674°; independent 
opt. following opt. w. ὅτι or ws 675}, 
sometimes foll. other forms 6757; 
opt. after a pres. tense implying 
former expression of thought 676 ; 
indic. or opt. w. ἄν unchanged in 
quot. 667 *, 681, likewise potential 
indic. without ἄν 682. Introduced 
by infinitive 683, 751, sometimes 
w. neg. μή (for direct οὐ) 685, 667°; 
by participle 687, 904, sometimes 
w. μή 688, 667°. See Infinitive 
and Participle. 

Indirect Quotation of complex 


sentences: general principles of 


construction 689; different moods 
in same quotation 690; pres. or 


perf. indic. in dependent clause of 

















ENGLISH INDEX 457 


direct form sometimes changed to 
imperf. and pluperf. after past 
tenses 691 (cf. 674 and 701), 
secondary tenses of indic. in such 
a clause regularly retained 689%, 
but aor. rarely changed to opt. 
693 ; dy irregularly retained w. opt. 
from subj. of direct form 692. In 
single dependent clauses after past 
tenses: principles of indirect dis- 
course applied to six cases of 
these 695-700 (see Contents for 
these sections); pres. and perf. 
indic. irreg. changed to imperf. and 
plup. 701 (ef. 701 and 674); ἄν 
rarely retained w. opt. from direct 
subj. 702. Same principle extended 
to all final and object clauses w. 
iva, ws, ὅπως, etc. 703, and to future 
cond. el. depending on these 704. 

Indirect Quotations introduced 
by ὅπως 706, by 6(Hom.) 709 1, by 
ὅ τ᾽ (Hom.) 7097, rarely by ὅτε 
(Hom.) 709%, by οὕνεκα or ὁθούνεκα 
7101, rarely by διότι 710%. (See 
663.) 

Indirect Questions : representing 
siinple sentences w. indic. (without 
ἄν), w. indic. and opt. 669, 670, 
fully developed in Homer 671, 
imperf. and pluperf. retained un- 
changed 672 ; repres. indic. or opt. 
w. ἄν (unchanged) 681; repres. 
interrog. subj., w. subj. and opt. 
677, w. opt. depending on a leading 
opt. 679, subj. may be introduced 
by εἰ, whether, 680. As object of 
verb like σκοπέω 362, of verb of 
fearing 376. Negative ov or μή 
667 °, examples in 669 1. 


Infinitive, originally verbal noun, 


741; Greek and Sanskrit forms 
compared 742; subject (expressed 
or implied) 744; opposed to finite 
moods 1; used with article (later) 
as noun 743, 788 (see below). 
Tenses of infinitive. Not in 
indirect discourse (chiefly pres. and 
aor.), w. no reference to definite time 
85, 86, 96, pres. and aor. distin- 
guished 87, 97; pres. or aor. w. 
xpdw, dvaipéw, θεσπίζω, etc. (as 
verbs of commanding) 98, w. λέγω, 
command, εἶπον, δοκεῖ, etc. 99, ν΄. 
verbs of hoping, promising, swearing, 
ete. 100, 136; future exceptional 
112, 113, w. μέλλω (regular) 73, 
111; fut. perf. 114; perf., expr. 
finished action 86, 109, expr. 
decisive and permanent action 110. 





In indirect discourse, each tense 
repr. tense of a finite mood 85, 115, 
663, 6647, 667%, 683, 746, 751 :— 
pres. 117, 118, as imperf. 119, 120 ; 
perf. 122, as pluperf. 123 ; aor. 126, 
127 ; fut. 135, 136; fut. perf. 114, 
137: see Present, Perfect, Aorist, 
Future Infinitive; neg. ov, ex- 
ceptionally μή, 685; after φημί 
and λέγω, rarely after εἶπον, 753 ; 
after verbs of hoping, promising, 
swearing, ete. (neg. μή) 136, 752, 
685 ; by assimilation in rel. clauses 
etc. 755; ν΄. relatives in quot. of 
laws 756; in narration, w. λέγεται 
etc. understood, 757 ; personal and 
impers. constr. w. λέγω, δοκέω, ete. 
754; after verbs of fearing (future) 
372. 

Constructions without the article. 
As appositive 745 ; as subject 745, 
751; as predicate 745; as object 
of verbs 746,—not in indirect dis- 
course 747, 748 (classes of verbs 
taking ord. obj. infin. 747), in ind. 
disc. 751; after noun w. verb 
(equiv. to a verb of 747) 749, 766, 
375; after adject., adv., and nouns 
758-769 (see Contents) ; expr. pur- 
pose 770-775 (see Contents) ; ab- 
solute infin. 776, uses of 777-782 
(see Contents, and Εἰπεῖν, Δοκεῖν, 
Εἶναι), felt as accus. of limitation 
783 ; in commands and prohibitions 
784; in wishes, like simple opt. 
785; in wishes w. at γάρ (Hom.) 
786; in exclamations 787 (also w. 
article 805); w. ὥστε 582-584, 
587-599 (see Contents and Ὥστε) ; 
w. ws (like ὥστε) 608, 609; w. 
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ and ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε 6101; simple 
infin. expr. result (Hom.) 775, ὥστε 
seldom used in Homer 589; w. 
πρίν 621, 626-630 (see IIpiv) ; w. ἢ 
πρίν 631; w. πρὶν ἢ 651; w. 
πρότερον ἤ 653; w. ὕστερον ἤ (once 
in Thue.) 655; w. πάρος (Hom.) 
656; after φθάνω. .. # (once in 
Herod.) 661; infin. expressing an 
apodosis 479, 552. Simple infin. or 
w. μή or μὴ οὐ (also w. τοῦ) after 
verbs of hindrance etc. 807, 809, 
810. Infin. in laws, proclamations, 
etc. 750. 

Constructions with the article. 
As subject w. τό 790; as object 
acecus. w. τό 791, after verbs not 
taking simple infin. 792, sometimes 
in indir. discourse (even w. ἄν) 794 ; 
w. 76 after adjectives and nouns 








ENGLISH INDEX 


795; w. τό in exclamations 805 | Limitation, infinitive of, see Infinitive. 


(see 787); w. subject, object, ete. 


’ 


and dependent clauses, forming one | Moods, defined 1. Finite moods, 


noun w. τό, 806. With τὸ μή or 


τὸ μὴ οὐ after expressions of | 
hindrance, prevention, denial, etc., | 


μή or μὴ οὐ strengthening previous 


negation, 797, 811, 812, also in true | 


heg. sense 813, 814. With τοῦ, as 
gen. after nouns and adject., after 


causal gen., etc. 798; w. rod after 
verbs taking the gen. 798, 793; w. 
τοῦ and rod μή (also the infin. 
alone and w. μή or μὴ od) after verbs 
of hindrance ete., the negatives 





strengthening previous negation, | 


807, 809, 810, also in true neg. | 
sense 808 ; w. τῷ as dative of cause, | 
manner, or means, or following | 
verbs, adjectives, and adverbs, 799 ; | 
w. τοῦ, τῷ, and τό w. prepositions | 
800, 801, article necessary w. pre- 
pos., except w. ἀντί in Herod., 803 ¢ | 
(cf. πλήν, 803°); as gen. w. ὑπέρ 
in final sense 802; in any case 
as appositive 804. 

With or without rod or τό, for | 
object clause w. ὅπως, 361; pres. | 
or aor. infin. with or without τό] 
after verbs of fearing, expr. direct | 
object, 373; with or without τό 
(sometimes w. μή) after verbs of | 
caution 374. 

Depending on verbs which usually 
take participle, not in indirect | 
discourse 903, in indir. dise. 914: 
see Contents for 903 1.8. and 91415, 

Infin. of limitation: w. verbs 
767, 768 (ἀκούειν, ὁρᾶν), 811; w. | 
adject., adv., and nouns 763, 765. 


opposed to infinitive, 1. Dependent 
moods, opposed to indicative, 1. 
General view of 1-18: see Contents. 
Constructions of, enumerated 231. 
See Indicative ete. 


| Narration, imperfect in 35, infin. in 
comparatives, as gen. absol., as 


(sc. λέγεται) 757. 


Object clauses, how related to final 
clauses 303; w. ὅπως and fut. 
indic., subj., and opt. after verbs of 
striving ete. 303, 339, 340; W. ὡς 
in Attic 347; νυ. ὅπως ἄν w. subj. 
348, rarely w. opt. 349, 350; w. ὡς 
and ὡς ἄν νυ. subj. and ὡς ν΄. opt. 
and fut. indice. (Xen.) 3511, νυ. ὡς 
ἄν and ὅπως ἄν w. opt. (Xen.) 351 2, 
w. ws ἄν w. subj. once in Herod. 
347; ν΄. ὅπως after verbs of asking, 
commanding, etc. 355, after δεῖ σε 
360; w. ὅπως and ὡς w. subj. 
and opt. after verbs of planning 
etc. in Homer 341, 342, 343, w. 
ὄφρα (Hom. and Pind.) 345, 346; 

λίσσομαι Ww. ὅπως and ἵνα w. subj. 

and opt. (Hom.) 356, 357; κατανεύω 
ws w. subj. (Hom.) 359. Negative 

object clauses w. μή (Hom.) 352. 

W. ὅπως μή, ws μή 353; w. μή and 

subj. (for ὅπως μή and fut. indic.) 

354. Infinitive (sometimes w. τοῦ 

or τό) for object clause w. ὅπως 

361, 791, 793, 798. See Ὅπως and 

‘Qs, and (for Xenophon’s use of ὡς, 

ws ἄν, and ὅπως dv) Appendix IY. 

For clauses with μή after verbs of 

fearing, see Fearing and Μή. 


766, 769; w. τό 795. Absolute Optative 12-17, name of 720. Simplest 


infin. felt as aceus. of limitation 783. 

Infin. w. μή and μὴ οὐ 815-817 : | 
see Μή and Μὴ οὐ. 

For the uses of the Infinitive | 
with dv, see “Ap. 
Interrogative Subjunctive 287, in| 
indirect questions 677: see Sub-| 
jJunctive. 

Iterative Imperfect and Aorist νυ. dy | 
162, repr. by infin. w. ἄν in| 
indirect discourse 210. Ionic iter- | 
ative forms in -σκον and -oKduny | 
163, w. ἄν 164. See Imperfect and | 
Aorist. 


Likelihood, future, expr. by present 
32, by perf. 51; past by imperf. 38, 
by pluperf. 52. See 61 and 79. 





use, in independent sentences 
without ἄν or κέ, 13, 233 (see 
Appendix I.) ; relation to subj. and 
other moods 12-17 and Appendix 
I. Tenses of, see Present, Perfect, 
etc. ; when primary or secondary 
176-186 (see Contents for these 
sections). Potential (generally w. 
ἄν): relation to potential indice. 
232, to opt. in wish 13,233, 234 ; 
w. no definite cond. implied 235, 
236, w. definite cond. implied or 
expressed 239; expressing mild 
command or exhortation 237, expr. 
what may hereafter prove to be or 
to have been true 238; without ἄν 
or κέ, in Homer 240, w. ἔστιν ὅπως 
ete., even in Attic poets, 241, anom- 





ENGLISH INDEX 459 


alous omissions of ἄν 242; relation | 
of pot. opt. to apodosis w. ἄν (w. | 
opt. in protasis) 239; pot. opt. w. 
ἄν in protasis w. εἰ 409, 458, 506 ; 
retained unchanged ἴῃ indirect 
quotations 6677, 681 (see Indirect 
Discourse) ; in questions of appeal 
(like interrog. subj.), w. neg. μή, 
2927; in apodosis w. indic, or) 
subj. in protasis 503, 504, 505. | 
In final clauses, after past tenses 
14, 317, rarely after primary tenses 
322, 323; w. ἄν or κέ 329, 330 (see 
"Av); in final relative clauses in 
Homer 568, rarely in Attic 573, 
574 (fut. opt.). In object clauses: | 
w. ὅπως, after verbs of striving etc. 
339, after verbs of asking, command- | 
ing, ete. 355; w. ὅπως and ws in| 
Homer after verbs of planning ete. | 
341, 342, 343; w. ws μή (Aesch.) | 
W. ὅπως ἄν and ws ἄν] 
349, 350, 851 3 (see "Av and Object | 
clauses), With μή after verbs of 
fearing 365, 366 w. ὅπως μή (for | 
᾿μή) 370, w. μὴ ἄν 808. | 
In conditions. In future sup- 
positions w, εἰ 16, 455, 456, in Hom. | 
sometimes w. εἴ xe or ef ἄν 460; | 
potential opt. in protasis w. εἰ 409, | 
458, 506; in past general suppos. 
17, 462-466, only once in Hom. 468 ; 
in present unreal cond, in Hom. | 
438, 439, 441 (cf. 739), rarely w. 


κέ or ἄν in past potential expressions | 


or apodosis 140-442 (see Appendix 


1.), similar use in Herod. and Attic | 
443. In protasis, w. fut. indie. ete. | 


in apodosis 499, w. pres. Indic. in 
apod, 500, 501, w. present verb of 
obligation ete. and infin. in apod. 
502; opt. Ww. pres. or past indice, in 
same protasis 509. In _ relative 
cond. sentences: comparison of 
forms w. εἰ 521, 523; in future 
suppos. depending on opt. 531, 
558, w. xé or ἄν and opt. in Hom. 
542; in past general suppos. 532 ; 
alter pres. or fut. in apod, (chiefly 
in Hom.) 554; after present verb 
of obligation ete. (δεῖ, χρή, ete. 
and infin. 555; w. pot. opt. in 
cond, clause 557. Assimilation 
558, 560; after general conditions 
(variable 563. 

In consecutive clauses: w. ὥστε, 


potential (w. ἄν) 602, simple opt. | 
by assimilation 604, in indirect | 
> 


discourse 605; in consec. rel. 


clauses (rare) 579, potential 575 


(end). With ἕως, wntil, in future 
suppos., by assimilation after 
another opt., 6134, rarely w. ἄν 
retained (in indir. dise.) from subj. 
of direct form 6134 (end), 702; in 
past general suppos. 613°; w. final 
force, after past tenses, repr. org- 
inal subj. 6144, 698, w. special 
final force in Odyssey 6147; w. 
eis ὅ xe (once in Hom.) 616; w. 
ἔστε 6173; w. ὄφρα 615. With 
πρίν, only after leading negative, 
622; in future suppos., by assim. 
to leading opt., 643 ; in indir. disc. 
after past tenses, repr. orig. subj., 
644; not always used when allowed 
643 (end), 629, probably never in 
past general suppos. 646; rarely 
w. ἄν retained from orig. subj. 
649, 702. 

In indirect discourse 15. With 
ὅτι or ὡς in quotations of simple 
sentences w. indic. 6671, 669 2, in 
same quot. w. indic. 670; not in 
Homer 671; pres. opt. repr. im- 
perf. 673; independent opt. con- 
tinuing quot. begun by ὅτι or ws 
675; after leading verb only im- 
plying past time 676 ; once (fut.) w. 
ws and οὐ μή 296% With οὕνεκα 
663°, 7101. In indirect questions 
for indic. as in indir. quotations 
665%, constr. fully developed in 
Hom. 671: see Indirect Questions 
(under Indirect Discourse); re- 
presenting interrog. subj. 677, 
dep. on another opt. 679, 186. 
Optative w. ἄν unchanged in all 
indir. quotations and questions 
681. In quotations of complex 
sentences: general principles 689 ; 
opt. w. subj. or indic. in same 
quot. 690; ἄν rarely retained w. 
opt. from orig. subj. 692; past 
tenses of indic. in depend. clause 
of quot. generally retained 689%, 
but aor. rarely changed to aor. 
opt. 693. In single dependent 
clauses of indirect discourse, after 
past tenses, 694,—six cases 695-700 
(see Contents) ; ἄν rarely retained 
from original subj. 702. 

In causal sentences after past 
tenses, expr. cause assigned by 
another, 714, 715, 716; causal 
potential opt. 717. 

In future wishes 720, 721, 740: 
w. no introductory particle 721, 
722, in hortatory sense 725, w. 
οὕτως in protestations 727, w. ws 








460 ENGLISH INDEX 


726; w. εἴθε, εἰ γάρ, or εἰ 728 ; 
pot. opt. in wishes 728, In present 
unattained wishes in Homer 739 ; 
rarely in past (?) wishes 93 (end), 
739 (end). See Appendix I. 


For the uses of the Optative with | 


ἄν, see” Ap, 


Participle as verbal adjective 821. 


Tenses of, as primary or secondary, | 


187-191 :—present 139, as im per- 
fect 140; perfect 142; aorist 143- 
152; future 153. Gnomic aorist 
in participle of indirect discourse 


159. See Present, Perfect, Aorist, | 
and Future Participle. Containing | 
a protasis 472, 841; containing | 
apodosis 479, 552. With ὥστε by | 


assimilation in indir. dise. 607 «, in 
other constructions 607%. In in- 
direct discourse 687, 904: see 
Supplementary participle (below). 
Μὴ οὐ w. partic. 818: see Μὴ οὐ. 
Three uses of participle 822, not 


always distinctly marked 823, 846. 


—Attributive 824-831, Cireum- 
stantial 832-876, Supplementary 


877-919: see Contents for these | 


sections, 
Attributive participle: like adj. 


qualifying noun 824, used sub-| 


stantively w. article 825, without 
article (generally plural) 827, w. 
aduominal gen. instead of obj. 
accus. (poetic) 828; as predicate 
adj. w. εἰμί, γέγνομαι, and éxw 830, 
forming periphrastie perf., plupertf., 
and fut. perf. 831; neut. sing. w. 
article as abstract noun 829¢: w. 
noun, like articular infin. w. its 
subject, 829°, in Homer 829¢. 
Circumstantial participle 832, w. 
neg. οὐ unless conditional 832. 
Expressing time 833, 834. means 
835, manner ete. 856, 837, cause 
838, 839, purpose 840, condition 
841, 472, opposition ete. 842. atten- 
dant circumstances descriptive) 843, 
844 that in. Which action of verb 
consists 845; w. noun in genitive 
absolute 847-850 (see Genitive 
absolute); of impersonal verbs 
(generally partic. alone) in aceus. abs. 
851-854 (see Accusative absolute). 


Qualified by various adverbs of 


time (τότε, dua, εὐθύς, ete.) and by 
οὕτως, διὰ τοῦτο (ταῦτα) 855-858, by 
καίπερ or καί (after neg. by οὐδέ or 
μηδέ), καὶ ταῦτα or ὅμως 859, 860, 
by καίτοι 861; νυ. ἅτε, ola, or οἷον 


| 
| 
i 


862, in Herod. w. ὥστε (in sense of 
dre) 863, 872, w. ὡς 864, 865 (in 
Homer 871), w. ὥσπερ (not con- 
ditional) 867, 874: with ὥσπερ el 
or ὥσπερ ἃν εἰ 868, 870 (see Ὥσπερ) ; 
in Homer, w. ὥς τε, ὡς εἰ, and ws ef 
τε 8691, 870, rarely_w. ὡς 871 (ef. 
873). Ὧν omitted 875: chiefly after 
ἅτε, ola, ws, or καίπερ 875. in 
poetry rarely without particle 875 2, 
W. ἑκών or ἄκων 870 5, w. another 
partic. preceding 8754, Several 
partic. in different cases and constr. 
combined 876. 

Supplementary participle, agree- 
ing w. either subject or object of 
verb 877: two uses of, corresp. to 
two uses of infin., 878. Not in 
indirect discourse 879-901: w. 
verbs signifying to begin ete. 879 - 
W. τολμῷ, τλάω, and μένω 880: w. 
verbs denoting state of the feelings 
881; w. verbs signif. to find, detect. 
or represent 833 ; Ww. verbs of 
perception 884; w. περιορῶ, ἐφορῶ, 
εἰσορῶ, and ὁρῶ 885; ν΄. λαν- 
θάνω, τυγχάνω, φθάνω, and their 
equivalents 887 - 890, S92, 894, 
reversal of constr. of λανθάνω etc. 
w. partic. 893; w, Gauifw 891: w. 
οἴχομαι, ἥκω, ἔρχομαι, εἶμι, βῆ, and 
ἔβαν (βάν) 895; w. πειρῶμαι, πολλός 
εἶμι (γίνομαι, ἔγκειμαι), παντοῖος 
γίνομαι, and ἐπείγομαι in Herod. 
596, w. similar verbs in Attie 897 . 
W. ἀποδείκνυμι ete. S98; Ww. ἀρκέω 
etc. 899; βουλομένῳ and other 
partic. w. dative after εἰμί ete. 900; 
dative of partie. νυ. impersonals 
taking dative (e.g. πρέπει, καλόν 
ἐστινὴ 901. “Ὧν omitted 902. Uses 
of certain verbs of 88. 879-901 wW. 
partic. and w. infin. compared 903, 
In indirect discourse 904, 687, 886 : 
neg. οὐ or μή 6675, 688: agreeing 
Ww. accus. of reflexive pronoun 905 : 
of impersonals in neuter singular 
906 ; νυ. δῆλος and φανερός εἰμι 907 ; 
W. σύνοιδα and συγγειγνώσκω in either 
dative or nomin. 908 ; in dat. when 
used with infin. depending on verb 
w. dat. 909; w. verbs regularly 
taking infin. or ὅτι and ὡς in indir. 
dise. 910; &» omitted 911: w. ὡς 
emphasising the indir. discourse 
916, w. ws after verbs of suying and 
thinking not taking partic. alone 
919: w. ὡς and circumstantial 
partic. in gen. absol. (equiv. to 


indir. disc.) 917, 918. Uses of 


Particular and general conditions dis- 


Perfect, tense of completed action, 19, 





ENGLISH INDEX 461 


certain verbs of § 904 w. partic. and 
w. infin. compared 914, 915: see | 
Contents. 

For the uses of the Participle | 
with ἄν, see” Av. 


tinguished 394-397. 
See Conditional sentences and | 
Protasis. 


20, 42, 102. 
Indicative: primary tense 21, 
170, states present completion 44 | 
may-be expr. by perf. partic. and | 
εἰμί 45, 46, 831, by aor. or perf. 
partic. and ἔχω 47, 831; of certain 
verbs, in sense of pres. 49; in epistles | 
for pres. 50; denoting future cer- 
tainty or likelihood 51. Gnomic | 
perfect 154, 155, not in Homer 155 | 
(end), transf. to infin. in indirect | 
discourse 160. Never w. ἄν 195. | 
In dependent moods, how related 
to present 102. Subjunctive: often | 
expr. by perf. partic. and ὦ 103, in 
protasis corresp. to Latin fut. perf. | 
indic. 104. Optative: not in in- 
direct discourse, often expr. by perf. 
partic. and εἴην 103, difficult to 
express in English 104; in indir. | 
dise., repr. perf. indic. of a leading 
verb 121}, repr. dependent perf. 
indic. or subj. 121 2, Imperative : | 
generally 8rd pers. sing. pass., in 
command that an act shall be de- 
cisive 105, in mathematical language 
106 ; rare in 2nd person 107 ; regular 
in verbs whose perf. = pres. 108 ; | 
periphrastic forms w. perf. partic. 
and ἔστω or ἔστων 105 (end), 108 
(end). Infinitive: not in indir. | 
dise., relation to present 109, re- 
presenting finished action 109, de- 
cisive and permanent action 110: 
in ind. dise., repr. perf. indic. of | 
direct form 122, rarely pluperf. 123, | 
683 ; gnomic perf. infin. 160. Perf. | 
infin. w. Sedov in wishes 734. 
Participle, representing finished 
action 142, 
For the uses with ἄν, see ΓΔν. 





Pluperfect 19, 20, 43 : secondary tense | 


21, 170; states past completion 13; 
may be expr. by perf. partic. 
and # 45, 46, by partic. and 
εἶχον or ἔσχον 48, 831; in sense of 
imperf. 49° ; denoting immediate or 
sudden occurrence 52; w. ἐπεί etc., | 
where aor. is more common, 59; in | 
apodosis w. ἄν how distinguished | 


from imperf. and aor. 410, 413; 
aor. may be used where pluperf. 
would be more exact 58, 413. In 
indirect discourse repr. by perf. 
infin. 123, 683. 


Potential Indicative and Optative : 


see Indicative and Optative, and 
"Av. 


Present 19, 20, tense of continued 


action 23, 87. 

Indicative 23, primary tense (in 
its ordinary use) 21, 170.  Ex- 
pressing present duration 23, rela- 
tively present in indirect discourse 
23 (end), 22; expr. custom or 
general truth 24; as gnomic tense, 
how distinguished from aor. 157 ; 
expr. attempted action 25; past 
and pres. combined (w. πάλαι ete. ) 
26; of certain verbs, in sense of 
perf. 27; of verbs signif. to hear, 
learn, say, etc., of past time, 28 ; 
expr. likelihood, intention, or danger 
32. Present of εἶμι in indic. as 
future (in Hom. also present) 92, 
in dependent moods and partic. 30, 
31. Historic present 33, as secondary 
tense 21, 171. Never w. ἄν 195. 

In dependent moods. Not in 
indirect discourse, how distinguished 
from aorist 87, distinction some- 
times slight or imperceptible 88. 
In indirect discourse (opt. and 
infin.) representing present or im- 
perfect of direct form 115. See 
Subjunctive, Optative, Imperative, 
and Infinitive. 

Subjunctive, generally in future 
sense 89, in general cond. indefinite 
in time 89; first person in exhor- 
tations and (w. μή) in prohibitions 
255-258; w. μή and ὅπως μή, 
denoting what may prove to be 
object of fear, 92. 

Optative. Notin indirect discourse, 
generally future 94, past in general 
conditions 94, 462, 532, distinguished 
from aor. 464; in present unreal 
conditions and conclusions in Homer 
438, 439, once in past conclusion 
(w. κέ) 440; in present unattained 
wishes (Hom.) 739. In indirect 
discourse, repres. pres. indic. of a 
leading verb 116, repres. pres. 
indice. or subj. of a dependent verb 
116°, repr. interrog. pres. subj. 
116%, repr. imperfect 116 4, 673. 

Imperative 89, regular in pro- 
hibitions w. μή 259, 

Infinitive. Not in indirect dis- 








402 


course, w. no reference to time in 
itself 96; distinguished from aor. 
infin. 97 ; after χράω etc. 98; after 
λέγω, to command, δοκεῖ, it seems 
good, ἔδοξε, it is enacted, ete. 99: 
after verbs of hoping, expecting, 
promising, swearing, ete. (in future 
sense) 100, 136. In indirect dis- 


course, repr. pres. indic. of direct | 
form 117, 683 ; after verbs of hoping, | 
swearing, etc., repr. pres. indie. | 
118; repr. imperf. 119, 120, same | 


constr. in Latin 120; as imperf. 


infin. secondary tense 188; repr. | 


iterative imperf. (w. ἄν) 210, 


Participle, ordinary use of 139, | 
as imperfect partic. 140. Attribu- | 


tive pres. partic. may be absolutely 

(though not relatively) present 141 

(ef. 152). With λανθάνω ete. 147 2. 
For uses with ἄν or κέ, see “Ap. 


Prevention or hindrance, verbs imply- 


ing, w. infin. : see Infinitive. 
Primary and secondary tenses: see 
Tenses. 

πω, ὁ ΕΣ cases 
rohibitions : w. pres. imperative an 
aor. subj. 259; in first person w. 


pres. and aor. subj. 255, 258 ; aor. | 


? 


imperative rare in 2nd pers., more | 


common in 3rd pers. 260; w. ὅπως 


7 and fut. indie. 271-277: rarely | 
μή ' 


w. μή and fut. indic. 70: w. οὐ 
μή and fut. indic. (rarely aor. subj. 
297-301: see Οὐ μή. 

Promising, verbs of, w. fut. and νυ. 


pres. or aor. infin. 100, 136, 752: w. 
neg. μή 685, 


Protasis: defined 3878, 380, 520: 


negatived by μὴ 383, peculiar cases 
of εἰ (or ἐάν) οὐ 384-387 - variety of 
forms in early Greek 399; four 
forms of or linary conditions 388. 
389, 390-393, two of present and 


past general cond. 394-397: see 


Contents for 8 402-471. Contained 


in a participle, adverb, ete. 472, 


841, in fut. partic. only in present | 
conditions (8 407), never in fut. cond., | 


473. Without verb expressed : w. 


εἰ δ᾽ ἄγε 474, w. ὡς εἰ in comparisons | 


475, w. εἰ μή, except, «478. w. πλὴν 
᾽ μη, ᾽ Ι 


εἰ 477, w. εἰ δὲ μή (or εἰ δέ), other- | 
wise, 478. Several protases, not 
co-ordinate, in one sentence 510; | 
relation of leading and subordinate | 
conditions here 511. See Apodosis. | 


Purpose, expressions of, enumerated 
338. See Final clauses ete. 


Questions, indirect, how introduced | 





ENGLISH INDEX 


66512; construction of 665%. See 


Indirect Discourse. 


| Quotations, direct and indirect 662. 


Direct quotations introduced by ὅτι 
ΟΥ ὡς 711. For indirect quotations, 


see Indirect Discourse. 


Relative (including temporal) sen- 


tences 514-661 : see Contents. With 


definite or indefinite antecedents of 


relative 515-517; either may be 
expressed or understood 516 >; hega- 
tives in rel. sentences 518, 

With definite antecedent, in all 
constructions of independent sen- 
tences 519. 

With indefinite antecedent, con- 


ditional rel. sentences, in chief 


forms of conditional sentences 520, 
521 (see 398); cond. rel. (like é?) 
takes ἄν or κέ before subjunctive 
522. Cond. rel. w. pres. or past 
tense of indic. in simple supposi- 
tions 525, w. fut. indie. expr. 
prese nt intention ete. 527, seldom 
(or never) in future suppos. 539 ; 
w. secondary tenses of indic. in 
unreal cond. 528 ; w. subj. in future 
cond. 529, in present general cond. 


F.«)6) , 


O32; W. opt. in future cond. 531, 
in past general cond. 532; w. 
indic. for subj. and opt. in 


general cond. 534, seldom in tem- 


poral sentences 535: w. indie, after 


general negatives 536, in paren- 


thetical clauses 5371, subj. in latter 


~~ 


537°. With subj. without κέ or 


ἄν in Homer, more frequently in 


general cond., 9358, same in other 


poetry and (in Mss. rarely even in 
prose 540, 541. Cond. rel. νυ. κέ 
or ἄν and opt. in Homer 542. In 
Homeric similes: ὡς ὅτε (or ὁπότε 

ws, ὥς τε, rarely ὡς ὅτ᾽ ἄν, ν΄. 
subj. 543-546; w. subj. followed by 


pres. or aor. indie. 547: w. pres. or 


subj. and indic., follow ing ws and a 
noun 549. Without verb: ὅ τι μή, 
ὅσον μή (ὅτε μή 1), except, 550, 551. 
Mixed cond. rel. constructions 554- 
556. Potential opt. w: ἄν in cond. 
rel. sentence 557. Assimilation : 
in future cond. rel. sentences 558, 
560; in present or past w. unful- 
filled cond. 559, 560: never in 
simple present or past ΒΤ ΟΞ, 561: 


aor. indice. without subj. 548; νυ. 


w. subj. or opt. in general cond. 
(variable) 563. With δέ in ante- 
cedent clause 564. 





ENGLISH INDEX 463 


Relative clauses of purpose. In 
Attic w. fut. indic. 565, w. neg. 
μή, 566; past purpose expr. by 
imperf. of μέλλω w. infin. 567, 
rarely by fut. opt. 134, 574; fut. in- 
dic. generally retained here 574. In 


Homer w. subj. and opt. 568 (com- | 
pare Latin 569), once w. fut. indice. | 
570, w. potential opt. 570. Subj. | 


not used in Attic 572, pres. or aor. 
opt. rarely 573. Homeric temporal 
clauses w. peculiar final force 571. 
Consecutive relative clauses w. 
indic. (neg. οὐ), like ὥστε w. indic., 


~~ 


575, W. fut. indic. (neg. μή), like | 
ὥστε w. infin., 576; never w. subj., | 


but occasionally w. opt. by assimi- 


lation 579. For consecutive clauses | 


W. ὥστε, ws, and ἐφ᾽ ᾧ or ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε, 
see Ὥστε ete. 

Causal relative sentences (neg. 
οὐ) 580, both causal and conditional 
(neg. μή) 580, 581. 


Rélative time of tenses 22. 
Result, clauses of: see Consecutive 


clauses, Ὥστε, and Relative sen- 
tences, 


Similes, Homeric, w. ὡς εἰ or ὡς εἴ re 


475, 485, 869, 870; w. ὡς, ὥς Te, 
ws ὅτε, ete. 543-549, 


Subjunctive, general view 6-11. Primi- | 


tive use, as simple future, w. neg. 


ov, 6, 284; other uses 7-11. All| 


tenses primary 174; but opt. may 


depend on subj. following a past | 
tense 175. Relation of subjunctive | 


to optative: see Appendix 1. 


First person (as imperative) in | 
exhortations, and in prohibitions | 


w. μή, 8°, 255, generally plural 


256, sometimes sing. (commonly w. | 
lye or another command) 257 ; both | 
pres. and aor. allowed in prohib. w. | 
μὴ 258. Second and third persons | 
not regular in affirm. exhortations | 


258. Aorist subj. (and present im- 
perat.) in prohibitions w. μή in 2nd 


and 3rd persons 259. Independent | 
subj. w. μή and μὴ οὐ: w. μή ex- | 
pressing apprehension (Hom.) 261, | 
w. μὴ οὐ 263, relation of these to | 
dependent clauses w. μή and subj. | 


8°, 262, w. μή or μὴ οὐ after Hom. 
264; w. μή or μὴ οὐ in cautious 
assertions (chiefly in Plato) 265, 


266, same use w. μή in dependent 


clauses 267, in cautious direct 
questions 268, 


Homeric subj. as simple future | 











(w. neg. οὐ) 6, 284, νυ. κέ or ἄν in 
potential sense 285, 2011, 235, 452, 
potential subj. and opt. contrasted 
286. Interrog. subj. in appeals 7, 
287, origin of 288, third person 
seldom, chiefly w. ris, 289; second 
pers. not used 289; neg. μή 291, 
even when affirm. answer is expected 
293. With οὐ μή 9, 294-301: see 
Contents for these sections, and Οὐ 

In final clauses, after primary 
tenses 10, 317, after secondary tenses 
318-321, 703; w. ἄν or κέ 325-328: 
see "Av. In rel. final cl. in Homer 
568, 569, not in Attic 572. In 
object clauses: sometimes like fut. 
indic. w. ὅπως after verbs of striving, 
ete. 339, after verbs of asking, 
commanding, ete. 355; regularly 
in Homer after verbs of planning, 
etc. w. ὅπως or ws (often ν΄. κέ) 341- 
343, w. ὄφρα (Hom. and Pind.) 
345, 346 ; peculiar Homeric and Ν, 
Test. uses w. λίσσομαι 356, 357; 
κατανεύω ws w. subj. (Hom.) 359; 
sometimes w. ws in Attic poets and 
ws ἄν in Herod. 3473; w. ὅπως ἄν 
(Attic) 348; w. ὡς and ὡς ἄν in 
Xenophon 351! (see Appendix IV.). 
Use of sigmatic aor. subj. νυ. ὅπως 
363, Dawes’s canon 364. With μή 
after verbs of fearing, 365, 366, 
sometimes w. ὅπως μή 370. 

In conditions 11. In future sup- 
pos. w. ἐάν, ἤν, or ἄν 444-446, in 
Hom. w. ef xe ete. 450; sometimes 
w. simple εἰ in Homer 458, rarely in 
Attic poets 454. In general present 
cond. w. ἐάν ete. 462; in Hom. 
generally w. simple εἰ 468, some- 
times in lyric poets 469, 470, rarely 
in Attic poets 471. With εἴ xe or 
ἤν, if haply, in case that, in Homer 
487, 491, νυ. ἐάν ete. in other Greek 
489, 490, 493. In protasis w. 
potential opt. in apodosis 505. 

In relative conditional sentences. 
Compared with forms of protasis 
521, 522, 523. In future suppos. 
(rel. w. ἄν) 529, sometimes in 
Homer without κέ or ἄν 539; in 
present general suppos. (w. ἄν) 532, 
generally in Homer without κέ or 
ἄν 538, sometimes in other Greek 
540, 541; subj. depending on 
potential opt. 556. Assimilation 
558, variable in general cond. 563. 
In Homeric similes w. ὡς ὅτε (or 
ὁπότε), ws, ὥς Te, rarely w. ws ὅτ᾽ dy, 





464 


543-547. With ἕως dv, wntil, in 
future suppos. 613%, in present 
general suppos. 6135; w. final 
force, retained after past tenses, 
6141, 698; w. ἄχρι and μέχρι (as 
w. ἕως) 618, w. ἄχρι οὗ and μέχρι οὗ 
619, w. εἰς ὅ κε (Hom.) and és ὅ or 
ἐς οὗ (Herod.) 616, w. ἔστε 617, w. 
ὄφρα 615; w. ἕως etc. without ἄν 
620. With πρίν, only after nega- 
tive sentences, 622, result of para- 
taxis 624; in future suppos. 638, 
in Hom. and Hes. always without 
κέ or ἄν 639, 640, πρὶν ἄν in other 
Greek 642; in present general 
cond. w. ἄν (not in Hom.) 645, 
sometimes without ἄν 648; subj. 
depending on potential opt. 650. 
With piv γ᾽ ὅτ᾽ ἄν, twice in 
Odyssey, 641. With πρὶν ἢ 651; 
w. πρότερον ἤ 653. In indirect 
discourse, retained after primary 
tenses, changed to opt. or retained 
after secondary tenses, 6671, 689, 
694 1, 703, 704. 

For the uses of the Subjunctive 
with dy, see” Av. 
Swearing, verbs of, w. fut. and pres. 
or aor. infin. 100, 136, 752, w. neg. 
μή 685. 


Temporal sentences: see Relative 
sentences. 

Tenses, enumeration of 19, two rela- 
tions expressed by 20. Primary 
and secondary 21, 165-191 (see 
Contents for these sections). Rela- 
tive and absolute time of 22. In 
dependent moods, how distinguished 
85, distinct use in indirect discourse 
and in other constructions 85: not 
in indir. dise., chiefly pres. and 
aor., 86, in indir. disc. tenses of 
opt. and infin. repres same tenses 
of direct form 115 (see Indirect 
Discourse). See Present, Imperfect, 
Aorist, ete. 


ENGLISH INDEX 


Until, temporal particles signifying 


514, 611-661; nature of clauses 
introduced by these particles 611, 
612. See Ἕως and Πρίν. 


Verbal adjectives in -réos and -réov 


(-réa) 920-926: see -réos and -τέον 
for details. 


Wishes 720-740: see Contents for 


these sections. Two classes, wishes 
w. future object and wishes w. 
present or past (unattained) object 
720, 740 ; comparison of Greek and 
Latin uses 740. 

Future wishes. With opt. alone 
721, 722, expr. command or exhor- 
tation (poetic) 725, w. οὕτως in 
protestations 727, w. ὡς prefixed 
(poetic) 726. With opt. introd. by 
εἰ γάρ, εἴθε, or εἰ (Hom. also at γάρ, 
αἴθε) 721, 723, simple εἰ poetic 723 
(end); in Hom. wish sometimes 
followed by pot. opt. (w. κέ or dv) as 
an apodosis 730 (see Appendix I.). 
Tense of opt. in wishes 724, never 
fut. 723 (end), perf. only as pres. 
723. Infin. in future wishes 785, 
w. al γάρ 786. Potential opt. in 
wishes 728. 

Present and past wishes (object 
notattained). With secondary tenses 
of indic. w. εἰ γάρ and εἴθε (never in 
Hom.) 732, particles never omitted 
733, simple εἰ not used 738. With 
ὥφελον etc. and infin. 734, 424, 
only Homeric form for past wishes 
735; w. εἴθε or ef γάρ or μή (not 
siinple ei) prefixed to ὥφελον 734, 
736; Ww. ὡς ὥφελον 737. Present 
wishes in Homer expr. also by 
present opt., generally w. εἴθε or εἰ 
yap, 739, 724; a past wish once by 
at γάρ w. infin. 786: see also 93 
(end) and 739 (end). 


Wonder etc., verbs expr. w. εἰ 494. 


Thucydides, his preference for direct | Xenophon’s use of ὡς, ὡς ἄν, and 


forms in all indirect discourse 670, | 


320 (w. footnote), 
Time of tenses, absolute and relative, 
99 


THE 





ὅπως ἄν 326%, 329%, 330, 348, 351, 
and Appendix IV.; use of subj. in 
final clauses after past tenses 320 
(footnote). 


END, 





PARALLEL REFERENCES 


GOODWIN’S GREEK MOODS AND TENSES. 


——_-0bg¢ oo —_—_ 


SECTIONS OF SECTIONS OF SECTIONS OF SECTIONS OF 
OLD EDITION. NEW EDITION. OLD EDITION. NEW EDITION, 


n. 6. 39, 40. 
Nn. 7. 41. 
Remark before 12. 85-—-88. 
12. 87, 89. 
13. 1. 94. 
y 116. 1—3. 
678. 
116. 4. 
89. 
: 87, 96. 
CuaptTer II. 96. 
98. 
117. 
684. 
100, 136. 
99, 
: 119. 
Rem. 1. 120. 
Rem. ὦ. 120. 
; 138, 139. 
29~—31. 141. 
32. ; 140. 
42. 
43. 
44. 
45, 831. 
45. 46, 


CHAPTER I. 











PARALLEL REFERENCES. i PARALLEL REFERENCES 





ia aide ὧν “eee. OLD EDITION. NEW EDITION. OLD EDITION, NEW EDITION OLD EDITION 
: N. 4 ὦ N, NEW EDITION, 


=~ 
ed 
- 


n. 6. 51, 52. nN. ὃ (@). 
102. (b). 
103. 


NOTE, 179. 


180—189. Section I. 


ee —_ 
. 


183 : ore ons 

: ΟΣ 002, 909, 
tea 184, 186, 804. 
ae 185, Τ 302 
06. "δ, 3 7 ae 2S 

ni a +e 187, n. 2. 305, 306, 
Ji. . 188. ; 217 
108. Ξ 666. 187. 189 ne 
. N. 1, OZ, 


oo 
~~ 





“I -I =I +] 


wt 





122. SF e 5 y : 1% 
109 | ; 00͵ ν. 2. 320... 398. 
9. ‘ ow. 4. 191. , § 299Q 99 
iN ° Oa 0 


9 VOU, 








110. w. 1. 2. 
H 99D 9A 

123. N. 2. o. CHAPTER ITI. sy ci 

2 "1 ς ‘ ἐ ᾽ . ὅ.--9090. 

142. N. 36. | 36. 1, 2. 192. 1, 2. | n. 1. 
9 


ro | ς ‘ i 
53, 54. 3. 53. é 193 
° ve. N. 


a0 
ad 
᾽ 


δῦ. : : 37 95 fo 

ee Ξ , "ΡΥ 195, | (0). 
56, δ7. nw. Σ, . ὥς 196. : 

ΒΩ ς 

3. N. 2. : : - 
nee τ Δ τὰ, me 197. Rem. 
59. N. ὃ. ay Sees O. 198, n. 1. 
θ0. N. 4, ‘ 199, nw. 2. 

61, 62. n. 5 (a). . | 0d. 1, 200, 201. 2. 45, ‘ 

"οὶ Ξ : Ξ ᾿ . | 2. 201. 1. Rem. 3. 

μα n. 6. ° : 201. 1. "1 948...951͵ 
ΟἹ Ξ 39. 202, Nn. § 341—343 
94. ae 902 : win iiiaey 
o : 205. 344, 

05. n. 1. oo. #1. 204, 213, N. 3. 35 
124, 1.8 fe 57. a wae 
125 = omy 518, N. 4. 351, 

25. N. ὃ. os. : 908 : ἄν ae 
εἰν 206, N. ὁ : 355, 356, 358, 
96. 
98. 
101. 2. 2, 249. N. 2. » 209. 
126. nN. l. io, n. 3. ς . 7 yi 79 __9” 
684. N. 2. 4. apa ng , 271 (272—278), 
aah ie Be . : 219. 

* ov. e . . Ὡς o De yy ~~ 
a ; τὰ Ι : ; 275. 

am ts . ° ᾿ ᾽ . μ. bas Υ ὲ ope rsa) 

. Ν, ὅ. 363, 364. 


25 06 βὰ 0,6 
Ww WS 
Φ 


- -ν 
a + nn 2 en κ᾿ 
+ 43 . 


“Ὁ. 














143 oe 365. 
.), Ὗς, . Ve ry » . - Svar al 
144 : . | ‘m, 307, 366. 
1. 44͵ v. 9). 993. δ 
2. 148. 150. | 32. 1. | ν. 1. 90, νὴ μεῖς 
ἢ ’ . Ne Le oi, 
Rem. 147. 2. , 2. ως i τ . 
. - Ne 9), θῶ, 


151. F =. - 2! ὧν ᾿Ξ 
᾿ ἮΝ, 4, 265, 266, 268. 





CHAPTER IV. 





Introductory. 230, 231. 








4 


OLD EDITION. 
n. 8 (a). 
(δ). 

(c). 


Section 


Rem. (a). 
(d). 
δ. i. 
N. 2. 
N. 3 (a). 
(δ). 
(6). 
(d). 
(6). 
Rem. 1, 2. 
Rem. 3. 
n. 4 (@). 
(δ). 
w. 5. 
nN. 6 (a). 
(Ὁ). 


Rem. 1. 

Rem. 2. 

Mi. 

N. 2 (a). 
(δ). 
(6). 
(ἃ). 

Ν. 3 (a). 
(δ). 

2. 

Rem. 

mM 1, 

Ν. 2 (a). 


PARALLEL REFERENCES. 


NEW EDITION. 


373. 
374. 
375. 


II, 

378. 

379. 

381, 382. 
383. 
384—387. 
388—397. 
402. 

403. 

403, 

407, 408. 
410, 411. 
412. 

413. 

435. 

432. 
415—422, 
424, 

425. 

427. 
428, 429. 
415. 
417. 

437. 
409, 506. 
414. 

440, 
438. 
444. 
445. 
446. 
447. 
452. 
450, 
451. 
453. 
454. 1, 
454. : 
455. 
456, 457. 


240 —242, 457. 


458, 506, 461. 


Ε΄ ὧδ 


Ι 


» 





EDITION. 


(0). 


N. ὃ. 


Rem. 
N. l. 
Nn. 2. 
Nn. ὃ. 


n. 4. 
Rem. 


. (a). 
(b). 
ἘΠῚ 
(δ). 


Γ 
.), 


Rem. 


Rem. 


Rem. 


Section 


NEW EDITION. 


440. 

459. 

462. 61. 
466. 1. 
468. 

468—471. 2. 
467, 405. 

472. 3. 
473. 


NOTE. 

Rem. 

NOTE, 

Rem. 

NOTE, 
4, 


Rem. 


Rem. 
“1 





503—505. 
505, 
499—501. 
502. 
508. 


Rem. 1. 
Rem. 2. 


“τ΄ 
509. N. . 


a 


510. 

15, 481, 176 A. tak ἢ 
404, 4096, 

497. 

512, 513. 


513. Ν, 2. 


Rem. 


Rem. 


(δ). 


Rem. 
11. Ν, 9. (a). 
514. (Dd). 
515, 516, n, 4, 
518. nw. 6 
519, 2. 
519. 
§17. 
520, 521. 4. 
520. 


622. 


». 


NOTE, 


Rem. 


OLD EDITION. 


nN. | (a), 


PARALLEL REFERENCES. 


NEW EDITION. 


ocr or on 


» 


cr 
t 


Cr 


cr or 


σι Cr 


cor ot mo 
— δε. 


Cr 


x Ov 


566. 


601. 


613. 1 (615, 617, 618). 











OLD EDITION. 
n. l. 
n. 2. 


NOTE. 
Rem. 


Section 


| 69. 


10, 1, 


Rem. 
2. 

Rem. 1. 

Rem, 2. 

nN. 1 (a). 
(δ). 

nN. 2. 

Ν. 3 (a). 
(0). 


Rem. 1. 
Rem. 2. 
ae 


NOTE, 


NEW EDITION. 
619. 

616. 
613. 3, 4, 
(615, 617, 618). 
614. 
616. 
620, 648, 
613. 2. 
613. 5 (617). 
620. 
611. 
621, 622, 
632—634, 637, 
638, 643-645. 
636, 639, 644. 
626, 628—630, 
647. 
651-654. 
657, 658. 
624. 


ΖΓ. 


662. 
663. 
665, 
666. 
667. 1—65. 
669. 1. 
669. 1 (end). 
669, 2. 
670 (a). 
670 (b). 
672. 
673. 
674. 
675. 
675. 
677. 
678. 
679. 
680. 
681. 
682. 
683. 
684. 
687. 





PARALLEL REFERENCES. 
PARALLEL REFERENCES. 


OLD EDITION. NEW EDITION. OLD EDITION. NEW EDITION. 


74. 1. 689. 1, 2. = 731, 73: 
690 x. 1 73: N. 4. em. 783. 
ε = 


ῶ ἤς 727 N. ὃ. ὃΣ Ν, i. ἐ (9. 


OLD EDITION. NEW EDITION, OLD ED!TION. NEW EDITION, 


692. 


N. 
© € - " 7 ῳ) 72 -- 
689. 8 Rem. Me Ὁ. (50, 18] 


Js 5 





693. | ol. 784. 
691. | Section VII. τὴ κ᾿ D9. | . 785. 
689. 3. | ρ΄. 950, αὖ 54. | 103. 750. 
689. 5. 

£689. 3 (after 

Vexamples). 
694, 
695. 


699. | : : - Ι : 9 y e N. ν . 627—630. 





an in | : 5 : - ᾿ N. ὦ, id », | Ν, ὃ. 651, 655, 661. 
ae Ἰ w. 2. Ξ ᾿ oO. N. 4. 657—689. 

ri | | | ae aa ἡ 765. Ν. ὃ. 656. 

aia | : : : N. Ζ. 0. fem. 85, 86. 

701, 

"(yo ’ * r 
(U2, Section VIII. ὁ } 

703. εὐ ἕω we : 822. 
sy 7. 284. 94, S00 (803). | Rem. 821. 
Rem. 284. ὃ. 1. 798, 799. | 108. 1. 824, 


NOTE. 285, NOTE. 788. . 825. 


CHAPTER VI. 








706. 
709. 
710. 1. 
711. 


287. “- 807. | n. 1. 826. 
Rem. 255. nN. 1 (a). 815. 1. nw. 2. 827. 
“-,Ἰ, 289. (Ὁ). 815. 2, 818, x. 3. g28. 
ton Ῥ᾽ | N. 2. 290. , Rem. 817. ν, 4. 829. 
712. | 294, "νυ 809, 810. - & 830. 
713. | 295. Ὁ. δ11. | n. 6. 830, 831. 
714. _— 
Rem. 715. 
716, 714. 


297. 
Ek 298. 
2 299 
Rem. 
Section | Rem. 2. 
tem. before 82, 
CHAPTER 
Rem, 1. 
Rem. 2. 


Rem. 
Rem. § 
st. 
nN. 2. 


a 


N. ὦ. 





PARALLEL REFERENCES. 


OLD EDITION. NEW EDITION. OLD EDITION. NEW EDITION, 

(b). 860. | ν. 4. 902. 
Rem. 861. | ν. 6. 903. 
n. 6. 875. 1—4. | nN. 7. 831. 
Nn. 7 (Ὁ). 839. | n. 8. 900. 
. 8. 834, 837. | 113. 904. 
867, 868. | n. 1. 907. 
847. | N. 2. 905. 
855—867. | n. 3. 906. 
848, ν. 4. 910. 
849. ν. 5. 911. 
875. 1—4. ν. 6. 908. 
850. n. 7. 912. 

851. ν. 8. 914, 915. 
855—867, 875. | ν. 9. 913. 
853. nw. 10 (a). 916. 
854. (bd). 917. 

876, | (c). 918, 919. 

77, 878. 








Cuapter VII. 


879—885. | 
896, 898. | 114. 920. 
887—891, : 921. 
895—897. 5. 922. 
892. 923. 


899. NOTE. 925. 
879. Rem. 1. 924. 
894. Rem. 2. 926. 














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